Activity of the Business Community in the Transnistrian Region in the Conditions of the Unsettled Conflict
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Moving Beyond Intractability: Conflict Resolution in the Case of Transnistria
Moving Beyond Intractability: Conflict resolution in the case of Transnistria By Zsuzsanna Végh Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli Word count: 17 064 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2012 Abstract The Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable conflict in Europe, yet two decades after its outbreak it still does not seem to move out from the state of intractability. The thesis starts from the assumption that even intractable conflicts, which might be resistant to bargaining and negotiation, can be resolved through mediation and conflict transformation. This, however, should be done through the cooperation of Track I and Track II diplomacy, which is more a more effective approach to conflict resolution than either track applied alone. In the Transnistrian case transformative measure were applied in both tracks: confidence-building measures as part of official diplomacy and problem-solving workshops as well as community building as part of unofficial diplomacy. The thesis focuses on the period between 2001 and 2012, and based on primary sources, mostly interviews conducted in Moldova with decision-makers, academics employees of international organizations involved in conflict resolution, it explores the effect and the interaction of transformative measures implemented in the two tracks. It seeks to point out why their effect has been limited and evaluate whether the recent changes in the Moldovan government and the so-called leadership of Transnistria created a better environment for conflict transformation to succeed. -
Transnistrian Region December 2015
Regional Economic Review: Transnistrian Region December 2015 Disclaimer This document is published by the Independent Think-Tank Expert-Grup within the Program “Support to Confidence Building Measures”, financed by the EU Delegation in Moldova and implemented by United Nations Development Programme in Moldova. Opinions expressed in this document belong to the authors and are not necessarily the opinions of the donors. Also, the authors are aware of potential risks related to quality of the statistical data and have used the data with due precaution. This document is a translation from the Romanian language. 2 Regional Economic Review: Transnistrian Region December 2015 Contents List of figures .............................................................................................................................................. 3 List of tables ............................................................................................................................................... 3 Key messages of this issue....................................................................................................................... 5 Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1. Domestic Supply ...................................................................................................................... 9 Chapter 2. Domestic Demand................................................................................................................. -
0306 Transnistria
Transnistrian Economy: Initiatives and Risks The idea of a federal state suggested by the OSCE so unexpectedly and supported both by the guarantor states, the Republic of Moldova, and Transnistria is gradually “seizing the masses”. First steps were made towards “a common state”: the composition of joint Constitution drafting commission was approved; workshop on federalism was held under the aegis of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly; the development of the Reintegration Concept is underway. In order to speed up this process it is important to raise potential of mutual understanding and awareness. Searching for a way Before the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria agreed to a future “common state”, the economy of these subregions developed in different ways of trials and mistakes. In Moldova, market reforms started in 1992-1993, but now attempts are being made to strengthen presence of the state in the economy. In TMR, state regulation has always been a preferred method and market processes did not intensify until late 1990s. Generally speaking, the following stages can be distinguished in the economic development of Transnistria: · 1990 – 1991: search for a “free economic zone” model, attempts to implement the “regional self-financing” model suggested by the Baltic republics and popular during perestroika in the USSR. Case for it: large-scale multi-sectoral industry, intensive agriculture, premises for tourism development, and advantages of having transport routes; · 1992: pinnacle of tension in the relations between Chisinau and Tiraspol, military conflict, reciprocal attempts to block the infrastructure: power and gas supply lines, railroads; · 1993 – 1995: search for ways of economic survival without political recognition and with disrupted manufacturing cooperation with the right bank. -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
The Ukrainian Crisis: a New Context for a Transnistrian Settlement
THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS: A NEW CONTEXT FOR A TRANSNISTRIAN SETTLEMENT The recent political changes in the region, such as Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Moldova’s signature of an Association Agreement with the EU, have transformed the political context of the Transnistrian problem, ongoing for the past 20 years. The repositioning of the involved actors – Moldova, Russia, Transnistria, and Ukraine – in the context of these new political realities might be the key to breaking the deadlock surrounding this breakaway region. In this article, the author explores each actor’s evolving approaches to the problem and assesses how the problem could be resolved or exacerbated in the near future. Kamil Calus* Fall 2014 * Kamil Calus is a Specialist in Moldovan Affairs at the Warsaw-based Center for Eastern Studies (OSW). He is also a PhD student at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan (Poland). 71 VOLUME 13 NUMBER 3 KAMIL CALUS n the past 12 months, a radical change in the situation surrounding Transnistria has occurred. In connection with the recent events in Ukraine, but also due to the success of Chisinau in the process of I European integration – mainly thanks to its signing of an Association Agreement with the EU – a re-evaluation of the positions of all key players in- volved in the Transnistrian issue has taken place, primarily Ukraine, Moldova, and Transnistria itself. It also became clear that to achieve its geopolitical objectives Russia would be willing to use not only classical political and economic pressure, but also its armed forces for destabilization of the situation in the region and/or for the annexation of certain territories. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
THE BENEFITS of ETHNIC WAR Understanding Eurasia's
v53.i4.524.king 9/27/01 5:18 PM Page 524 THE BENEFITS OF ETHNIC WAR Understanding Eurasia’s Unrecognized States By CHARLES KING* AR is the engine of state building, but it is also good for busi- Wness. Historically, the three have often amounted to the same thing. The consolidation of national states in western Europe was in part a function of the interests of royal leaders in securing sufficient rev- enue for war making. In turn, costly military engagements were highly profitable enterprises for the suppliers of men, ships, and weaponry. The great affairs of statecraft, says Shakespeare’s Richard II as he seizes his uncle’s fortune to finance a war, “do ask some charge.” The distinc- tion between freebooter and founding father, privateer and president, has often been far murkier in fact than national mythmaking normally allows. Only recently, however, have these insights figured in discussions of contemporary ethnic conflict and civil war. Focused studies of the me- chanics of warfare, particularly in cases such as Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, have highlighted the complex economic incentives that can push violence forward, as well as the ways in which the easy labels that analysts use to identify such conflicts—as “ethnic” or “religious,” say—always cloud more than they clarify.1 Yet how precisely does the chaos of war become transformed into networks of profit, and how in turn can these informal networks harden into the institutions of states? Post-Soviet Eurasia provides an enlightening instance of these processes in train. In the 1990s a half dozen small wars raged across the region, a series of armed conflicts that future historians might term collectively the * The author would like to thank three anonymous referees for comments on an earlier draft of this article and Lori Khatchadourian, Nelson Kasfir, Christianne Hardy Wohlforth, Chester Crocker, and Michael Brown for helpful conversations. -
The Extraterritorial Application of the European Convention on Human
! FACULTY OF LAW Lund University Lidia Carchilan The extraterritorial application of the European Convention on Human Rights and the United Nations Convention against Torture in frozen conflict regions as a tool of ensuring the prohibition of torture — the cases of Transnistria and Abkhazia JAMM07 Master Thesis International Human Rights Law 30 higher education credits Supervisor: Vladislava Stoyanova Term: Spring term 2019 !1 of !75 Table of contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………….3 Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………………….4 Abbreviations and acronyms…………………………………………………………5 Map no.1 of the Soviet Union and map no.2 of contemporary Abkhazia……………6 Map no.3 of contemporary Transnistria and map no.4 of contemporary Eastern Europe……………………………………………………………………….….……7 Chapter 1. Thesis outline and historical background……………………………8 1.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………….8 1.2. Research questions, motivation of choice and limitations, previous research and contribution to scholarship………………………………………………….………10 1.3. Theory and methodology ………………………………………………………13 1.4. Historical background - Transnistria and Abkhazia……………………………14 Chapter 2. Jurisdiction and responsibility of States for activities perpetrated outside their territory…………………………………………………………….24 2.1. The notion of jurisdiction………………………………………………………24 2.2. International Court of Justice (ICJ) - attribution of conduct under the strict and effective control test………………………………………………………………27 2.3. International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) - attribution of conduct under the overall control test……………………………………………28 2.4. The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) jurisdiction under the effective overall control test…………………………………………………………………29 Chapter 3. Legal considerations regarding extraterritoriality of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)…………………………………………31 3.1. General case-law that developed the extraterritorial nature of the ECHR……..33 3.2. Specific ECtHR case-law concerning the frozen conflict regions of Transnistria and Abkhazia………………………………………………………………………38 Chapter 4. -
The OSCE and Conflict Management: from Old Themes to New Directions
PC.DEL/477/10 2 June 2010 ENGLISH only Keynote Presentation for the 2010 Annual Security Review Conference, Working Session II: ‘The Role of the OSCE in Early Warning, Conflict Prevention and Resolution, Crisis Management, and Post-conflict Rehabilitation* The OSCE and Conflict Management: From Old Themes to New Directions Dr. William H. Hill Professor of National Security Strategy National War College, Washington, DC It is a privilege to return to Vienna to the OSCE to provide a keynote presentation for discussion at the Annual Security Review Conference of the role of the OSCE in early warning, conflict prevention and resolution, crisis management and post-conflict rehabilitation. These are some of the most important concerns and areas of operation of the OSCE since 1990. While the political and security landscape in the OSCE area has changed over the past two decades, these fields retain their importance for all participating states, but present new challenges not anticipated when the structures of the fledgling organization were put into place as the cold war came to an end. My understanding of the purpose of a keynote presentation is that ideally it should pose significant questions and provide fodder for constructive and fruitful discussion of those issues. In that spirit, the presentation that follows does not attempt to provide a comprehensive review of OSCE normative commitments or all of the established OSCE mechanisms and procedures ranging from early warning to post-conflict rehabilitation. Instead I begin with an analysis of the historical context in which most of the existing OSCE commitments, mechanisms, and procedures with respect to conflict prevention and resolution were established, reflecting my assumption that one is better able to decide where to go in the future if one has a proper understanding of how one arrived at one’s present position. -
Nations in Transit Brief
Nations in Transit brief December 2016 Stagnation on the Road to Europe: Moldova after the Presidential Election Victoria Bucataru Program Director, Foreign Policy Association (APE), Chisinau Source: Flickr • In November’s presidential elections, a pro-Russian candidate, Igor Dodon, defeated Maia Sandu, who ran on a platform of reform in line with the European path. While Dodon is unlikely to officially reverse Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU, his victory will have real domestic and geopolitical implications. • In the campaign, both Dodon and Sandu prioritized the fight against embedded corruption and the oligarchic system over geopolitical factors, but Dodon’s pro-Rus- sian stance and the Russian Orthodox Church’s aggressive support for him ensured that the East-West divide was pertinent for voters. Political polarization will likely deepen under Dodon. • The ambiguous position of the country’s most powerful man, Vladimir Plahotniuc, who officially supported Sandu but whose influential television channels promoted Dodon, cast doubt on his support and whether he preferred Dodon to act as an implicit threat to Moldova’s EU partners. • Moldova’s president has a limited mandate, with predominantly supervisory respon- sibilities, but the office’s representative role abroad and its capacity to shape do- mestic public opinion is significant. Mixed messages coming from the government and a lack of genuine will to tackle the problem of state capture could further en- danger rule of law in Moldova and deepen the distrust of its Euro-Atlantic partners. Introduction After more than seven years of orientation towards Europe in both rhetoric and action, on November 13 Moldova elected a president who is looking to strengthen ties with the East. -
Moldova's Uncertain Future
MOLDOVA’S UNCERTAIN FUTURE Europe Report N°175 – 17 August 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. A CHANGED INTERNATIONAL LANDSCAPE ..................................................... 2 III. NEW PRESSURE ON TRANSDNIESTRIA ............................................................... 4 A. HOW THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ECONOMY WORKS ...................................................................4 B. THE EU’S ENGAGEMENT ......................................................................................................5 C. THE CUSTOMS REGIME .........................................................................................................8 IV. MAKING THE CASE FOR A UNITED MOLDOVA................................................ 10 A. A SPLIT IN THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ELITE? ........................................................................10 B. MOLDOVA’S FLAWED APPROACH .......................................................................................11 C. MAKING MOLDOVA MORE ATTRACTIVE .............................................................................12 1. The EU-Moldova Action Plan .................................................................................14 2. Trading with the European Union ...........................................................................15 3. Attracting (and pressuring) Transdniestrian -
The Next Crimea? Getting Russia's Transnistria Policy Right
Adrian Rogstad The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Rogstad, Adrian (2016) The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right. Problems of Post-Communism . ISSN 1075-8216 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2016.1237855 © 2016 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68611/ Available in LSE Research Online: December 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL ( http://eprints.lse.ac.uk ) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Title Page The next Crimea? Getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Author: Adrian Rogstad, PhD Candidate, Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Abstract Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in March 2014 sparked so far unrealised international fears that the pro-Russian separatist republic of Transnistria in Moldova might be the next object of Russian territorial revisionism.