Jorge Perez-Lopez
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CASTRO’S CUBA: IDEOLOGICAL THEMES IN RHETORIC David Penny The Cuban revolution of 1959 and Cuba’s subse- ments of a prospective guiding ideology of the Cu- quent revolutionary government represent a remark- ban state are outlined, and the centrality of Fidel ably unique historical process. Over the four and a Castro to that conception of politics will be demon- half decades since the victory of the July 26th Move- strated. Lastly, I will propose a model of Castroism ment, Cuba has gained and maintained an interna- and a method to test that model. tional reputation for acting with deliberate contrari- IDEOLOGY AND CASTRO: ness to established international norms of diplomacy, CURRENT LITERATURE ideology, economic development, and political prac- Cuba is the one of the few states in the world whose tice. Alistair Hennessy has written that “to find com- domestic politics have been consistently dominated parable examples of small states exercising influence by a single figure for over forty years. Fidel Castro on a global scale we would have to go back to the six- Ruz’s “imprint on Cuba is so vast and deep that the teenth and seventeenth-century.”1 In such a context, revolution has been identified as his own.”2 Suchlicki a rigorous investigation of the regime’s philosophical characterises Castro’s style of leadership as “personal, development would seem to be an essential element Stalinist, caudillista, and he views institutions as in- of an explanatory framework aimed at understanding struments for carrying out his policies rather than as Cuba’s revolutionary four decades. policy-making bodies in themselves.”3 This essay represents an attempt to provoke a de- Writers universally agree on the importance of Cas- tailed discussion of the changes in ideological rheto- tro’s position in the regime for policy development ric on the island, through proposing and testing a and regime legitimacy in Cuba since the revolution.4 conception of Castro’s ideology. By way of introduc- The disputes in the literature concern the content of tion, a very general sketch of the current literature on Castro’s views of politics and his motivations. He is the ideological content of recent Cuban politics will variously characterized as an anti-intellectual prag- be made. Secondly, I argue that the current literature matist or an unreformed Marxist, as a benevolent su- suffers from several defects, which must be rectified if pervisor of others’ policy developments or a jealous we are to fully understand the motivations of the megalomaniac. For instance, Crabb characterises country’s government. Thirdly, the most salient ele- Castro’s economic policy reforms since the fall of Eu- 1. Hennessy, Alistair (1989), “The Cuban Revolution: A Wider View,” Vol 5, no. 4, Journal of Communist Studies, p.3. 2. Hennessy, 1989, p. 17. 3. Suchlicki, Jaime (2000), “Castro’s Cuba: Continuity Instead of Change,” in Cuba: The Contours of Change, eds. S. Kaufman Purcell & D. Rothkopf, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder, Colorado, p. 66. 4. Eg. Szulc, Tad (1988), “Fidelismo: The Unfulfilled Ideology,” Cuban Communism, eds. I.L. Horowitz & J. Suchlicki, 10th Ed., Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, N.J., p. 114. 282 Ideological Themes in Rhetoric ropean communism as examples of a long-running taken from the debate. First, Castro is unavoidably trend in Latin American and Spanish politics in the central figure in the regime. He is the channel for which political officeholders use the state apparatus significant policy change and the sole selector of se- to entrench personal control over the economy. In nior regime personnel. Secondly, Castro is fond of this conception the regime has never been motivated highlighting the historical background of the revolu- by ideology, and socialist rhetoric is a cynical mask.5 tion. His oratorical longevity is well known, as Nobel By comparison, Bunck suggests that Castro has “re- laureate Gabriel García Márquez puts it, Castro peatedly silenced more pragmatic views and stifled “rests from talking by talking.”10 Thirdly, the Cuban …serious reform.”6 She suggests that far from being a regime has never tailored its policies purely to eco- supporter of change (for whatever reason) Castro is nomic needs or diplomatic success. As Suchlicki an ideologue unwilling to reform the Cuban eco- comments on the outcomes of a Party Congress of nomic or political systems. Suchlicki has some sym- 1997, “once more, as he has done for the past four pathy for this view and characterizes the limited re- decades, Castro showed that in Cuba politics dictate forms of the late 1990s as “Castro serv[ing] notice to economic decisions.”11 Azicri emphasizes that domes- his own supporters and to the population at large tic and international forces affect the socialist state in that he would not tolerate any dissent and that Cuba Cuba, limiting policy options to some extent but, he was entering a period of ideological orthodoxy guid- claims, despite this, personality traits and individual- ed by the Communist party.”7 Azicri provides a more ized decisions carry far more weight than in other charitable portrait of Castro in suggesting he has re- states.12 peatedly encouraged intellectual debate on the island, contributing to, but not dictating, its content. Cas- An academic criticism of the literature on Castroism tro, in this view, is working with civil society to de- can be powerfully made. There is a large number of velop a new ideology which protects socialist goals qualitative works that trace developments and justifi- but countenances economic reforms to achieve this, cations in Cuban policy since the revolution, many placing Cuba in a wider international community of of which tend to conclude that there is no single ide- left-wing regimes and thinkers.8 Ortega makes a sim- ology at work. More generous works suggest Castro ilar claim, criticizing an ‘American demonization’ of has undergone a learning process which altered his Castro, and finding it “curious that the Cuban revo- ideology over time; the more critical suggest his only lution has evolved to the point that references to guide is pragmatism. However, first, there is no communism have become a formality … The theme large-scale testable model of an ideology: previous is Cuba’s sovereignty.”9 works cannot provide replicable conclusions. Rather, they tend to use the same vast amount of material, Despite these disputes as to Castro’s ideological mo- and the methodology of evidence selection is rarely tivations, three important points of agreement can be explained or justified. As such, authoritative determi- 5. Crabb, Mary Katherine (2000), “The Political Economy of Caudillismo,” in Cuban Communism, eds. I.L. Horowitz & J. Suchlicki, 10th Ed., Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, N.J. 6. Bunck, Julie M. (2000), “Market-Oriented Marxism: Post-Cold War Transition in Cuba and Vietnam,” in Cuban Communism, eds. I.L. Horowitz & J. Suchlicki, 10th Ed., Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, N.J., p. 192. 7. Suchlicki, 2000, p. 66. 8. Azicri, Max (2001), Cuba Today and Tomorrow: Reinventing Socialism, University of Florida Press, Gainesville, pp. 277-307. 9. Ortega, Luis (1995), “Las Dos Imágenes de Fidel Castro,” Vol 6, Contrapunto, p. 20. 10. Quoted in Azicri, 2001, p. 299. 11. Suchlicki, 2000, p. 67. 12. Azicri, Max (1992), “The Rectification Process Revisited: Cuba’s Defense of Traditional Marxism-Leninism,” in Cuba in Transition: Crisis and Transformation, eds. S. Halebsky & J. Kirk, Westview Press, Boulder, p. 45. 283 Cuba in Transition · ASCE 2004 nations are repeatedly open to the allegation that cy changes within that time. Further, Castro as an in- they are themselves ideologically motivated, and tend dividual is exceptional in repeatedly and publicly to be answered with brief impressionistic policy sur- providing detailed accounts of his motivations for veys or the use of isolated quotes from major actors. particular legislative developments. Secondly, with the exception of work by Kapcia,13 TRENDS WITHIN CASTROISM: Valdés,14 and to some extent Azicri,15 authors have BUILDING A MODEL not provided detailed definitions of an ideology. This The proponents of the thesis that Castro is ideologi- is ironic, given the forthright views on its existence in cally motivated acknowledge two major trends in Castro’s discourse. For instance, the literature is of- Castroism: a Marxist element, and a Latin American ten unclear as to whether the aim of maintenance of influence. personal power is incompatible with an ideological motivation for a particular policy.16 Further, given Cuba’s revolution was not Marxist. Rather, the Batis- Cuba’s precarious economic state for the last fifteen ta regime was overthrown by a guerrilla army of years, it would seem a prerequisite to discussing the many different political persuasions. Indeed, as Agui- existence of a Cuban ideology is to argue whether or lar points out, at the overthrow of the old regime, the not such a theoretical framework must be the sole jus- “prestige of the Cuban Communist party … was at a 17 th tification for policy reform. It is notable that the field very low point.” Castro’s July 26 Movement was of ideological analysis has attempted to answer many not explicitly Marxist, and the move from a ‘people’s’ of these questions in other areas, providing a number revolution to a socialist state was a slow one. As of theoretical frameworks that seek to bridge political Whitehead points out, the ruling party was not for- philosophy and policy development. mally constituted