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Borderland Research in the Niger Delta: Theoretical and Methodological Challenges of Conducting Field Studies in the Oil-Rich Bakassi Peninsula

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Borderland Research in the Niger Delta: Theoretical and Methodological Challenges of Conducting Field Studies in the Oil-Rich Bakassi Peninsula Borderland Research in the Niger Delta: Theoretical and Methodological Challenges of Conducting Field Studies in the Oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula Olukoya Ogen, PhD Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Nigeria [email protected] Abstract The Bakassi Peninsula was a source of intense conflict between Nigeria and Cameroon especially from 1981 to 2002. Nigeria’s claim was hinged on the fact that the Efik ethnic group of Nigeria formed the predominant population in the Peninsula. It has been proved, however, that the territory lies within Cameroonian territory through the Anglo-Germany treaty of 1913, the 2002 ruling of the International Court of Justice and the 2006 Green Tree Accord. By relying on personal experiences garnered during archival searches, field observations, structured and informal interviews carried out by the author in the Bakassi Peninsula, this study primarily explores the theoretical and methodological challenges of borderland research in the Bakassi Peninsula. The paper argues that the Bakassi Peninsula remains a zone of intense cultural intermingling linking Nigerian and Cameroonian ethnic groups. The paper further emphasises the role of non-state actors in regulating socio-economic relationships in the peninsula and concludes that in reality the Bakassi Peninsula would seem to be a bridge rather than a boundary dividing Cameroon and Nigeria. Borderland Research in the Niger Delta: Theoretical and Methodological Challenges of Conducting Field Studies in the Oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula Olukoya Ogen Introduction The Bakassi Peninsula lies roughly between latitudes 40 25’ and 50 10'N and longitudes 80 20' and 90 08'E. It is an area of some 1000km2 of mangrove swamps, creeks and half-submerged islands located at the extreme eastern end of the Gulf of Guinea (Aghemelo and Ibhasebhor 2006,177). It is located precisely between the Cross River and the Rio del Rey estuaries (Ogbogbo 2002,321) where the warm east flowing Guinea current meets the cold north-flowing Benguela current. On contact, these two great ocean currents form huge foamy breakers thundering endlessly ashore, creating submarine shoals rich in shrimp, fish and other marine resources. As a fertile fishing ground, the Bakassi Peninsula has often been compared to Newfoundland in North America and Scandinavia in Europe (Mbaga and Njo 2007:7). In terms of its extensive reserves of oil and gas, the Bakassi Peninsula is potentially the richest Peninsula in Africa (Mbuh 2004; Mbaga and Njo 2007: 1-8). The coast of the Bakassi Peninsula is estimated to hold oil deposits of hundreds of millions, perhaps even billions of barrels (Nwachukwu 2008). Besides oil, the Peninsula itself is believed to contain several trillion cubic feet of natural gas beds, potentially more profitable than the reserves of crude oil (De Konings 2008,4 n7). United Nations officials who were closely involved in the UN brokered mediation between Cameroon and Nigeria say there are no more than 15,000 inhabitants living on the Peninsula (Ogen 2008a; Isaac 2005). However, a projected estimate based on the 1991 population census in Nigeria gives the Bakassi Peninsula a population figure of 37, 500 (ICJ 1999, 33).The location of the Peninsula is also very strategic. Its positioning in the extreme eastern end of the Gulf of Guinea makes it a potentially effective base for defensive and offensive military operations. The region is also a pathway and indeed, harbours two important seaports- Douala in Cameroon and Calabar in Nigeria. Described as ‘a strategic underbelly of Nigeria’ (Mimiko 2007), the struggle for the control of the Peninsula should, therefore, be viewed as one for the control and appropriation of its natural resources and strategic values (Mbuh 2004: Ogbogbo 2002, 321). The Bakassi Peninsula was a source of intense conflict between Nigeria and Cameroon especially from 1981 to 2002. Nigeria’s claim was hinged on the fact that the Efik ethnic group of Nigeria formed the predominant population in the Peninsula. It has been proved, however, that the territory lies within Cameroonian territory through the Anglo-Germany treaty of 1913, the 2002 ruling of the International Court of Justice and the 2006 Green Tree Accord. This study primarily explores the theoretical and methodological challenges of borderland research in the Bakassi Peninsula. The paper argues that theoretically, the Bakassi Peninsula fits into several theoretical formulations on the nature of African borderlands and that the peninsula remains a zone of intense cultural intermingling linking Nigerian and Cameroonian ethnic groups. The paper further emphasises the role of non-state actors in regulating socio-economic relationships in the peninsula and concludes that in reality the Bakassi Peninsula would seem to be a bridge rather than a boundary dividing Cameroon and Nigeria. The paper is based on historical fieldwork and informal interactions with displaced Bakassians in Calabar, Ikang and Abana on the Bakassi mainland from February 4 to 16, 2008. In addition, archival data was also obtained from the National Archives, Enugu. A variety of primary and secondary literature was also consulted, including scholarly articles and the writings of journalists. Moreover, documents submitted by Nigeria and Cameroon to International Court of Justice at The Hague between 1994 and 2002 as well as the ICJ judgement itself also proved immensely useful. In order to realise its objectives, the paper is divided into several major parts. The first section introduces the discussion, provides a geographical description of the peninsula and underscores the economic and strategic significance of the Bakassi Peninsula. The second part attempts a brief review of the relevant literature while the third part considers the theoretical challenges of borderland research in the Peninsula. This part also situates the analysis within a multi-theoretical framework. The fourth part deals with the methodological challenges of conducting field studies in disputed borderlands such as the Bakassi Peninsula. Finally, the last section concludes the essay. The Current State of Historiography on the Bakassi Peninsula With the exception of the Bakassi Peninsula, the Nigerian-Cameroonian borderlands appears to have been well-researched. Indeed, eleven major partitioned ethnic groups have been identified as straddling the Cameroon – Nigeria borderlands (Adejuyigbe 1989, 31-35) of which the Bakassi Peninsula appears to be the most conflictual. However, apart from a number of general works on the entire Cameroon-Nigeria borderlands (Anene 1970; Prescott 1971; Adeleye 1972; Oduntan 2006; and Konings 2005), academic literature specifically devoted to the Bakassi Peninsula is still relatively sparse. In fact, in a review of the historiography of Nigeria’s borderlands (Akinyele 2007, 143-170), scholarly literature on the Bakassi Peninsula is conspicuous by its absence. Similarly, the comprehensive bibliography on African borderlands (Olanlokun and Ojo 2007, 171-194) reveals that the literature on the Bakassi Peninsula could only be perused from newspaper reports and news magazine articles. The few exceptions to this trend include Asiwaju (1996), who proffers a political solution to the Bakassi crisis in a paper presented at the International Boundaries Conference at the University of Durham. Asiwaju (2009) also focuses on the problems and conflict that artificially drawn borders such as the Bakassi borderlands have created and discusses the claims and counter claims of ownership of the Bakassi Peninsula by Nigeria and Cameroon. Omoniyi and Salami (2004) only investigate identity and identification discourses as captured mainly in news media commentaries on the inhabitants of the Peninsula. Omoigui (2004) is primarily concerned with exonerating the former Nigerian military ruler, General Yakubu Gowon of the widespread allegation that he ceded Bakassi to Cameroon as a mark of Nigeria’s appreciation for Cameroon’s support during the Nigerian Civil War. Mbuh (2004) devotes a chapter to the Bakassi Peninsula in his book on International Law and Conflicts: Resolving Border and Sovereignty Disputes in Africa. From a legal point of view the author emphasises the important nature of the 1913 Anglo-German Treaty. Following on the heels of Mbuh are other works that also situated their analyses within the framework of the legal interpretation and implications of the dynamics of the Bakassi crisis (Milano 2004; Kirchner 2005; Egede 2008; Oduntan 2006). Other works such as Ogbogbo (2002); Mbaga and Njo (2007); Cornwell (2006); Egboka (2005); and Aghemelo and Ibhasebhor (2006), are plagued by glaring contradictions and faulty analyses. These authors did not take into consideration the intricacies of the land and maritime boundaries between Cameroon and Nigeria with regard to the Bakassi Peninsula, rather lumping the land and maritime issues together. Again, these accounts appear to be laced with nationalistic sentiments intended to provide an intellectual rationalisation and justification for Nigeria’s resource-driven territorial ambitions in the Gulf of Guinea. Not only was the history of these important developments distorted, ingenious attempts were also made to re-write the pre- colonial, colonial and post-colonial history of the Peninsula. Methodologically, this development shows the danger of relying heavily on contemporary sources when analyzing historical developments. Of course, the associated arguments derive from the domination the Nigerian print media has exercised over
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