Setanxmeba Zalis Argamoyenebis Sesaxeb: Tbilisi Gzagasayarze

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Setanxmeba Zalis Argamoyenebis Sesaxeb: Tbilisi Gzagasayarze SeTanxmeba Zalis argamoyenebis Sesaxeb: Tbilisi gzagasayarze ivane abramaSvili zviad avaliani 2017 Tqvens winaSea regionuli usafrTxoebis erT-erTi meqanizmis, Zalis argamoy- enebis sakiTxis Sesaxeb qarTul sazogadoebaSi arsebuli midgomebis analizisa da SesaZlo gzebis dasaxvis Sesaxeb Catarebuli kvleva. am masalaze dayrdno- biT Seqmnili moxseneba wakiTxuli iyo 2017w 10-12 Tebervals minskSi, belarusi, Catarebul saerTaSoriso konferenciaze. publikacia momzadebulia regionuli proeqtis „mSvidobis, usafrTxoebisa da stabilurobis axali arqiteqturis mSenebloba samxreT kavkasiaSi“ farglebSi, romelic xorcieldeba didi britaneTis mTavrobis „konfliqtis, stabiluro- bisa da usafrTxoebis fondis“ finansuri mxardaWeriT. publikaciaSi gamoTqmuli mosazrebebi ekuTvniT maT avtorebs da ar asaxavs gaer- Tianebuli samefos mTavrobis oficialur poziciebs. avtorebi: ivane abramaSvili, zviad avaliani redaqtori: nino kalandariSvili Targmani: guram dumbaZe dizaini: qeiT gabrisi tiraJi: 150 ISBN 978-9941-9510-2-2 sarCevi Sesavali .....................................................................................................................4 Zalis argamoyeneba saerTaSoriso samarTalSi ..................................... 5 Zalis argamoyenebis Sesaxeb SeTanxmebis saerTaSoriso konteqsti ..................................................................................5 dnestrispireTi – moldova ..............................................................................5 kosovo – serbeTi.................................................................................................6 CrdiloeT kviprosi – kviprosis respublika................................................. 8 saerTaSoriso gamocdilebis konteqstualizacia saqarTvelos konfliqtebTan mimarTebaSi .............................................. 9 saqarTvelo da Zalis argamoyenebis Sesaxeb xelSekruleba ............ 10 2008 wlis agvistos omi da axali realoba ...................................................... 11 2012 wlis arCevnebi: axali mTavroba, axali midgomebi? .............................. 14 daskvna ........................................................................................................................15 Sesavali muqara da Zalis gamoyeneba saerTaSoriso urTierTobebSi farTod gavrcele- buli praqtikaa, romelic yovelTvis did rols TamaSobda lokaluri, regionu- li Tu globaluri politikuri klimatis formirebaSi. konfliqtebis damangre- veli bunebidan gamomdinare, misi Sekaveba sakacobrio amocanadaa qceuli. Sede- gad, saerTaSoriso sazogadoeba cdilobs, maqsimalurad SezRudos dapirispi- reba da agresia msoflio politikur arenaze. mocemuli naSromi ori nawilisgan Sedgeba. pirvelis mizania, mimoixilos Za- lis argamoyenebis cneba saerTaSoriso samarTalSi da sami konfliqturi re- gionis – dnestrispireTis, kosovosa da CrdiloeT kviprosis magaliTze Seiswa- vlos, Tu ramdenad aqtualuri da mniSvnelovania Zalis argamoyenebis Sesaxeb SeTanxmeba maTi konfliqtebis transformaciis procesSi. mocemuli qeisebi SeirCa ramdenime garemoebis gaTvaliswinebiT: samive konfliqti mougvarebe- lia, dapirispirebul mxareebs Soris arsebobs eTnikuri gansxvavebuloba, samive konfliqtSi SeiniSneba secesionisturi miswrafebebi da samive maTgani geogra- fiulad evropis kontinentze viTardeba; naSromis meore nawili fokusirebuli iqneba uSualod saqarTvelos konfliqtebze da TbilisSi arsebul xedvebze, Tu ra roli akisria Zalis gamouyeneblobis Sesaxeb xelSekrulebis gaformebas misi konfliqtebis mogvarebis procesSi. 4 Zalis argamoyeneba saerTaSoriso samarTalSi Tanamedrove saerTaSoriso samarTalSi Zalis gamoyenebaze uaris Tqma regu- lirdeba gaerTianebuli erebis organizaciis qartiiT, romlis 2(4) muxlis Tanax- mad – „gaerTianebuli erebis organizaciis yvela wevri saerTaSoriso urTier- TobebSi Tavs ikavebs Zalis, muqaris an misi gamoyenebisagan, rogorc nebismieri saxelmwifos teritoriuli xelSeuxeblobis an politikuri damoukideblobis winaaRmdeg, ise gaerTianebuli erebis miznebisaTvis Seuferebeli sxva nebismie- ri saxiT~.1 wesdeba ar ganmartavs, Tu konkretulad ra moiazreba „Zalis“ miRma, magram meore msoflio omis dasrulebis fonze, gaeros daarsebis istoriuli konteqstidan gamomdinare, farTod miiCneva, rom mocemuli cneba gulisxmobs SeiaraRebul Tavdasxmas. amasTan, imis gamo, rom xSirad xdeba „cecxlis Sewyve- tis“, „saomari moqmedebebis ganuaxleblobisa“ da „Zalis argamoyenebis“ cnebe- bis erTmaneTSi areva, aucilebelia maTi gamijvna, vinaidan pirveli ori viwro, droebiTi xasiaTisaa, morgebuli konkretul konfliqtur situacias, maSin ro- ca am ukanasknels farTo da zogadi datvirTva aqvs. gamomdinare iqidan, rom saerTaSoriso samarTlis mTavar subieqts warmoadge- nen suverenuli saxelmwifoebi, kvlevisTvis aqtualuria ganimartos, Tu ramde- nad vrceldeba zemoT mocemuli legaluri CarCo „de faqto“, „TviTaRiarebul“ da „araRiarebul“ saxelmwifoebsa Tu subieqtebze. am sakiTxze vrceli Teoriu- li debatebis miuxedavad, miiCneva, rom de faqto reJimebi nawilobriv warmoad- gens saerTaSoriso samarTlis subieqtebs da SezRuduli saxiT aqvT konkretuli uflebebi da valdebulebebi.2 maTze vrceldeba Zalis argamoyenebis principic3, rasac germaneli akademikosis, iohan froveinis mtkicebiT, safuZvlad udevs gaeros 1970 wlis deklaracia megobruli urTierTobebis Sesaxeb, generaluri asambleis 3314-e rezolucia da saxelmwifoTa praqtika.4 Zalis argamoyenebis Sesaxeb SeTanxmebis saerTaSoriso konteqsti dnestrispireTi – moldova 1990-1992 wlebis dnestrispireTis omis postkonfliqtur fazaSi gadasvlis Semdeg or dapirispirebul mxares Soris araerTi xelSekruleba gaformda. am pe- riodis erT-erTi yvelaze mniSvnelovani SeTanxmeba Sedga1997 wels, moskovSi, romelsac euTosa da ruseTis mxridan win uswrebda sakmaod intensiuri media- ciis procesi.5 1995 wlis 5 ivliss moldovis prezidentma mirCa snegurma da dnestrispire- Tis liderma igor smirnovma xeli moaweres SeTanxmebas ormxriv urTierTobebSi 1 gaerTianebuli erebis organizaciis wesdeba da saerTaSoriso sasamarTlos statuti. ix. http://un- georgia.ge/uploads/UNCharter.pdf 2 Essen, von Jonte. De-Facto Regimes in International Law, Merkourios – International and European Security Law – Vol. 28/74, gv. 49 3 Stürchler, Nikolas. The Threat of Force in International Law, Cambridge University Press, 2007. gv. 124 4 Essen, von Jonte... gv. 37 5 Moldova/Trans-Dniester (1990-present), University of Central Arkansas. ix. http://uca.edu/politicalscience/dadm-project/eu- roperussiacentral-asia-region/moldovatrans-dniester-1990-present/ 5 samxedro Zalisa da ekonomikuri sanqciebis argamoyenebis Sesaxeb.6 imdenad aR- niSnuli dokumenti ar gamxdara mxareebisTvis mniSvnelovani datvirTvis mqo- ne, ramdenadac momdevno vrceli xelSekruleba, romlis erTgvar preludiasac igi warmoadgenda. swored axal xelSekrulebas unda daeregulirebina urTier- Tobebi konfliqtis mxareTa Soris, romelsac mogvianebiT ewoda „memorandumi moldovis respublikasa da dnestrispireTs Soris urTierTobebis normaliza- ciis safuZlebis Sesaxeb“ (igi aseve cnobilia „moskovis“ an „primakovis memoran- dumis“ saxeliT).7 moskovis memorandums xeli 1997 wlis 8 maiss moaweres moldovis prezident- ma luCinskim da dnestrispireTis prezidentma smirnovma, garantor mxareebs ki ukraina da ruseTi warmoadgendnen.8 memorandumis mixedviT moldovis respu- blikisa da dnestrispireTis urTierTobebi erTi saxelmwifos SigniT, yofili moldovis ssr-is sazRvrebSi, unda ganviTarebuliyo. mxareebi adasturebdnen erTgulebas gaeros, euTosa da saerTaSoriso samarTlis zogadi normebis mi- marT da iRebdnen pasuxismgeblobas samoqalaqo mSvidobis, stabilurobisa da usafrTxoebis damyarebaze. moldovam da dnestrispireTma gamoxates mzaoba, „uari Tqvan Zalis gamoyenebaze an muqaraze Zalis gamoyenebis Sesaxeb maT or- mxriv urTierTobebSi. nebismieri uTanxmoeba unda mogvardes mxolod da mxo- lod mSvidobiani gziT molaparakebiTa da konsultaciebiT, ruseTis federaci- isa da ukrainis, rogorc miRweuli SeTanxmebebis Sesrulebis garantori qveyne- bis daxmarebiT; aseve euTosa da dsT-is mxardaWeriT~.9 sainteresoa, rom moskovis memorandumiT kiSiniovsa da tiraspols Soris ya- libdeboda saxelmwifoebriv-samarTlebrivi urTierTobebi da am ukanasknelis statusi unda gansazRvruliyo ormxrivi SeTanxmebis safuZvelze. dnestrispi- reTi aseve monawileobda moldovis respublikis sagareo politikis warmarTva- Si da mas eniWeboda ufleba, calmxrivad daemyarebina saerTaSoriso kontaqtebi ekonomikur, samecniero-teqnikur, kulturul da sxva ormxrivad SeTanxmebul sferoebSi.10 miuxedavad imisa, rom 1997 wlis memorandumi gansxvavebulad iqna interepre- tirebuli kiSiniovsa da tiraspolSi, is mainc fundamentur SeTanxmebad rCeba konfliqtis or mxares Soris, vinaidan man Seqmna myari bazisi samomavlo inicia- tivebisa da TanamSromlobisTvis. kosovo – serbeTi kosovos statusi, serbeTis araRiarebis politika da eTnikurad serbebiT da- saxlebuli municipalitetebis statusi priStinasa da belgrads Soris arsebu- li urTierTobebis mTavari ganmsazRvreli faqtorebia. 2008 wels kosovos mier 6 Галин, Александр. Доверия не заслуживающие. ix. http://materik.ru/problem/detail.php?ID=8433 7 Kosienkowski,M. & Schreiber, W. Moldova: Arena of International Influences, Lexington Books, 2012. gv. 223 8 Memorandum On the Bases for Normalization of Relations Between the Republic of Moldova and Transdneistria, OSCE. ix. http://www.osce.org/moldova/42309?download=true 9 iqve 10 iqve 6 damoukideblobis gamocxadebis Semdeg balkaneTis naxevarkunZulze axali po- litikuri dRis wesrigi Camoyalibda. Sedegad, kosovoelebsa da serbebs Soris dialogma ormagi mniSvneloba SeiZina. 2011 wlis gazafxulze evrokavSirma safuZveli Cauyara belgradsa da priS- tinas Soris oficialur dialogs, romelic e.w „gadaRvris“ (spill-over) principze iyo dafuZnebuli.11 sawyis etapze mas hqonda teqnikuri datvirTva, romelic
Recommended publications
  • Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
    Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • The OSCE and Conflict Management: from Old Themes to New Directions
    PC.DEL/477/10 2 June 2010 ENGLISH only Keynote Presentation for the 2010 Annual Security Review Conference, Working Session II: ‘The Role of the OSCE in Early Warning, Conflict Prevention and Resolution, Crisis Management, and Post-conflict Rehabilitation* The OSCE and Conflict Management: From Old Themes to New Directions Dr. William H. Hill Professor of National Security Strategy National War College, Washington, DC It is a privilege to return to Vienna to the OSCE to provide a keynote presentation for discussion at the Annual Security Review Conference of the role of the OSCE in early warning, conflict prevention and resolution, crisis management and post-conflict rehabilitation. These are some of the most important concerns and areas of operation of the OSCE since 1990. While the political and security landscape in the OSCE area has changed over the past two decades, these fields retain their importance for all participating states, but present new challenges not anticipated when the structures of the fledgling organization were put into place as the cold war came to an end. My understanding of the purpose of a keynote presentation is that ideally it should pose significant questions and provide fodder for constructive and fruitful discussion of those issues. In that spirit, the presentation that follows does not attempt to provide a comprehensive review of OSCE normative commitments or all of the established OSCE mechanisms and procedures ranging from early warning to post-conflict rehabilitation. Instead I begin with an analysis of the historical context in which most of the existing OSCE commitments, mechanisms, and procedures with respect to conflict prevention and resolution were established, reflecting my assumption that one is better able to decide where to go in the future if one has a proper understanding of how one arrived at one’s present position.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova's Uncertain Future
    MOLDOVA’S UNCERTAIN FUTURE Europe Report N°175 – 17 August 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. A CHANGED INTERNATIONAL LANDSCAPE ..................................................... 2 III. NEW PRESSURE ON TRANSDNIESTRIA ............................................................... 4 A. HOW THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ECONOMY WORKS ...................................................................4 B. THE EU’S ENGAGEMENT ......................................................................................................5 C. THE CUSTOMS REGIME .........................................................................................................8 IV. MAKING THE CASE FOR A UNITED MOLDOVA................................................ 10 A. A SPLIT IN THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ELITE? ........................................................................10 B. MOLDOVA’S FLAWED APPROACH .......................................................................................11 C. MAKING MOLDOVA MORE ATTRACTIVE .............................................................................12 1. The EU-Moldova Action Plan .................................................................................14 2. Trading with the European Union ...........................................................................15 3. Attracting (and pressuring) Transdniestrian
    [Show full text]
  • The Next Crimea? Getting Russia's Transnistria Policy Right
    Adrian Rogstad The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Rogstad, Adrian (2016) The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right. Problems of Post-Communism . ISSN 1075-8216 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2016.1237855 © 2016 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68611/ Available in LSE Research Online: December 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL ( http://eprints.lse.ac.uk ) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Title Page The next Crimea? Getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Author: Adrian Rogstad, PhD Candidate, Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Abstract Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in March 2014 sparked so far unrealised international fears that the pro-Russian separatist republic of Transnistria in Moldova might be the next object of Russian territorial revisionism.
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus Moldova
    COUNTRY REPORT Belarus Moldova June 2000 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through our digital portfolio, where our latest analysis is updated daily; through printed subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through research reports; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.20) 7499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery This publication can be viewed by subscribing online at http://store.eiu.com/brdes.html Reports are also available in various other electronic formats, such as CD-ROM, Lotus Notes, on-line databases and as direct feeds to corporate intranets. For further information, please contact your nearest Economist Intelligence Unit office London: Jan Frost Tel: (44.20) 7830 1183 Fax: (44.20) 7830 1023 New York: Alexander Bateman Tel: (1.212) 554 0643 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181 Hong Kong: Amy Ha Tel: (852) 2802 7288/2585 3888 Fax: (852) 2802 7720/7638 Copyright © 2000 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia, the OSCE and European Security
    NNNovemberNovember 2009 THE EUEU----RUSSIARUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW Russia, the OSCE and European Security Issue Twelve CONTENTS Introduction 333 Dr Fraser Cameron, Director, EU-Russia Centre The State of the OSCE 555 Dov Lynch, Senior Adviser to the OSCE Secretary General Can the European Security Dialogue Return Russia the Sense of Ownership of the OSCE? 11141444 Mark Entin, Director, the European Studies Institute, MGIMO University Andrei Zagorski, Leading Researcher, Centre for War and Peace Studies, MGIMO University Russia and the OSCE Human Dimension: a Critical Assessment 22212111 Vladimir D. Shkolnikov, Director of Freedom House Europe Russia and Its Commitments in the PoliticoPolitico----MilitaryMilitary Dimension of the OSCE 303030 Pál Dunay, Faculty Member, Geneva Centre for Security Policy Russia and OSCE Operations in Eastern Europe (Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine) 33393999 Andrei Fedarau, Independent Expert, Belarus Vlad Lupan, Independent Expert, Moldova Olena Prystayko, Research Fellow, EU-Russia Centre Olexandr Sushko, Scientific Director of the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, Ukraine 2 Introduction The OSCE, like the Council of Europe, is a very under-rated organisation. Its strength lies in the fact that it is the only pan-European organisation where both Russia and the US are members, along with all of the members of the EU, and other European states. It is worth recalling the debates leading up to the establishment of the OSCE (then CSCE) in 1975. The Soviet Union placed great emphasis on inviolability of borders and territorial integrity, while the West put its faith in the human dimension. Dissidents all over Europe, especially those behind the Iron Curtain, drew strength from the Helsinki Principles setting out the importance of democracy and human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova's Uncertain Future
    MOLDOVA’S UNCERTAIN FUTURE Europe Report N°175 – 17 August 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. A CHANGED INTERNATIONAL LANDSCAPE ..................................................... 2 III. NEW PRESSURE ON TRANSDNIESTRIA ............................................................... 4 A. HOW THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ECONOMY WORKS ...................................................................4 B. THE EU’S ENGAGEMENT ......................................................................................................5 C. THE CUSTOMS REGIME .........................................................................................................8 IV. MAKING THE CASE FOR A UNITED MOLDOVA................................................ 10 A. A SPLIT IN THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ELITE? ........................................................................10 B. MOLDOVA’S FLAWED APPROACH .......................................................................................11 C. MAKING MOLDOVA MORE ATTRACTIVE .............................................................................12 1. The EU-Moldova Action Plan .................................................................................14 2. Trading with the European Union ...........................................................................15 3. Attracting (and pressuring) Transdniestrian
    [Show full text]
  • In the Shadow of History. Romanian-Moldova
    53 IN THE SHADOW OF HISTORY ROMANIAN-MOLDOVAN RELATIONS Kamil Całus NUMBER 53 WARSAW SEPTEMBER 2015 IN THE SHADOW OF HISTORY ROMANIAN-MOLDOVAN RELATIONS Kamil Całus © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Wojciech Konończuk EDITOR Katarzyna Kazimierska CO-OPERATION Halina Kowalczyk, Anna Łabuszewska TRANSLATION Jim Todd GRAphIC DESIGN PARA-buch PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock DTP GroupMedia MAPS AND FIGURES Wojciech Mańkowski PubLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-65-6 Contents THESES /5 INTRODUctiON /8 I. ROMANIAN-MOLDOVAN RELAtiONS IN A HISTORicAL PERSPEctiVE /10 1. Historical background /10 2. The Bessarabian question in Communist Romania /14 3. Romanian-Moldovan relations after 1991 /16 II. FActORS AffEctiNG biLATERAL RELAtiONS /24 1. The question of identity and language /24 2. The problem of granting Romanian citizenship /27 3. The problem of the Bessarabian Metropolitanate /30 4. The issue of the basic and border treaty /33 III. THE OBJEctiVES AND TOOLS OF ROMANIAN POLicY TOWARDS MOLDOVA /35 IV. ROMANIA’S ROLE IN THE POLiticS OF CHIșINAU /38 V. THE STATE OF ROMANIAN-MOLDOVAN SEctORIAL COOPERAtiON /41 1. Economic and energy cooperation /41 2. Security co-operation /46 3. Cultural and educational cooperation /47 VI. THE IDEA OF UNifYING MOLDOVA WitH ROMANIA /50 1. The revival of the idea of unification /50 2. The current discourse on unification /52 3. Political parties on the problem of unification /54 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Activity of the Business Community in the Transnistrian Region in the Conditions of the Unsettled Conflict
    Activity of the business community in the Transnistrian region in the conditions of the unsettled conflict Author Valeriu Chiveri June 2016 1 Table of contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Trade activity of Transnistrian economic operators ...................................................................... 4 1.1 Customs stamp “story” ...................................................................................................... 4 1.2 Registration of Transnistrian companies ......................................................................... 5 1.3 Current economic and trade situation of the region ........................................................ 6 2. Working groups on confidence building ......................................................................................... 8 3. DCFTA as a part of Association Agreement RM-EU: opportunities for the reintegration .................................................................................................................................... 9 3.1 Background for negotiations ............................................................................................. 9 3.2 Approaches of the parties involved ................................................................................ 11 3.2.1 The European Union .............................................................................................. 12 3.2.2 The Republic of Moldova
    [Show full text]
  • What Kind of Settlement for the Transnistria Conflict? Options and Guarantees
    What kind of settlement for the Transnistria Conflict? Options and Guarantees Stefan Wolff [email protected] | www.stefanwolff.com | @stefwolff Introduction The conflict over Transnistria is a territorial dispute between two conflict parties: Transnistria and Moldova. At the heart of the conflict are questions of sovereignty and territorial integrity, self- governance and joint governance, and appropriate guarantees for both a process of settlement and a final settlement itself. For close to two decades, the situation has been stagnant: a ceasefire agreement signed in 1992 in Moscow between the Russian and Moldovan presidents at the time— Yeltsin and Snegur—established a trilateral peacekeeping mission (Russia, Moldova, Transnistria, later joined by Ukraine) and a security zone along the Dniestr/Nistru River. Protected by these arrangements and a continuing Russian military presence, Transnistria has developed into a de-facto state of its own, albeit without international recognition and heavily dependent on Russia. In its core parameters, the conflict over Transnistria is not unique, and similar conflicts have been resolved successfully in the past. This experience suggests that any attempt to break the continuing deadlock and move toward a sustainable settlement short of changing currently recognised international boundaries has to provide a framework for a stable relationship between Transnistria and the rest of Moldova. Such a framework needs to account for the territorial status of Transnistria within Moldova (also bearing in mind the status of the existing Gagauz Autonomous Territorial Unit and possibly the status of the city of Bender, currently located in the security zone), the distribution of powers between Chisinau and Tiraspol, and the degree to which to which the two sides share power at the centre.
    [Show full text]
  • The Visible Effects of an Invisible Constitution: the Contested State of Transdniestria's Search for Recognition Through International Negotiations
    Maurer School of Law: Indiana University Digital Repository @ Maurer Law Theses and Dissertations Student Scholarship 7-2014 The Visible Effects of an Invisible Constitution: The Contested State of Transdniestria's Search for Recognition through International Negotiations Nadejda Mazur Indiana University Maurer School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/etd Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Mazur, Nadejda, "The Visible Effects of an Invisible Constitution: The Contested State of Transdniestria's Search for Recognition through International Negotiations" (2014). Theses and Dissertations. 6. https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/etd/6 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE VISIBLE EFFECTS OF AN INVISIBLE CONSTITUTION: THE CONTESTED STATE OF TRANSDNIESTRIA’S SEARCH FOR RECOGNITION THROUGH INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATIONS Nadejda Mazur Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Maurer School of Law, Indiana University July 2014 Accepted by the faculty, Indiana University Maurer School of Law, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Doctoral Committee Timothy W. Waters Professor of Law David C. Williams John S. Hastings Professor of Law Susan H. Williams Walter W.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Security Order at Risk Gustav C
    The European Security Order At Risk Gustav C. Gressel When the former Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe was expanded to become the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) by the Paris Charter, some in Europe hoped – or dreamed – that the new organisa- tion would bridge the gaps between the former camps of the Cold War: the Western (European) nations on the one side, and the Soviet Union (USSR) and the former Communist countries on the other side. Since then a lot has been written about whose fault it was that this dream never became reality. The truth is that the OSCE is unlikely to become a framework for a common European security architecture, as the consensus on how to interpret the new order fell apart over the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991, possibly never to be reached again. Since then, Europe is divided into a functioning economic and security system provided by the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the more or less dysfunctional and impractical hegemonic projects designed in Moscow. It is important to stress that these differences emerged before the big interna- tional crises over Ukraine (2014), Georgia (2008), and Kosovo (1999) brought them to the surface. They are not just the making of the Putin regime and its attempts to improve its legitimacy by spinning reality in ethno-chauvinist and militarist terms (although it was of great use in stabilising the regime). The Russian interpretation of the Paris Charter is supported by large segments of the Soviet elite (which became the post-Soviet Russian elites) and the Russian Orthodox Church (the only new so- cietal faction that rose to elite status after 1991).
    [Show full text]