Armenian Additions to a Greek Gospelbook: Brescia, Civica Biblioteca, Fondo Querini, Cod

ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK: BRESCIA, CIVICA BIBLIOTECA, FONDO QUERINI, COD. A. VI. 26*

KATHLEEN MAXWELL Departement of Art Santa Clara University Santa Clara, CA 95053 USA

Comparative studies of Byzantine and Armenian illuminated manuscripts invariably highlight the Armenian debt to Byzantium1. Byzantine influence on Armenian illumination can be observed as early as the eleventh century2. The narrative cycle of the Gospelbook of King Gagik of Kars3 (dated 1045-54) reflects the influence of both the Byzantine frieze Gospels in Paris (Bibl. Nat., cod. gr. 74) and the Lectionary in Athos (Dionysiou, cod. 587)4. Byzantine impact on later production may

* This article is based upon a paper presented at the Ninth Annual Byzantine Studies Conference at Duke University in November 1983. I wish to thank Prof. Robert S. Nel- son, Paul M. Sullam, and Alfred Büchler for their comments on various versions of this manuscript. 1 Sirarpie Der Nersessian writes, “The representations of Old and New Testament scenes in Armenian manuscripts are based on Byzantine iconography…” see DER NER- SESSIAN, 1944, p. 71. 2 For a concise summary of Armenian painting, see MATHEWS and SANJIAN, 1991, pp. 52-75. 3 Jerusalem, ms. 2556, Treasury of St. James No. 1. See DER NERSESSIAN, 1984, pp. 85-107; and Narkiss, 1979, p. 32ff. and notes 31 and 32 and the catalogue entry on p. 147 for further bibliography. 4 For reproductions of Paris gr. 74, see OMONT, 1908; and for Dionysiou 587, see PELEKANIDIS et al., 1974, figs. 189-277. In addition, Millet demonstrated that much of the narrative illustration of Erevan, Matenadaran ms. 7651 (circa 1270s - 1320s) was copied directly from the other famous Byzantine frieze Gospels, Florence, Bibl. Laur. VI. 23. Moreover, Millet noted that Laur. VI. 23 was paginated at a later date in Armenian and that Armenian inscriptions are found in the margins of two pages of the manuscript. See MILLET, 1960, p. 569 cited by DER NERSESSIAN, 1963, p. 44, note 105. For reproductions of Mat. 7651, see DOURNOVO and DRAMPIAN, 1967, pl. 53; and AZARYAN, 1964, pp. 48-9 and plates 58, 95, 96 and 97. For Florence, Laur. VI. 23, see VELMANS, 1971. For addi- tional evidence of Byzantinizing tendencies in eleventh century Armenian manuscripts, see IZMAILOVA, 1979, pp. 102-214.

REArm 25 (1994-1995) 337-352. 338 K. MAXWELL

Figure 1. Brescia, Civica Biblioteca, Fondo Querini, cod. A. VI. 26, fol. 14 verso, Matthew. ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 339 also be noted. Buschhausen has recently demonstrated that the majority of the narrative illustrations in the fourteenth-century Armenian Gospels, Vienna, Mekhitharist Library, cod. 242 were created by Greek artists in Armenian service5. In view of the strength of Byzantine influence in the Armenian sphere, it is interesting to note an example that runs counter to this trend. This study will demonstrate that an Armenian artist executed the evangelist portraits of a Greek Gospelbook, Brescia, Civica Biblioteca, Fondo Querini, cod. A. VI. 26. The decoration of the Brescia Gospelbook includes three evangelist portraits (figs. 1, 2 and 3), several headpieces, and two frontispieces illustrating the prologue of Epiphanios6. The manuscript contains no colophon and a review of the scholarly literature reveals considerable controversy regarding its date7. Martini, who first published the manuscript, placed it in the tenth-century8. Since then, most scholars have favored a twelfth-century date, but recently, Galavaris upheld Martini’s tenth-century date. Galavaris observed that the illuminations seem to be part of the original manuscript, but that they exhibit “considerable later retouchings9.” The Brescia evangelist portraits are, in fact, puzzling in the realm of Byzantine production. Nelson addressed the issue of the respective dates of the evangelist portraits and the text more specifically. He maintained a twelfth-century date for the text, but argued that this date could not be applied to the evangelist portraits; their inflated figural

5 This manuscript was produced in the Crimea and contains directives in Greek which are visible through some of the painted backgrounds of the miniatures. See Helmut BUSCHHAUSEN, 1978, p. 144. I am grateful to Prof. Thomas Mathews for providing me with a copy of this publication. For illustrations of cod. 242, see BUSCHHAUSEN and BUSCHHAUSEN, 1976, figs. 24-69. 6 The codex measures 22.5 x 17.5 cm. A color reproduction of the evangelist Matthew (fol. XIVv) and his headpiece is published in TRECCANI DEGLI ALFIERI, 1961, pp. 1024f. (The color reproduction therein enhances the brilliance of the colors. In actuality, the colors are somewhat duller than the photograph would lead one to expect.) See also NELSON, 1980, figs. 35-37 contain reproductions of the two frontispieces and the evangelist Matthew. Fol. XIV (frontispiece) and the evangelist Luke (fol. 97v) are reproduced by MUÑOZ, 1910, pp. 171-9, figs. l and 2. The portrait of John is missing and the preceding quire contains only five folios. 7 For the earlier bibliography, see the entry by MORETTI, 1974, no. 48. The frontispieces have been the focus of recent scholarship; see NELSON, 1980, pp. 60f and note 32 as well as GALAVARIS, 1979, pp. 110ff. and figs. 85-6. 8 MARTINI, 1896, p. 259. Martini noted, however, that fols. V — XI are of paper and were added in the fourteenth century. He also proposed that the liturgical notations in red ink in the margins are in a fourteenth-century hand. See also TRECCANI DEGLI ALFIERI, pp. 1024f where a tenth-century date for the manuscript is given without discussion. 9 See GALAVARIS, 1979, p. 111. Twelfth-century dates were supported by MUÑOZ, 1910, pp. 173-176; LAZAREV, 1967, p. 252, note 51; and MORETTI, 1974, no. 48. 340 K. MAXWELL

Figure 2. Brescia, Civica Biblioteca, Fondo Querini, cod. A. VI. 26, fol. 58v, Mark. ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 341

Figure 3. Brescia, Civica Biblioteca, Fondo Querini, cod. A. VI. 26, fol. 97v, Luke. 342 K. MAXWELL style could only be ascribed to the canon of proportions associated with the Palaeologan period10. Nelson also noted physical evidence indicating that the Brescia portraits were not contemporary with the text and text ornament. The present portrait of Mark is located on fol. 58v; however, on fol. 58r the frame of the original Mark portrait is still visible (figs. 2 and 4). This, and his title, †(giov) Markov, are the only remnants of the original portrait11. An examination of the portrait of Matthew indicates that this folio has been enlarged and also inserted at a later date12. Moreover, the portrait of Luke is distinguished by its ‘muddy’ appearance (fig. 3). It was probably completely repainted as it is located on a folio which is integral to the last quire of Mark’s Gospel. Thus, the Matthew and Mark portraits are later additions to the Bres- cia manuscript while Luke’s portrait was repainted, probably by the same artist responsible for Matthew and Mark. A comparative analysis of the iconography and style of the three Brescia portraits will demonstrate that they were produced not by a Byzantine artist, but rather by an Armenian artist working in the Crimea in the mid-fourteenth century. Evidence that the Brescia evangelist portraits were executed by an Armenian is supported on both codicological and stylistic grounds. Armenian input is indicated in the first place by the presence of a set of Armenian quire signatures, in addition to those in Greek13. The Armen- ian quire signatures in Brescia A. VI. 26 probably date from the period when the manuscript’s present portraits were added (or repainted) thereby necessitating the disassembly of the manuscript14. While many of these quire signatures were obliterated when the manuscript was later trimmed, some are visible starting on fol. 167 at the beginning of quire

10 NELSON, 1980, p. 60. Nelson compared the Brescia portraits to the Matthew portrait of Leningrad 101 (late thirteenth century), but indicated that the Brescia portraits probably date from the fourteenth century. For a discussion of stylistic trends in the Palaeolo- gan period, see DEMUS, 1975, pp. 109ff. 11 NELSON, 1980, p. 61. Nelson also noted that the frontispieces on fols. XIIIv and XIVr “show definite signs of repainting” while the decorative headpieces probably date to the twelfth century; see pp. 60f. 12 The Civica Biblioteca in Brescia graciously permitted the author to examine the manuscript. The clean white border at the top and sides of the Matthew portrait indicates that the folio was enlarged at some later point (visible in the color reproduction in TREC- CANI DEGLI ALFIERI, 1961, p. 1024). 13 The Armenian quire signatures were noted long ago by MARTINI, 1896, p. 259. Paris, Bibl. Nat., codex grec 54, a thirteenth-century, bilingual Greek and Latin Gospel- book, also contains a set of Armenian quire signatures. See MAXWELL, 1986, pp. 13ff. 14 Other fourteenth-century additions to the manuscript have been noted by MARTINI, 1896, p. 259. ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 343

Figure 4. Brescia, Civica Biblioteca, Fondo Querini, cod. A. VI. 26, fol. 58r, original portrait of Mark. 344 K. MAXWELL

KB. Second, while the proportions of the Brescia evangelist figures recall Byzantine products of the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the architectural settings and the palette are atypical of Byzantine production. Compelling parallels for the Brescia portraits are found, however, in fourteenth-century Armenian manuscripts from the Crimea. Numerous documents attest to the presence of a thriving Armenian com- munity in the Crimea in the fourteenth century15 and more than 3000 manuscripts were produced there by Armenian scribes16. The strongest iconographic and stylistic parallels are found in the evangelist portraits of Erevan, Matenadaran 7337 (fig. 5)17. This manuscript was written in Kaffa, a city on the southeast coast of the Crimean peninsula, and is dated to 135218. The Matthew portraits of both manuscripts feature the inflated Palaeologan figural canon and a decorative approach to the architectural setting (compare figs. 1 and 5). Both evangelists are shown seated and facing to the right, as they record the Gospel in their codices. Multi-colored, geometric-shaped panels are stacked behind the figures to create a stylized rendering of an architectural background. Rectangular

15 See MACLER, 1930, pp. 347-376. 16 According to Heide BUSCHHAUSEN, 1991, pp. 184-5. Emma Korxmazjan and Heide Buschhausen are completing a book on Armenian manuscripts produced in the Crimea. The Matenadaran collection contains more than three hundred manuscripts produced in the Crimea; see KORKHMAZIAN, DRAMPIAN, and HAKOPIAN, 1984, p. 30. 17 KORXMAZJAN, 1978, pp. 31-33, p. 114 and figs. 2a and 2b. Matenadaran 7337 is one of five manuscripts attributed to the same hand by Korxmazjan. Only one other portrait from the group is reproduced — the evangelist Matthew of Matenadaran 7598; see EAD., fig. 3. Matenadaran 7598 also dates to 1352 and is from Surxat in the Crimean peninsula. It, too, shares significant parallels with both the Brescia and Kaffa portraits. Judging from the photograph, however, it appears to have been executed (or perhaps, repainted) by a hand inferior to that (or those) responsible for the Brescia and Kaffa portraits. Coincidentally, another Armenian manuscript from Kaffa dated to 1351 was published in the same year as Korxmazjan’s book. Like the five manuscripts in Korxmazjan’s group, the portraits in this manuscript also show three seated evangelists while John stands and dictates his Gospel to Prochorus. Unfortunately, the Matthew portrait was too effaced to warrant reproduction and the poor quality of the photographs of the three other evangelists discourages an exact assessment of their relationship to the Brescia portraits. It does appear, however, to be another member of the group of Armenian manuscripts from the Crimea isolated by Korxmazjan. See RADULESCU, 1978, pp. 293-302 for reproductions of the evangelist portraits of Mark, Luke, and John. 18 Kaffa was a Genoese colony founded ca. 1267, near the ancient city of Theodosia. Marco Polo did not bother to describe Kaffa because “it seems futile and dull to speak of these places where people [Italian merchants] go everyday.” In the fourteenth century it was a “cosmopolitan port where besides Genoese could be found Italians from Ancona, Brescia, Cremona, Florence, Sicily, Corsica… as well as Spaniards, Frenchmen, Greeks, Armenians and Turks.” Quoted from GIES and GIES, 1972, pp. 103f. The domination of western merchants in Kaffa and the eastern Mediterranean in the fourteenth century is discussed by LAIOU-THOMADAKIS, 1980-81, pp. 177-222, especially pp. 190ff. ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 345

Figure 5. Erevan, Matenadaran 7337, Matthew. 346 K. MAXWELL shapes dominate, but cylinders and cones suggest turrets to the left of the figures. To the right a ciborium with a green floral arabesque design supported by three spindly colonnettes balances the turrets. The use of greens and blues, and occasionally scarlet and mauve, for the panels enhances the two-dimensional and ornamental effect of the evangelists’ settings. Color reproductions of the Matenadaran manuscript have not been published, but Korxmazjan indicates that the Matenadaran manuscript and four related manuscripts19 feature dark blue backgrounds and a palette otherwise limited to red, blue and green. No gold is ever used; the evangelists’ haloes, for example, are scarlet20. The same description applies to the Brescia portraits. The iconographic and stylistic similarities between the portraits of the Brescia manuscript and Matenadaran 7337 are striking. This comparison allows us to conclude that the Brescia manuscript portraits are mid-fourteenth-century products executed by an artist fully cognizant of iconographic and stylistic trends of Armenian illumination in the Crimea. The Brescia manuscript was apparently in the Crimea in the mid-fourteenth century21. Its portraits were in poor condition and its owner must have com- missioned an Armenian artist to execute two new versions of the badly flaked portraits of Matthew and Mark, and to repaint the original portrait of Luke. Further evidence of the Armenian origins of the Brescia portraits is provided by an analysis of the architectural settings of the evangelist fig- ures22. Their source can be found in the work of the influential Armen- ian illuminator, Sargis Picak, a prolific scribe and painter from the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia. More than thirty manuscripts dating from

19 See KORXMAZJAN, 1978. 20 KORXMAZJAN, 1978, pp. 32f. 21 The possibility that the additions to the Brescia manuscript might have been made by an Armenian artist living in Italy should be mentioned here. Emma Korkhmazian writes: “The earliest Armenian settlements appeared in Italy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, following an agreement between Cilician and Italian traders which authorized Cilician merchants to open their offices and shops in Italy, and vice versa. Italy became a second homeland for many refugees from Armenia proper who often arrived there via Cilicia. Like everywhere else, Armenian settlers in Italy built houses and churches, and, along with other objects of art and culture, produced illuminated manuscripts.” See further KORKHMAZIAN et al., 1984, p. 31. 22 Mathews notes that buildings with peaked roofs and baldachinos are very uncom- mon in Byzantine art, but practically standard in Armenian production. He writes: “The clusters of buildings introduced behind the evangelists should be taken as abbreviated city-scapes, alluding to the places where the evangelists wrote. According to the … [Gospel] prefaces, Matthew wrote his Gospel in Jerusalem, Mark in Alexandria, Luke in Antioch and John in Ephesus.” See MATHEWS and SANJIAN, 1991, pp. 178f. ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 347

1301 to 1353 have been attributed to him23. Sargis’s innovative approach to the setting of the evangelist portraits probably inspired the provincial conception popularized in the Crimea24. Parallels for some of the motifs utilized in the Crimean manuscripts are apparent as early as 1312 in Sargis’s evangelists. In his portrait of Luke (fig. 6)25 from Jerusalem ms. n° 1949 a similar tendency to reduce architectonic forms to geometric decoration is observed26. The surface of the throne, for example, is presented as a series of squares — each of which is isolated by its individual color and by a motif which emphasizes the individual segment rather than the integral form of the chair itself. Also, above the evangelist is a green ciborium featuring a pattern similar to that in the Matthew portrait of the Brescia manuscript. Noteworthy also, is the source for the palmette at the base of the Brescia evangelist’s throne. Other aspects of the Brescia portraits’ architectural settings confirm the influence of Sargis Picak. The architectural background of the evangelist Mark in ms. n° 561 in the Chester Beatty collection (dated 1329) includes a similarly decorated cupola supported by three colonnettes in a location comparable to that found in the Brescia portrait27. Finally, the portrait of Mark in Sargis’s manuscript no. 16 in the collection of the Mekhitharist Fathers on the Isola San Lazzaro in Venice depicts the bright red curtain which serves to link the left and right sides of the composition in the Brescia and Matenadaran portraits28. Despite these parallels, the qualitative gap between Sargis’s Cilician manuscripts and the Crimean products remains substantial. The Crimean portraits betray their provincial roots in comparison to the acclaimed products of Sargis Picak. An intermediary step between these two extremes may therefore be posited. Manuscript n° 59 in the Mekhitharist Fathers’

23 DER NERSESSIAN, 1936, I, pp. 137ff and EADEM, 1958, pp. xxviiiff, and p. 37, n. 2. For recent summaries, see NARKISS, 1979, pp. 81-87; and BUSCHHAUSEN and BUSCHHAUSEN, 1976, p. 61. 24 DER NERSESSIAN, 1936, I, pp. 158 and 162ff. Der Nersessian also writes that Sar- gis’s reputation extended far beyond the limits of Cilicia. See EADEM, 1958, p. xxxiii. 25 Fol. 183v; for a color reproduction, see NARKISS, 1979, p. 183, fig. 101. 26 See DER NERSESSIAN, 1936, I, pp. 162ff. 27 Fol. 95v; see DER NERSESSIAN, 1958, II, pl. 20. 28 Ms. n° 561, fol. 122v. A black and white reproduction is published in DER NERS- ESSIAN, 1936, II, pl. LXXVIII. The author wishes to express her deep appreciation to Padre Nerses for his gracious cooperation in granting access to this manuscript in June of 1983. Another connection between this manuscript and the Brescia portraits should be mentioned here. Luke in the Brescia manuscript wears a greenish-colored chiton with a bright, orange-red himation featuring a pattern of gold dots that is reminiscent of the portrait of Luke in Sargis’s manuscript no. 16 in Venice. See EADEM, pl. LXXX. 348 K. MAXWELL

Figure 6. Jerusalem, Armenian Patriarchate, Ms. 1949, fol. 183v, Luke. ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 349

Collection in Vienna serves as an example. The Buschhausens have dated this manuscript to the first half of the fourteenth century, but nothing is known of its origin29. The style of its illuminations reflects those of Sargis more accurately than the Crimean group, but the effect is modified considerably by a palette which has more in common with the Crimean manuscripts under discussion. Thus, Sargis’s influence may well have made its way to the Crimea via intermediary manuscripts of this type. To conclude, the codicological evidence, together with the atypical palette, and the stylistic and iconographic affinities with Armenian manuscripts localized by colophon to the Crimean peninsula, allow us to conclude that the three surviving evangelist portraits of the Brescia manuscript were produced by an Armenian artist working in the Crimea in the mid-fourteenth century.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AZARYAN 1964 Azaryan, Levon R., Kilikyan manrankarc¨ut¨yune XII-XIII dd (Cili- cian Miniature Painting in the XII - XIII Centuries), (Erevan, 1964). BUSCHHAUSEN, Heide 1991 “Das armenische und byzantinische Erbe auf der Krim. Die Handschriften des Hochmittelalters”, XVIIIth International Con- gress of Byzantine Studies, Summaries of Communications, vol. I (Moscow, 1991), pp. 184-5. BUSCHHAUSEN, Helmut 1978 Buschhausen, Helmut, “Beziehung der armenischen zur palaio- logischen Buchmalerei im 14. Jahrhundert”, Akademiia nauk Armianskoi SSR, Erevan, Inst. isk.; 2 Mezd. Simpozium po arm. isk. Erevan, 1978, p. 144. [I am grateful to Prof. Thomas Math- ews for providing me with a copy of this publication]. BUSCHHAUSEN and BUSCHHAUSEN 1976 Buschhausen, Heide and Helmut, Die illuminierten armenischen Handschriften der Mechitharisten-Congregration in Wien (Wien, 1976). DEMUS 1975 Demus, Otto, “The Style of the Kariye Djami and its Place in the Development of Palaeologan Art”, in The Kariye Djami, edited by Paul Underwood (Princeton, 1975), vol. IV, pp. 109ff.

29 See BUSCHHAUSEN and BUSCHHAUSEN, 1976, pp. 58-62 and figs. 89-92. 350 K. MAXWELL

DER NERSESSIAN 1936 Manuscrits arméniens illustrés des XIIe, XIIIe et XIVe siècles de la Bibliothèque des Pères Mekhitharistes de Venise, vols. I and II, (Paris, 1936). 1944 “Western Iconographic Themes in Armenian Manuscripts”, Gazette des Beaux Arts, ser. 6, 24 (1944), pp. 71-94. 1958 The Chester Beatty Library. A Catalogue of the Armenian Man- uscripts, vols. I and II (Dublin, 1958). 1963 Armenian Manuscripts in the Freer Gallery of Art (Washington D.C., 1963). 1984 “Évangile du roi Gagik de Kars: Jérusalem, no. 2556”, REArm, n.s. 18 (1984), pp. 85-107 DOURNOVO and DRAMPIAN 1967 Dournovo, Lydia A. and Drampian, R. G., Miniatures arméni- ennes (Erevan, 1967). GALAVARIS 1979 Galavaris, George, The Illustrations of the Prefaces in Byzantine Gospels, Byzantina Vindobonensia, vol. 11 (Wien, 1979). GIES and GIES 1972 Gies, Joseph and Frances, Merchants and Moneymen, The Com- mercial Revolution, 1000-1500 (New York, 1972). IZMAILOVA 1979 Izmailova, Tatiana, Armjanskaja miniatjura XI veka (Armenian Miniatures of the 11th Century) (Moscow, 1979) KORKHMAZIAN, et al., 1984 Korkhmazian, Emma, Drampian, Irina, and Hakopian, Gravard, Armenian Miniatures of the 13th and 14th Centuries from the Matenadaran Collection, Yerevan, tr. Ashkhen Mikoyan (Leningrad, 1984) KORXMAZJAN 1978 Korxmazjan, Emma M., Armjanskaja miniatjura Kryma XIV- XVII bb. (Armenian Miniatures from the Crimea c. 14th-17th Centuries) (Erevan, 1978). LAIOU-THOMADAKIS 1980-81 Laiou-Thomadakis, Angeliki, E., “The Byzantine Economy in the Mediterranean Trade System: Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34-35 (1980-81), pp. 177-222. LAZAREV 1967 Lazarev, Viktor, Storia della pittura bizantina (Turin, 1967). MACLER 1930 Macler, Frédéric, “Arménie et Crimée: Note d’histoire, Notices de manuscrits”, L’Art byzantin chez les Slaves, les Balkans, Festschrift T. Uspenskij, II (Paris, 1930), pp. 347-376. MARTINI 1896 Martini, E., Catalogo di manoscritti greci esistenti nelle bib- lioteche italiane, vol. I:2 (Milano, 1896). ARMENIAN ADDITIONS TO A GREEK GOSPELBOOK 351

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