What Kind of Settlement for the Transnistria Conflict? Options and Guarantees
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Electoral Code of the Republic of Moldova
CENTRAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION ELECTORAL CODE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA 2019 1 Unofficial translation ELECTORAL CODE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Chişinău – 2019 2 Electoral Code No. 1381-XIII of 21.11.1997 Published: Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova No.81, Art. No.: 667 of 08.12.1997 Entered into force: 08.12.1997 Amended and completed by the Laws of the Republic of Moldova: Law No. 302 of 30.11.2018 – Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 462-467, Art. 778, in force from 12.12.2018; Law No. 271 of 23.11.2018 – Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 441-447, Art. 717, in force from 01.12.2018; Law No. 268 of 23.11.2018 – Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 467-479, Art. 792, in force from 14.12.2018; Law No. 238 of 08.11.2018 – Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 441-447, Art. 709, in force from 30.12.2018; Constitutional Court Decision No. 25 of 11.10.2018 – Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 424-429, Art.148, in force from 11.10.2018; Law No. 172 of 27.07.2018 - Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 321-332, Art. 529, in force from 24.08.2018; Law No. 79 of 24.05.2018 - Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. 195-209, Art. 338, in force from 15.06.2018; Law No. 74 of 26.04.2018 - Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, 2018, No. -
International Election Observation Mission to Moldova Parliamentary Elections of 24 February 2019
ENEMO EOM to Armenia, Early Parliamentary Elections 201 8 International Election Observation Mission to Moldova Parliamentary Elections of 24 February 2019 International Election Observation Mission to Moldova FINAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 24 FEBRUARY 2019 MOLDOV A 2019 The English version of this report is 1 1 2 International Election Observation Mission to Moldova Parliamentary Elections of 24 February 2019 International Election Observation Mission to Moldova Parliamentary Elections of 24 February 2019 FINAL REPORT April 2019 The English version of this report is the only official document of ENEMO EOM. 3 ENEMO European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations International Observation Mission to Moldova Parliamentary Elections, 24 February 2019 EUROPEAN NETWORK OF ELECTION MONITORING ORGANIZATIONS ENEMO Bul. Josipa Broza 23A 81 000 Podgorica, Montenegro e-mail: [email protected] www.enemo.eu Published by: ENEMO - European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations The EOM of ENEMO for the 2019 Parliamentary Elections in Moldova is financially supported by: the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands; Sweden; the National Endowment Foundation of US Congress, through the National Democratic Institute; and the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of ENEMO and do not necessarily reflect the views of the donors! 4 International Election Observation Mission to Moldova Parliamentary Elections of 24 February 2019 CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 Introduction and acknowledgments 11 I. Background 13 II. Legal framework and electoral system 15 III. Election management bodies 20 Central Election Commission (CEC) 20 Constituency Electoral Councils (CoECs) 23 Polling Stations (PS) and Precinct Electoral Buraus (PEB) 24 IV. Candidate registration 27 Candidate registration for the national constituency 28 Candidate registration for single mandate constituencies 29 V. -
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict Over Transnistria
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Stefan Wolff ECMI WORKING PAPER #51 November 2011 ECMI- Working Paper The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2011 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Any meaningful consideration of guarantee options requires some assumptions about the nature of the underlying settlement. With this in mind, the following discussion draws on comparative experience in two ways. First, it considers the nature of the conflict over Transnistria in a broader context of similar conflicts elsewhere in order to establish the likely dimensions of a settlement. -
The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Popescu, Nico The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 10, enero, 2006, pp. 247-254 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701015 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Nº 10 (Enero / January 2006) THE EU AND TRANSNISTRIA AUTHOR:1 NICO POPESCU Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels Introduction EU thinking, assessments and policies towards the conflict in Transnistria have evolved quickly. The turning point towards a more active role occurred in late 2002. Since then, the EU has stepped up its attention and actions. The EU now raises constantly the Transnistria issue in relations with Russia and Ukraine. The Union has also used an array of CFSP instruments to support the conflict resolution process – these have included appointing a EU Special Representative, introducing a travel ban against the Transnistrian leadership, as well as envisaging common actions under its ENP Action Plans with Moldova and Ukraine on conflict resolution in Transnistria. 1. Why More EU Engagement? First, because of enlargement. A 2002 Commission paper on EU approaches to Moldova stated: ‘Moldova’s stability clearly matters to the EU. Within a few years, Moldova will be on the borders of an enlarged EU. It has been destabilised by weak government, armed conflict and secession, near economic collapse, organised crime and emigration […] The EU needs to help Moldova address these problems’2. -
Studiu De Performanţe În Domeniul Protecţiei Mediului Republica Moldova
COMISIA ECONOMICĂ PENTRU EUROPA Comitetul pentru Politica de Mediu STUDIU DE PERFORMANŢE ÎN DOMENIUL PROTECŢIEI MEDIULUI REPUBLICA MOLDOVA Studiul al doilea NAŢIUNILE UNITE New York şi Geneva, 2005 Seria Studiilor de Performanţe în domeniul Protecţiei Mediului Nr.23 NOTĂ Simbolurile documentelor Naţiunilor Unite sunt alcătuite din litere majuscule combinate cu numere. Menţionarea unui asemenea simbol indică o referire la un document al Naţiunilor Unite. Calificările folosite şi prezentarea materialului în această publicaţie nu implică expresia vre- unei opinii din partea Secretariatului Naţiunilor Unite în legătură cu statutul juridic al oricărui stat, teritoriu, oraş sau zonă, sau în legătură cu autorităţile acestora, sau cu privire la delimitarea frontierelor sau limitelor lor. În particular, graniţele arătate pe hărţi nu presupun aprobarea lor oficială sau acceptarea lor de către Naţiunile Unite. Traducerea şi editarea raportului a fost susţinută de către oficiul PNUD Moldova. Programul Naţiunilor Unite pentru Dezvoltare (PNUD) reprezintă reţeaua globală de dezvoltare a Naţiunilor Unite, care promovează schimbarea şi conectează ţările la informaţii, experienţa şi resursele necesare pentru a ajuta oamenii să-şi construiască o viaţă mai bună. Cuvânt înainte Studiile de Performanţe în domeniul Protecţiei Mediului (SPM) pentru ţările în tranziţie au fost iniţiate de către Miniştrii Mediului la Conferinţa a doua “Un Mediu pentru Europa” de la Lucerna, Elveţia, în 1993. Drept urmare, Comitetul pentru Politica de Mediu al Comisiei Economice pentru Europa a ONU a hotărât să întreprindă asemenea Studii în mod regulat. Zece ani mai târziu, la Conferinţa V Ministerială “Un Mediu pentru Europa” (Kiev, 2003), Miniştrii au confirmat că programul SPM al CEE a ONU a dat posibilitatea să fie estimată eficacitatea eforturilor ţărilor cu economia în tranziţie în gestionarea problemelor de mediu. -
Constitution of Moldova
Constitution of Moldova CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Adopted on July 29, 1994 INDEX TITLE I - GENERAL PRINCIPLES TITLE II - FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS, FREEDOMS AND DUTIES CHAPTER I - GENERAL PROVISIONS CHAPTER II - FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS CHAPTER III - FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES TITLE III - PUBLIC AUTHORITIES CHAPTER IV - PARLIAMENT FIRST SECTION - Structure and Functioning SECOND SECTION - The Status of Parliament Members THIRD SECTION - Legislation and Acts of Parliament CHAPTER V - THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA CHAPTER VI - THE GOVERNMENT CHAPTER VII - THE PARLIAMENT - GOVERNMENT INTERRELATIONSHIP CHAPTER VIII - PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION CHAPTER IX - JUDICIAL AUTHORITY http://confinder.richmond.edu/moldova3.htm (1 of 35)4/15/2005 7:10:11 AM Constitution of Moldova FIRST SECTION - Courts of Law SECOND SECTION - The Higher Magistrates' Council THIRD SECTION - The Public Prosecution Office TITLE IV - NATIONAL ECONOMY AND PUBLIC FINANCE TITLE V - CONSTITUTIONAL COURT TITLE VI - REVISING THE CONSTITUTION TITLE VII - FINAL AND TRANSITORY PROVISIONS WE, the plenipotentiary representatives of the people of the Republic of Moldova, members of Parliament, STARTING from the age-old aspirations of our people to live in a sovereign country, and fulfilling those aspirations in proclaiming the independence of the Republic of Moldova, CONSIDERING that while growing into a nation the Moldovan people has given strong evidence of historical and ethnic continuity in its statehood, STRIVING to satisfy the interests of those of its citizens that, -
The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64). -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Jus Soli Aversion (134) A
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ DEFINING THE NATION IN RUSSIA’S BUFFER ZONE: THE POLITICS OF BIRTHRIGHT CITIZENSHIP IN AZERBAIJAN, MOLDOVA AND GEORGIA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICS by Maxim Tabachnik December 2017 The Dissertation of Maxim Tabachnik is approved: ________________________________ Professor Roger Schoenman, Chair _________________________________ Professor Ben Read _________________________________ Professor Eleonora Pasotti _________________________________ Professor Matt O’Hara _____________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Maxim Tabachnik 2017 TABLE OF CONTENTS Title Page (i) Copyright Page (ii) Table of Contents (iii) List of Figures (viii) Abstract (x) Acknowledgements (xii) Introduction: Frozen Conflicts Under The Weight Of History (1) Part I. The Battle between Blood and Territory: Unanswered Questions (8) Chapter 1. Blood, Territory and the Nation: Ethnic/Civic Confusion (9) 1. Modernists and Their Critics (9) A. The Origins of the Nation: Modern or Pre-Modern? (10) B. The Un-Modernist History of Nationalism: Blood v. Territory (14) 2. Theoretical and Conceptual Hurdles (21) A. The Embattled Ethnic/Civic Dichotomy (21) B. An Ethnic/Territorial Solution (25) Chapter 2. Defining the Task at Hand (34) 1. Unanswered Questions (34) A. Citizenship in History: Between Blood and Territory (35) B. Ethnic/Territorial Dichotomy and Comparative Citizenship Studies (46) C. Ethnic/Territorial Identity in Russian, Soviet and Post-Soviet Space (53) a. Ethnic/Territorial Tension in Russian Imperial and Soviet Identity Policy (53) b. Ethnic/Territorial Citizenship Scholarship in Post-Soviet Space (PSS) (62) D. Unconditional Jus Soli: From the New World to the Human Rights Agenda (75) a. -
Amendments to the Constitution of Moldova – Introduction of the Individual Complaint to the Constitutional Court
Strasbourg, 29 October 2004 Restricted CDL(2004)104 Opinion 315/2004 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) Amendments to the Constitution of Moldova – Introduction of the individual complaint to the Constitutional Court Comments by Mr G. Nolte (Substitute member, Germany) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. Ce document ne sera pas distribué en réunion. Prière de vous munir de cet exemplaire. CDL(2004)104 - 2 - The initiative to introduce a constitutional complaint procedure in Moldova is to be welcomed. Such a procedure could enable the Moldovan judiciary to better deal with cases that might other- wise be brought to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. As far as cases will nevertheless brought to the European Court the last instance judgment of the Constitutional Court last instance is likely to be better reasoned which in turn would result in a lower number of judgments by the European Court which find against the State of Moldova. To a certain extent, the Moldovan draft amendment can be compared to the German experience. The German constitution, the Grundgesetz, originally (in 1949) did also not contain a consti- tutional complaints procedure. This procedure was first introduced by simple legislation. After its success in practice the constitutional complaints procedure was finally introduced into the Grundgesetz in 1969. The establishment of the constitutional complaints procedure in Germany into the Grundgesetz, however, was not connected with a changing of the composition of the German Constitutional Court. The same is true for the original introduction of the constitutional complaints procedure on the basis of simple legislation. -
NATO and the Security in the Eastern Countries During Transition Times ( Final Report )
NATO RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS PROGRAMME 2000/2002 NATO and the security in the Eastern countries during transition times ( Final Report ) Written by Ion Mardarovici Chisinau Moldova 2002 Ion Mardarovici “NATO and the security in the Eastern countries during transition times” Contents 1. The concept of Republic of Moldova’s neutrality in the context of NATO’s eastward extension 2 2. The NATO – Russia partnership and the security in the former soviet European area 5 3. Security of the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian conflict 9 4. The role of international organizations in the process of localizing the Transnistrian crisis 36 5. 10 years after the Transnistrian armed conflict – problems and perspectives 46 6. Bibliography 77 7. Attachments 79 2 Ion Mardarovici “NATO and the security in the Eastern countries during transition times” 1. The concept of Republic of Moldova’s neutrality in the context of NATO’s eastward extension Besides the fact that the dislocation of foreign military troops on the territory of the Republic of Moldova is inadmissible, the Constitution sets no other rules for being neutral. The dictionary of international public law (Bucharest, 1982) defines “permanent neutrality” as the position of the states that, through official documents, determined by their internal legislation (ex. Switzerland) or the decision of international conferences (Switzerland, 1815, Belgium, 1831 and 1937, Luxemburg, 1867 etc.) assumed the responsibility to never participate in a war (…). Besides the fact that they are committed to not participating in a war, states that are permanently neutral are committed not to sign, during peace times, documents that in case of an armed conflict could involve them in the war. -
The OSCE and Conflict Management: from Old Themes to New Directions
PC.DEL/477/10 2 June 2010 ENGLISH only Keynote Presentation for the 2010 Annual Security Review Conference, Working Session II: ‘The Role of the OSCE in Early Warning, Conflict Prevention and Resolution, Crisis Management, and Post-conflict Rehabilitation* The OSCE and Conflict Management: From Old Themes to New Directions Dr. William H. Hill Professor of National Security Strategy National War College, Washington, DC It is a privilege to return to Vienna to the OSCE to provide a keynote presentation for discussion at the Annual Security Review Conference of the role of the OSCE in early warning, conflict prevention and resolution, crisis management and post-conflict rehabilitation. These are some of the most important concerns and areas of operation of the OSCE since 1990. While the political and security landscape in the OSCE area has changed over the past two decades, these fields retain their importance for all participating states, but present new challenges not anticipated when the structures of the fledgling organization were put into place as the cold war came to an end. My understanding of the purpose of a keynote presentation is that ideally it should pose significant questions and provide fodder for constructive and fruitful discussion of those issues. In that spirit, the presentation that follows does not attempt to provide a comprehensive review of OSCE normative commitments or all of the established OSCE mechanisms and procedures ranging from early warning to post-conflict rehabilitation. Instead I begin with an analysis of the historical context in which most of the existing OSCE commitments, mechanisms, and procedures with respect to conflict prevention and resolution were established, reflecting my assumption that one is better able to decide where to go in the future if one has a proper understanding of how one arrived at one’s present position.