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171 Heritage Journal, 14(2) https://doi.org/10.46538/hlj.14.2.4 August, 2017

Bridging Two Worlds: Experiences of Chinese and Taiwanese Attending Chinese Heritage Schools in Houston

Li-Yuan J. Liao, Defense Language Institute Center Patricia J. Larke, Texas A&M Valerie Hill-Jackson, Texas A&M University

ABSTRACT This qualitative case study presents the reflections of ten Chinese and on their experiences in community-based Chinese Heritage Schools (CHS) in Houston, Texas. Five themes emerged from the in-depth interviews with the participants: (1) self-perceptions of being Chinese/Taiwanese Americans, (2) motivations for learning Chinese, (3) key learning experiences at CHS, (4) perspectives on CHS, and (5) suggestions proposed by the participants.

Keywords: Second-generation Chinese and Taiwanese Americans, Chinese heritage school, Chinese , qualitative research

1. INTRODUCTION education in the U.S. includes mainstream Chinese language programs taught as foreign language courses from K-12 to the university level (Wang, 2007, 2010; Xiao, 2011), Confucius Institute outreach programs in a variety of settings, Chinese Flagship programs from through college levels, STARTALK programs (Wang, 2009), and community-based Chinese Heritage Schools (CHS) (Xiao, 2011). The latter were originally designed for Chinese heritage language (HL) speakers whose mothers and/or fathers had immigrated to the U.S. from Mainland , Hong Kong, or Taiwan. For the purpose of this study, we are using Valdés’ (2000) definition of an heritage speaker as “a student of language who is raised in a home where a non- is spoken, who speaks or merely understands the language, and who is to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language” (p.375).

Numerous quantitative studies have investigated parents’ perspectives on their children’s HL and bilingual language learning experiences (Lao, 2004; Lee, 1999; Park & Sarkar, 2007; Shannon & Milian, 2002; Shin & Gribbons, 1996; Shin & Kim, 1998; Young & Tran, 1999). Other studies have examined the teachers’ perspectives on CHS and the students’ bilingual and HL development (Liu, 2006; Rodríguez, 2007; Shin & Krashen, 1996; Szecsi, Szilagyi, & Giambo, 2015). Yet rarely does research of this subject examine the students’ point of view, including their feelings about growing up bilingual and their experiences attending CHS. Students’ perspectives on CHS were only documented on random online chatting forums (Chris, 2006; Wongy, 2007) and some online reports (Jung, 1998; Macabasco, 2005; Wang, 2012) until the recent publication of Chinese- heritage students in North American schools by Ma and Li (2016).

The present qualitative case study is to explore the views of ten second-generation Chinese and Taiwanese Americans regarding their HL learning experiences at CHS in the U.S., highlighting

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five principal themes that emerged from the interviews with the participants. Ethnic identity development theory provides the basis for the discussion.

2. LIVING IN TWO WORLDS Second-generation Chinese and Taiwanese Americans are U.S.-born individuals whose parents were born in China or Taiwan. Children of new immigrants are often compelled to learn their parents’ , as researchers argue that second-generation Chinese immigrants live simultaneously in two different worlds (Bacon, 1999; Giguere, Lalonde, & Lou, 2010; Tienda & Haskins; 2011). On the one hand, second-generation Asian immigrant children born in the U.S. are Americanized. They assimilate into the dominant American culture, speak English as native speakers do, and are educated according to the tenets of Western philosophy. On the other hand, they are influenced by Chinese culture, communicate with family members in their mother tongue, and adopt their parents’ Eastern disciplines. Luo and Wiseman (2000) described the immigrant parents’ dual expectations that their children master both English and Chinese: by day outside the home, they are in an American English-speaking setting; at home, they are expected to speak Chinese and abide by the cultural customs of their parents. Viadero (1996) describes this as “two distinct cultures…bumping up against one another, forming an invisible wall that stands in the way of learning and communication” (p.14). Sung (1985) pointed out the inherent conflicts of bilingualism and biculturalism for second-generation youths: “the language, ways of thinking, behavior, responses, customs, and fundamental beliefs of the two cultures are poles apart” (p.255). These unexplored conflicts and challenges are the focuses of present study.

3. ETHNIC IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT Ethnic identity development theory provides a hierarchical typology explaining how second- generation HL learners integrate into American society while struggling to hold on to their cultural heritage simultaneously (He, 2010; Tse, 2000). A sense of ethnic identity has been described as the totality of an immigrant group’s feelings about the values, symbols, and common histories that identify them as distinct (Rotheram & Phinney, 1987; Royce, 1982). Their children, whose roots in the home country are not as strong as those of their parents, may go through a process of ethnic identity formation. Smith (1991) described the essential nature of ethnic identity development as providing a sense of belonging and historical continuity.

Tse (1998) proposed four stages of developing ethnic identity in young . During ethnic unawareness, children of immigrants are oblivious of their minority status. In the second stage, ethnic ambivalence, immigrant children begin to realize that they are different from the majority but are uncertain about how to respond to that knowledge, so they tend to adopt and follow the trends of the ethnic mainstream. Stage three, ethnic emergence, occurs when bicultural young people recognize themselves as part of an ethnic group. In stage four, ethnic identity incorporation, few ethnic identity conflicts are still present but young people have embraced their corresponding American identity. The configuration of the ethnic identity stages does not dictate that all bicultural youths develop at the same pace or respond the same way under similar circumstances. Rather, Tse’s stages provide a framework for the landscape of how bicultural young people acculturate in the context of immigration in the U.S.

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4. METHOD 4.1 Context and Participants Besides California and New York, Texas had the third largest Chinese-speaking population in 2015 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016a). According to the latest figures from the U.S. Census Bureau, Houston was ranked the nation’s fourth most populous city; according to the latest figures, its population is estimated to be with 2,303,482 inhabitants (2016b); As of 2015, 155,324 Texans spoke Chinese1 at home (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016a) and 46% of Chinese speakers (71,425) lived in the Greater Houston Metropolitan area (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016c). Students’ experience at CHS in one of the largest metropolises in the U.S. provides valuable insights into their internal beliefs and perceptions of being a second-generation Chinese American immigrant.

Evidence of students not wanting to attend CHS can be found in research, online forums, and local reports (Chris, 2006; Jung, 1998; Wen & Li, 2016; Wongy, 2007). It is not uncommon to read about these students’ reluctance to attend CHS. They often complained about the extra work and time they had to put into something not of their choosing outside their regular school hours. To further understand the perceptions of these CHS attendees, we chose to interview the CHS alumni who were able to reflect upon their experiences rather than current CHS students, who are ineligible for the study.

By convenience (Nunan & Bailey, 2009) and snowball sampling (Noy, 2008), referrals from the CHS principals, parents, teachers, and students, ten Chinese-and Taiwanese-American young adults from five CHS in Houston were recruited in this study. The participants were informed that information regarding their identities and the data they provided were confidential and for research purposes only (participants are identified below as a combination of letters and numbers).

Ten participants were all born in the U.S., including two males and eight females ranging in age from 20 to 35 at the time. They had studied at CHS from seven to thirteen years; the average number of years of study was ten. All the participants stopped attending CHS at some point during or high school, either due to their heavy school workload or the long commute between home and CHS. The participants were coded confidentiality in the study: “S” denotes student, “F” denotes female, and “M” means male.

4.2 Data Collection and Analysis Data were gathered through interviews during which open-ended questions were posted. The questions focused on (a) students’ language use preferences at home and among family, (b) their reasons for attending CHS, (c) participants’ differences attitudes before and after attending CHS, as well as their perspectives on their CHS experience, (d) the value that students attributed to being bilingual, and (e) their suggestions for improving the CHS experience. The audio-recorded interviews lasted from 45 to 90 minutes and all of them were subsequently transcribed by the primary researcher. Then the transcribed data underwent content analysis, in which data were refined and categorized by word frequency that emerged from context to standardize the codes (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Stemler, 2001a) as meaningful phrases, sentences, or paragraphs into content categories (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Stemler, 2001b). After the initial categories were formed, the primary researcher worked with the other two researchers to refine the final categories. These categories were further defined based on their relationships with each other. Once the final

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categories emerged, the clustered categories were re-described as “themes” or larger thematic units (Lincoln & Guba, 2013). Out of the 359 meaning units created, 17 categories were sorted by content. Five themes emerged from the 17 sorted categories: (1) self-perceptions of being Chinese/Taiwanese Americans, (2) motivations for learning Chinese, (3) key experiences at CHS, (4) perspectives on CHS, and (5) suggestions proposed by the participants.

5. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION The categories and themes that emerged from content analysis are presented in Table 1 followed by discussions of each identified theme.

Table 1

Units of Student Data for Identified Themes

Theme Category Units (01) Identity 15 1. Self-perceptions of being (02) Switching in two worlds 24 Chinese/Taiwanese (03) Language preferences 30 Americans (04) Reasons for attending CHS 21 (05) Speaking Mandarin Chinese in career prospects 17 2. Motivations for learning (06) Advantages of speaking Mandarin Chinese as a HL 31 Chinese (07) Being bilingual 19 (08) Learning Mandarin Chinese at CHS 11 3. Key learning experiences (09) Challenges faced learning Mandarin Chinese language 35 at CHS (10) The role of the parents 21 (11) The role of the teachers 14

(12) The role of CHS 17 (13) The value of CHS 32 4. Perspectives on CHS (14) Retrospective thoughts on attending CHS 17 (15) The limitations of CHS 8 5. Suggestions proposed by (16) Suggestions for CHS 24 the participants (17) Suggestions for current and future CHS students 23 Total 359

5.1 Theme 1: Self-perceptions of being Chinese/Taiwanese Americans The U.S. has often been called a melting pot of individuals from a variety of ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. However, that metaphor has been challenged by a vision of immigrants from different backgrounds who consider themselves American but are proud of their heritages, cultures, and languages (Colman, 1981; Saville-Troike, 1976). For example, the study participants used the term ABC (American-born Chinese) to describe themselves and other Chinese- and Taiwanese-Americans like them. This term connotes prestige and superiority in Taiwan because it is associated with much coveted fluency in English and an experience of life overseas.

Participants reported an awareness of a dual identity that emerged from experiences in the separate areas of home, school, and the CHS. For example, participant SF09’s parents were born in Taiwan

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and she travelled there regularly and grew up speaking Chinese; she identified herself as a Taiwanese-American. SF10 viewed herself as partly American; her father was born in Taiwan and her mother in China. She described the culture she grew up in as “in-between” East and West. SF07 noted that when she is around the general public, she often says she is Chinese-American; however, when among Chinese people, she describes herself as Taiwanese-American. According to SF08, her friends at school were European-American girls, which made her feel like she was American, but she knew she was Asian-American because she went to a CHS. Calling on various aspects of identity in different areas sometimes led to confusion over who she was; however, she also had experiences that allowed her to appreciate both her identities: “those few trips back to Taiwan really made a big impact on my life because they really reinforced that I was an individual with dual identities.” She felt that attending a CHS and visiting Taiwan helped her reduce conflicting feelings. According to Tse (1998), these participants are located in stage three, ethnic emergence, in which they embrace their ethnic heritage as well as their membership in the mainstream culture. However, ethnic identity development is likely to be an ongoing process for these CHS students, who travel back and forth between two cultures, and to take place at a different pace for each. As Hall (1990) argued:

Identity is not as transparent or unproblematic as we think. Perhaps instead of thinking of identity as an already accomplished fact, which the new cultural practices then represent, we should think, instead, of identity as a “production,” which is never complete, always in process, and always constituted within, not outside, representation. (p. 51)

Similarly, He (2006) emphasizes that an HL development identity theory is comprised of planes of time, space, and identity.

All study participants affirmed that exposure to Chinese culture had a significant impact on them. They considered developing a comprehension of the culture behind the language equally important to developing written and verbal fluency in the language. “Most of the time, we interpret the world through our own [American] culture and [the English] language” (SF10). However, “instead of just speaking English and living in the American culture, I have another culture I can go to and enjoy” (SF09). SF08 asserted that “a lot of the time, Chinese culture and the Chinese language are interrelated in many ways.” This notion is consistent with Shaul and Furbee’s (1998) proposal in which language is a component of culture. SF08 expanded on this view: Even I don’t understand Chinese culture that much. After I married my husband2 (he grew up in that culture), I now think culture is a part of him. Even my husband and I have a culture gap. We have many late-night talks, and he has to explain the culture to me, the whole history behind all of that. It’s absolutely fascinating. I think a lot of kids get lost because it’s not necessarily taught to the kids when they go to Chinese school. I think that is the really fundamental thing that kids need to learn about, because you can’t really understand the people and you can’t really understand the language until you start to understand all the history behind them.

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SF08’s story parallels to Williams’ (1994) view in that “language…belongs to a person’s whole social being: it is part of one’s identity, and it used to convey this identity to other people” (p. 77). The study participants shared a belief that their language competency allowed them to better express themselves and assisted their transition between the Chinese and American cultures. He (2008) argues that for these HL learners, learning the HL is not simply a matter of inheriting the language and maintaining cultural identity, but it also plays a major role in students’ identity construction.

Table 2

Participants’ Language Use

Language Use Participant Mostly English SF01, SF02, SF03, SM04 Half English & half Chinese SF05, SM06, SF07,SF09, SF10 On special occasions speak Chinese SF02, SF08, SF10

As reflected in Table 2, the majority of participants primarily spoke English but used Chinese in particular speech communities and situations. SF01 indicated that English was her . Participants SF01, SF02, SF03, and SM04 indicated speaking English most of the time at home. SF05 spoke Chinese only with her parents or with other adults who also spoke Chinese. At home, a number of participants preferred to speak Chinese with their parents and English with siblings; for example, SM06 spoke Mandarin Chinese at home with his parents and both English and Mandarin with his sister. At home, the participants generally indicated speaking Chinese with their parents and grandparents and English with their sibling(s). SF05 spoke Chinese with her parents when at home, but not with her sisters.

Shin (2010) and He’s (2013) affirm that switching from one language to another can signal ethnic identity and serve as a resource for their HL socialization. For instance, SF01 spoke to her elder sister mostly in English; they switched to Mandarin Chinese only to share secrets. SF07, SF09, and SF10 also tended to speak with their sisters in English. These participants also reported speaking Mandarin Chinese outside their home environments. For example, SF02 spoke Mandarin at the Chinese cultural events at her college; SF10 attended Chinese church where Mandarin Chinese was used predominantly; and SF08 attended a summer camp in Taiwan as a counselor for what she described as an “unforgettable three months” during which none of the children spoke English. SF08 noted that working at the camp gave her an opportunity to experience Taiwanese culture; she also felt that her knowledge of Mandarin Chinese improved and that she spoke more fluently afterward.

All ten participants gave a similar reason for attending CHS: their parents obligated them to go to Chinese school, as in findings of previous studies (Lai, 2000; Liao & Larke, 2008; Wang, 2009; Zhang, & Slaughter-Defoe, 2009). Participant SF08 shared that her parents were open to the local environment and culture, and they anticipated that she and her siblings would blend into mainstream American society. At the same time, they wanted to give their children the opportunity to learn Chinese language and culture, as SM04 reported. SF10’s parents wanted her to learn

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Mandarin Chinese and maintain her Chinese cultural heritage. About her attendance at CHS, SF09 replied simply: “It’s my heritage.” These findings show that language study was related to families’ desire for maintaining ties with the heritage culture. We turn now to motivation more explicitly.

5.2 Theme 2: Motivations for Learning Chinese Given the political, economic, and cultural ties between the U.S. and China, knowing Mandarin Chinese is advantageous in today’s global workplace (Wang, 2004; Wang, 2007). Several participants (SF01, SF03, SM04, SF05, SM06) in this study expressed the belief that their language skills in Mandarin Chinese would make them more competitive candidates in the job market. SF05 explained:

There’s a chance that maybe when I grow up, people will require me to speak Chinese, and this gives me a better chance of finding a job. When I was young, I didn’t take this stuff seriously…but as I get older, I am like thinking that it’s a possibility I could use Chinese as a part of a way to get a job…China is becoming more capitalistic. It’s up there with the U.S.A. and becoming a lot more powerful. In this sense, many people will want us to speak Chinese, to communicate with Chinese people. When you do business with somebody, usually if that person has the same culture, same background, can speak the same language, and looks similar to you, talks to you, you will feel a little bit more comfortable.

Sharing a similar vision, SM06 remarked:

These days many businesses are moving their employees to China. Since I am already going to college, I’m looking at the benefits [of working in China]; after graduating, I’ll probably work in the U.S. for about three to four years, but then I will have the opportunity to go to China and to get paid more because I know the language.

These study participants realized that their knowledge in Mandarin Chinese might give them a competitive advantage in their near future. They also recognized that this linguistic knowledge was an integral part of their Chinese heritage. SF05 and SM06’s remarks are examples of the way that language can empower their competitiveness in the global workforce.

“The Chinese language has been a very powerful language for almost 5000 years,” said SF10. Languages bridge relationships among friends and family members, as SF01 said: “English is my first language, but I speak Mandarin Chinese to make me feel connected to my family and not be separated.” Similarly, SF05 and SF10 thought that speaking Chinese was important for communicating with their relatives, especially those living in China or Taiwan who did not speak English. Mandarin Chinese as an HL can also increase the circle of Chinese and Taiwanese Americans’ friends. In college, SF10 was able to speak Chinese with several international students from China and Taiwan. She noted that, “It’s very good that I feel like I can connect with them in a very special way, and the can be very deep.” The ability to speak Mandarin Chinese

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can also be helpful to others. SF07 said, “If Chinese students don’t understand English very well, I can translate for them. When there are notes in Chinese or there’s a sign in Chinese, I can translate them for Caucasian people if they don’t understand.” SF07’s willingness to translate for others suggests that she relates positively to bilingualism.

Several studies have positively associated bilingualism with students’ academic performance and intellectual development (Hakuta & Diaz, 1985; Peal & Lambert, 1962; Portes & Schauffler, 1994; Rumbaut, 1995). The participants in this study highly valued their bilingual abilities. Several participants commented on the benefits of knowing another language, including the ability to communicate with more people and the possibility of increased job opportunities.

While being bilingual has many advantages, SF05 pointed out that it is difficult to learn two languages and SM06 declared that “Chinese is [one of] the hardest language[s] to learn.” The high level of difficulty in learning Mandarin Chinese further complicates the challenge Chinese parents face in promoting the studying of the language.

5.3 Theme 3 - Key Learning Experiences at CHS The participants recalled the materials they used in CHS, which included stories, accounts of Chinese customs, textbooks (SM04 & SF09), ancient Chinese poems, and literature (SF09 & SF10). All participants were taught mainly Zhuyin Fuhao, a phonetic of notation used in Taiwan, along with traditional Chinese characters. Because SF05 attended an after-school Chinese program that was more demanding and met more often than on weekends only, she received more emphasis on learning Chinese characters.

For the Chinese HL learners, the most difficult part of learning Chinese is its . Chinese characters are part of a logographic and ideographic system based on meaning (Tan, Spinks, Eden, Perfetti & Siok, 2005). Yin and Rohsenow (1994) affirmed that Chinese characters are one of the most difficult writing systems to master, especially for those who use alphabetic writing system. Moreover, each Chinese character has its form, sound, and meaning (Zhou & Marslen-Wilson, 1999). Therefore, learning Chinese characters involves memorization and recitation of vocabulary (SF10), as well as practice writing the characters (SF09). Memorizing vocabulary and their corresponding Chinese characters can be challenging for HL learners. SM06 said, “Basically, we have to memorize characters; there are thousands and thousands of characters to memorize.” SF07 also stated, “For me, the difficult part of learning Chinese is remembering all the words [vocabulary].” SF05 further addressed the subject. “In the beginning, it wasn’t too bad, I guess. But as we get older, the words [character compounds] become more diverse.” Most study participants concurred that and writing were the most difficult modalities; however, knowledge that students brought to the classroom is likely to have helped them. Tan et al.’s (2005) study found that reading Chinese scripts depends upon a reader’s grasp of Chinese writing. SM06 said that CHS homework helped him memorize vocabulary and improved his overall study habits.

Some participants’ parents and teachers played prominent roles in their children’s and students’ HL maintenance and cultural development. For example, SF05’s parents created an environment to promote speaking only Chinese at home. SF08 and SF10 both commented on their parents’ significant influence on their Chinese- and development. SF08 recalled:

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My parents were considered first-generation overseas Chinese. Since they grew up in Taiwan, Chinese heritage is important to them, and Chinese is their first language. It’s just like all Chinese parents who come from overseas and want their children to learn Chinese…We always had Chinese homework. They took time to make sure we learned everything and also to make sure we understood everything. They were the ones who really supported us and helped us to be successful in Chinese school.

The views expressed by these participants are examples of “parental engagement,” in which family can be a significant source of support, especially for adolescents who are also ethnic and racial minorities (Bartram, 2010; Gardner, 1985; Kenny, Blustein, Chaves, Grossman, & Gallagher, 2003). In particular, studying Chinese as an HL involves a great deal of reliance on parents because of the difficulties of reading and writing.

The participants in this study also discussed their opinions of their Chinese language teachers. SF05 had positive experiences with her Chinese language teachers and she preferred teachers who understood that their students also had schoolwork beyond CHS; she stressed the importance of teachers’ listening to their students. Additionally, she believed that it was important for teachers to understand not only Chinese but also American culture “because they are teaching Chinese in America.” SM06 concluded that the greatest advantage of CHS is exposure to the teachers. His school tried to keep the same teacher with the same class every year to build on the understanding that students had already gained; when a student asked for help, the teacher already knew the best ways to help. SF03 thought a Chinese language teacher should be “patient, helpful towards students, and never give up on her students.” In what follows, we consider participants’ perspectives on CHS.

5.4 Theme 4: Perspectives on the CHS SM06 portrayed his Chinese school as “a way that we could spread the language around. If there hadn’t been a Chinese school, it would have been much harder to learn Chinese because in America most people learn English.” SF07 said that without her Chinese school, she would not be able to speak Chinese as fluently as she does now. Likewise, SF10 believed that she would not be able to read and write in Chinese as well as she does. SF01, SF05, and SF09 pointed out that their CHS provided an environment in which they could speak Mandarin Chinese, and a place where they could be surrounded by the language and culture. Moreover, Chinese school “is valuable for Chinese culture in America” (SM04), and it “provides a cultural link to me” (SF09). SF02 further explained that “going to Chinese school was not only to learn words, but also to learn about the history and culture behind [the language], which is handy and enhances our knowledge.” SM06 added: “Chinese school is a beneficial way for students to learn the language and also about Chinese heritage.” Attending the CHS was eye-opening for SF10. She said that her Chinese classes allowed her to see the world from a different perspective, as if she were looking through the eyes of people from another world. SM06 expressed that more bilingual schools can benefit Americans, resulting in an increasing number of Chinese and Taiwanese Americans who study their HL and can contribute to the growth of the U.S. as a multicultural society.

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As with any other ethnic in the U.S., one function of a CHS is to aid in the transmission of the parents’ HL, ethnic identity, and cultural knowledge to the next generation (Bradunas & Topping, 1988; Lai, 2000). SF08, a second-generation Taiwanese-American and a mother of two third-generation children, had positive experience at CHS and hopes to preserve her community’s unique cultural knowledge and ethnic identity:

The Chinese school was a place to learn about my parents’ heritage and culture and understand where the culture, my parents, and our ancestors came from. Hopefully, one day, it will become part of the heritage and culture that I can pass on to my children.

According to He (2010), the HL takes on the sociocultural function of bridging communication gaps and is useful in identifying and transforming sociocultural groups. CHS in the U.S. can be seen as one of the sociocultural centers where community members feel connected and are able to experience a sense of belonging (Liao, 2011). SM06, SF07, SF09, and SF10 made many new and close friends at their respective CHS. SF09 recalled: “While I was attending Chinese school, it was kind of something like that I had to do, but it was also to see my peers, who I could hang out with and learn something from.” SM06 recalled that his social life extended beyond school: “[My friends from my CHS and I] are still friends now. We spoke to each other in Chinese, sometimes, when we couldn’t explain something in English, especially when we talked about Chinese cultural stuff.” These ideas correlate closely with Tse’s (2000) finding that if a person feels like a member of a group and shares the same language, that person will be better able to maximize language ability.

These CHS alumni have retained their positive views of attending the school, even if they experienced struggles during their attendance. SF01 and SF05 recalled their reluctance to attend CHS; however, since then they have felt grateful for the experience. SF05 said: “When I was young, I didn’t understand why I went to the CHS. I found it took me away from the rest of my life, so I didn’t like it. It’s after school so it’s like having another class basically. But in the long run, it’s been worth it.” SF03 was grateful that she learned two languages, and SM04 did not regret going to the CHS. SF09 implied missing CHS, saying: “It was a lot of fun…Now, looking back, it wasn’t burdensome. . . Definitely, I’d like to learn more Chinese…Chinese school was sometimes boring, but in the end, it’s been useful in my life.” Having a similar experience, SF10 reflected:

I am very thankful for Chinese school actually. When I was little, I didn’t really care… because it wasn’t for a grade. I didn’t study a lot… When I look back now, I learned a lot of Chinese in class. I’m so thankful that my parents took me to Chinese school when I was in elementary school, although I really didn’t really understand why at that time.

Some alumni felt that there were limitations to what the CHS could accomplish. For example, SF08 found that Chinese language school, once a week for two hours, was limiting. These participants appreciated what they learned from CHS attendance and had several suggestions for the CHS, as well as for current and prospective CHS students, which are discussed below.

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5.5 Theme 5: Suggestions Proposed by the Participants Due to their recognition of the importance of Chinese language in the U.S., several former CHS students shared aspirations for CHS that extended beyond their own experiences. They suggested that CHS could serve populations in addition to HL learners. SM06 and SF08 encouraged CHS to identify outreach activities in local communities. SM06 stated:

I think Chinese schools should go and reach out to the larger community. I know that more and more people who learn Chinese are non-Chinese. Most high-class people know how the Chinese economy is going. They want their children to learn Chinese so that when they grow up, they will have a better future. So, the most important [thing] is to educate those people. I think Chinese schools should branch out and help more people in the learn Chinese and have a better future.

SF08 also suggested that the CHS “expand their curriculum and the diversity of their student body” to strengthen their funding. In terms of curriculum design, SF05 and SF09 recommended a conversation-based learning environment. SF09 suggested:

The tests have to consist of less written vocabulary and more actual conversational Chinese, because that is more useful. When I was in Chinese school, I couldn’t remember all the characters because they were not used that much. But I remembered all the conversation techniques possible that I learned…Maybe even make conversation skills part of one’s grade; for example, just sit down and talk to the teacher in Chinese. I would like it because I really need to improve my conversational skills.

The participants, who attended CHS for at least seven years, also gave advice to current and prospective students. SF02 and SF05 suggested that students interested in learning Chinese should attend a CHS earlier rather than later. SF05 noted that “the younger they get exposed to the language, the better and more quickly they learn.” Their suggestions emphasize the benefits of formal HL acquisition at an early age (cf. DeKeyser, 2013). In fact, all participants in the current study received Chinese language instruction from an early age, most beginning at age five or six. SF02, SM04, and SF08 felt that it was a pity that some of their friends had dropped out of their CHS. SF02 noted: “Some of my friends stopped attending Chinese class once we reached middle school. [Once this happens] it’s hard for them to get back into learning the language.” SM04 said that “I have a lot of friends who didn’t keep with it once they turned 10 or 12. They even can’t read Chinese menus.” SF09 would tell current and prospective students to “at least try and take Chinese school seriously, despite the feeling of being forced to go. It will help in ways you can't really foresee during those Sundays that you spend learning Chinese.” In order to make learning Chinese more enjoyable, SF08 recommended incorporating multi-media and pop culture into the curriculum:

Watch Chinese TV and dramas. Chinese and Taiwanese dramas can reveal the feelings and ideology of the people. They explain a lot about how the people

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view their world. I found that a lot of the time there are unspoken things you can see in Chinese dramas, and my husband views things the same way. It helps me understand the people…Expose yourself to different things, such as Chinese art. Take a trip. Go to , because I think all of that will help you in your education on Chinese culture, including the language.

The practical strategy for effective Chinese learning suggested by SF07 was to “pay attention in class and just practice speaking Chinese every day to get better.” SF10 concluded that:

I think [students] definitely struggle in Chinese class. They don’t really focus too much on their grades in class. I would hope that they could be open-minded not just about the Chinese language, but also about figuring out why and how this ancient language has become what it is today. What does this language show about the culture? Try to incorporate discussions of custom and culture into the curriculum, and figure out how to get the students to apply what they are learning to their everyday lives. Otherwise they will just want to finish class and not think about it anymore.

These recommendations are based on the participants’ personal CHS experiences in retrospect. The discussions ranged from the broader vision of vitalizing Chinese language (e.g., LoBianco & Peyton, 2013) and enlarging its capacity (e.g. McGinnis, 2005), to enriching the HL curriculum and self-directed study through different resources. With a deeper HL experiential understanding, these former CHS learners said in all earnestness that they hope the current CHS learners can see the benefits of their HL study and make conscious efforts to attend CHS.

6. CONCLUSION Second-generation immigrants’ socio-emotional needs and psychosocial well-being can be compromised given the complexity of their identities. Thus, they have to wrestle with complicated identity issues and determine how to negotiate living in two cultural worlds. To diminish identity conflicts and minimize the cultural gaps between first-generation immigrants and their second- generation children, it is critical for the first-generation immigrant parents to help their children go through the process of ethnic development. Theoretically, the faster and more adept second- generation immigrants can be at negotiating identities in two worlds, the fewer potential identity conflicts they will face.

Second-generation Chinese and Taiwanese Americans might at times be confused and struggle with having to live in American mainstream milieus and their Chinese or Taiwanese homes. In spite of these difficulties, research indicates that HL schools play an important role in bridging the gap between first-generation immigrant parents and their children by transmitting the HL, ethnic identity, and cultural knowledge (Bradunas & Topping, 1988; Fishman, 1999). CHS attendance played a role in helping the present participants find their place between the two cultures. Moreover, the participants clearly valued their bilingual abilities and accept their dual identities. They expressed being at ease with both their HL environment and the dominant American culture, and being adept at navigating a pluralistic society as well as Chinese and Taiwanese communities.

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According to the study participants, most second-generation HL learners were sent to the CHS by their parents. Several students reported that their Chinese language-learning process was greatly influenced by their parents. The students’ responses suggest that first-generation immigrant parents play a vital role in determining their second-generation child’s successful HL development and learning (e.g. Lee & Shin, 2008; Tseng & Fuligini, 2000). To help their children develop to their potential, parents should not only create a home environment conducive to learning Chinese for their children, but they also must work with CHS teachers.

While the major research questions were based on the researchers’ interests, the findings suggest other questions that future research on CHS experience might address: (1) What are the perspectives of the students who drop out of CHS? For example, did they come to regret having dropped out? (2) Were they able to learn Chinese in other ways? (3) Did their views of their CHS experience change years later? (4) What are the perspectives of non-HL learners attending CHS? and (5) What is the role of CHS in Houston in terms of Chinese language maintenance and how does the CHS experience there compare with CHS in other areas of the U.S. with large Chinese communities?

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This journal article is based on chapter three of Li-Yuan J. Liao’s dissertation, with updated information. We would like to thank Dr. Yvonna Lincoln at Texas A&M University for her insight with regards to the qualitative research methodology. We would like to express our appreciation to Dr. Annie W. Liu at Defense Language Institute for her scholarship recommendations. We also want to extend our gratitude to the CHS students who were willing to participate in this study and provide such rich data through their vivid stories.

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NOTES 1. Under the category of “Chinese” the U.S. Census Bureau includes Cantonese, Formosan, Fuchow, Hakka, Hsiang, Kan, Mandarin, and Wu.

2. SF08’s husband is Taiwanese-born; he came to the U.S. when he was college-aged.

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