Linking the Gaza Strip with the West Bank: Implications of a Palestinian Corridor Across Israel Justus Reid Weiner and Diane Morrison
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Lebanon Syria Haifa Mediterranian Sea Tel-Aviv-YafoTel-Aviv-Yafo JerusalemJerusalem WestWest BBankank (Judea(Judea & SSamaria)amaria) za a GazaG I s r a e l Egypt Jordan Eilat Linking the Gaza Strip with the West Bank: Implications of a Palestinian Corridor Across Israel Justus Reid Weiner and Diane Morrison The Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs ®¯¢Ú© ‰È„Ó ¯Â·Èˆ ÈÈÈÚÏ ÈÓÏ˘Â¯È‰ ÊίӉ Institute for Contemporary Affairs Founded jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation © 2007 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel Hai Street, Jerusalem, Israel 92107 Tel. 972-2-561-9281 Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] www.jcpa.org ISBN 965-218-058-0 Production Coordinator: Edna Weinstock-Gabay Graphic Design: Rami & Jacky / Efrat / Lenka Maps: Rami & Jacky Photos: AP Photo, Government Press Office Back cover photo: IDF Spokesman Acknowledgments The authors wish to thank their colleagues, Deborah Norris and Marie E. Yetsin, for their assistance. The authors appreciate the advice and assistance of Daniel Taub, Adv. Table of Contents Executive Summary 5 Introduction 9 I. The Doctrine of Statehood 11 A. The Traditional Criteria for Statehood as Enunciated by the Montevideo Convention of 1933 11 1. Criterion i: A Permanent Population 12 2. Criterion ii: A Defined Territory 12 3. Criterion iii: Government 13 4. Criterion iv: Capacity to Enter into Relations with Other States 14 5. Independence 16 B. Additional Criteria for Statehood 16 C. Additional Criteria for Statehood Suggested as a Result of Modern Developments in International Law 17 1. The Rule of Legality 18 3 2. Self-Determination and Statehood 18 page 3. Statehood as a Claim of Right? 19 D. Recognition and Statehood 19 E. The Criterion of “A Defined Territory” Reconsidered 20 II. Safe Passage 21 A. Origins of Safe Passage 21 B. Terms Defined 25 1. “Territorial Contiguity” 25 2. “Territorial Continuity” 25 3. “Territorial Connectivity” 26 C. Variable Recent Usage of Terms by Prominent Political Leaders and Diplomats 26 D. Suggestions for the Implementation of Safe Passage 27 E. Questions of Safe Passage 32 1. Sovereignty 32 2. Control of Crossing Points 35 III. Israel’s Security Considerations 36 A. Israel’s Right to Self-Defense 36 B. Israel’s Need for Defensible Borders 37 C. Have Technological and Political Developments Made Defensible Borders Obsolete? 39 D. Does Progress in the Peace Process Diminish the Threat of Terrorism? 40 IV. Viability of a Palestinian State 44 A. “Viable Statehood” in Context 44 B. Terms Defined: “Viability” and “Viable” 44 C. Legal Criteria for Statehood 46 1. A Defined Territory 46 2. Other Criteria 47 a. A Permanent Population 47 4 b. Government 47 page c. A Capacity to Enter into Relations with Other States 47 d. Independence 48 e. Modern Developments in International Law 48 D. Examples of Viable Non-Contiguous States 48 Conclusion 52 Notes 56 JCPA Publications 64 The lack of a link between separated territories does Executive Summary not affect whether a new political community should be On March 27, 2007, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza recognized as a state under international law. In addition, Rice reiterated her call for a “viable” Palestinian based on past and present international practice, a state state. Before a viable Palestinian state can come into does not possess an inherent right to a link between its existence, the Palestinian Authority and Israel must geographically distinct areas. In particular, this may be come to certain agreements. It is understood that issues applied to the sovereign link called for by the Palestinians such as the political status of Jerusalem, the question between Gaza and the West Bank. of refugees, Jewish settlements, borders, and security arrangements locally and against long-range missiles From 1948 to 1967 the Gaza Strip was controlled by (and weapons of mass destruction) are fundamental Egyptian military rule. During that period the West Bank elements in any political agreement between Israel and was occupied by Jordan. Thus for almost twenty years, the Palestinians. The idea of a territorial link between there was no connection between these two territories. the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, commonly called After Israel captured these areas in the 1967 Six-Day the issue of “safe passage,” is often overlooked. In the War, U.N. Security Council Resolution 242, which was opinion of the authors this additional disagreement adopted in November 1967 to recommend a resolution must be addressed if the peace process is ever to reach of the final status of the territories, made no mention of a successful conclusion. Safe passage, in turn, raises a territorial link between Gaza and the West Bank. What legal, economic, and security concerns for Israel as well is essential is the control of territory — that the state as for the Palestinians. constitutes a certain coherent territory that is effectively governed.3 International law, traditional and modern, posits 5 that to be recognized as a state an entity must meet The Oslo Accords of the 1990s and specifically the page certain requirements. One is the need for a defined Declaration of Principles outlined the interim self- territory, although there is no prescribed minimum governmental arrangements agreed to by Israel and the size of the territory. Further, it is not a requirement PLO (which would become the Palestinian Authority). that the boundaries of the territory be fixed or certain. These included immediate Palestinian self-rule in Gaza Accordingly, alterations to a state’s territory, whether and Jericho, early empowerment for the Palestinians in by increase or decrease, do not affect the identity of the the West Bank, and an agreement on self-government state or compromise its existence.1 and the election of a Palestinian legislative council.4 Shortly after the DOP was signed, negotiations began What is vital to note is that the criterion of a defined between the parties concerning the implementation of territory does not require that the state possess the first stage of the DOP, which was Palestinian self- geographical unity. Stated in the positive, a state may rule in Gaza-Jericho. These negotiations resulted in the consist of disconnected territorial areas. Thus scores Gaza-Jericho Agreement (Cairo Agreement) that was of states are comprised of a mainland and islands, such signed on May 4, 1994.5 The notion of safe passage is as Australia. In addition, and of particular relevance to first mentioned in the Oslo-era Gaza-Jericho Agreement this monograph, a state may be comprised of separated article on security arrangements, one of four main issues territories between which lies territory of a foreign that the agreement addresses.6 sovereign entity. For example, the United States and its state of Alaska are separated by approximately 500 Today, there is very widespread international support for miles of Canadian territory.2 In fact for the sake of this the creation of a Palestinian state. It is therefore likely that monograph we have identified nine such examples of less will likely be demanded of the nascent Palestinian non-contiguous states, which will be discussed below. entity in terms of adherence to the criteria for statehood. In light of the complex relationship between recognition Arabiya satellite TV station in the Gaza Strip and West and statehood, and the overwhelming recognition a Bank after accusing it of “defaming” Palestinian female Palestinian entity aspiring to statehood would likely enjoy, suicide bombers and their families in a documentary it would probably be recognized as a state in spite of its aired on the station concerning female suicide bombers in not being territorially contiguous. This, even if territorial Iraq, Russia, Afghanistan, and the Palestinian territories. contiguity was a requirement for statehood. Leaflets distributed by Fatah’s armed wing demanded an apology from the station within 24 hours, failing which To reiterate, the lack of a link between separated they threatened to close its offices.9 Such attacks on the territories does not affect whether a new political media are commonplace in the Palestinian territories. community should be recognized as a state under For example, Saif Eddin Shaheen, a correspondent for international law. In addition, based on past and present Al Arabiya in the Gaza Strip, was beaten in 2004, and was international practice, a state does not possess an told by one of his attackers, who identified himself as a inherent right to a link between its geographically distinct member of Fatah, that he would “teach him a lesson in areas. In particular this may be applied to the sovereign journalism.”10 The situation has deteriorated further with link called for by the Palestinians between Gaza and the journalists in the West Bank and Gaza having received West Bank. death threats because of their coverage of the state of lawlessness and anarchy in PA-controlled areas.11 These Palestinian aspirations for statehood are complicated by attacks included the August 14, 2006, kidnapping of Fox their implications for Israeli security. News journalists Steve Centanni and Olaf Wiig. They were held in Gaza for two weeks and forced to “convert” The security threat has been to Islam at gunpoint.12 Even PA security officials have 6 aggravated in recent years acknowledged that journalists are being subjected to a page vicious campaign of intimidation.13 by the Palestinian Authority’s loss of control, in particular, Indeed, Dr. Jamal Majaideh, a prominent political analyst from the Gaza Strip, likened the situation in the over the Gaza Strip. Palestinian territories to “Taliban-controlled areas in Afghanistan and farms controlled by Jordanian-born Waves of anarchy, chaos, and lawlessness have terrorist Abu Musab Zarqawi in Iraq.”14 More haunting, overtaken the area, and according to a senior Palestinian however, is the comparison made by Palestinian official, “[t]he situation in the Palestinian Territories is newspaper editor Hafez Barghouti.