CV 2021 Spring
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
THE UNDERSIDE of MODERNITY: ADORNO, HEIDEGGER, and DUSSEL Fred Dallmayr University of Notre Dame
THE UNDERSIDE OF MODERNITY: ADORNO, HEIDEGGER, AND DUSSEL Fred Dallmayr University of Notre Dame Theories or ideas, no matter how lofty, are not immune from historical circumstance: the latter often discloses what otherwise is left unsaid. Far from being an assortment of random data, history from this angle remains a great taskmaster—by teaching us about the complex ambivalences and unintended consequences of rational designs. The ideas of “modernity” and “enlightenment” are a prominent case in point. No one can doubt the loftiness and even intrinsic nobility of these labels. Basically, modernity (as understood in the West) was meant to inaugurate a new age of human freedom and self-determination, as contrasted with previous eras marked by political, clerical, and intellectual tutelage. In turn, enlightenment—in Kant’s memorable phrase—was meant to awaken humankind from the “slumber of self-induced immaturity” and ignorance, thereby paving the way for the undiluted reign of scientific knowledge and moral self-legislation. As history teachers, these and related ideas did indeed generate some of the desired results—but often in unforeseen ways and straddled with dubious or less noble implications. Like a deep shadow, these implications accompanied from the beginning the modern spreading of “light.” At the very onset of the new age, Francis Bacon proclaimed the equation of knowledge with power—thereby vindicating the prospect of human mastery over nature (as well as over less knowledgeable people). In the domain of politics and ethics, the modern maxim of freedom exacerbated a formula which Aristotle already had used against non-Greeks: “meet it is that barbarous peoples should be governed by the Greeks.”1 The merits and demerits of modernity have been widely discussed in recent decades from a variety of angles (anti-modern, modernist, postmodern)—but often in a purely academic vein. -
Jürgen Habermas and the Third Reich Max Schiller Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2012 Jürgen Habermas and the Third Reich Max Schiller Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Schiller, Max, "Jürgen Habermas and the Third Reich" (2012). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 358. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/358 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction The formation and subsequent actions of the Nazi government left a devastating and indelible impact on Europe and the world. In the midst of general technological and social progress that has occurred in Europe since the Enlightenment, the Nazis represent one of the greatest social regressions that has occurred in the modern world. Despite the development of a generally more humanitarian and socially progressive conditions in the western world over the past several hundred years, the Nazis instigated one of the most diabolic and genocidal programs known to man. And they did so using modern technologies in an expression of what historian Jeffrey Herf calls “reactionary modernism.” The idea, according to Herf is that, “Before and after the Nazi seizure of power, an important current within conservative and subsequently Nazi ideology was a reconciliation between the antimodernist, romantic, and irrantionalist ideas present in German nationalism and the most obvious manifestation of means ...modern technology.” 1 Nazi crimes were so extreme and barbaric precisely because they incorporated modern technologies into a process that violated modern ethical standards. Nazi crimes in the context of contemporary notions of ethics are almost inconceivable. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Between Anarchy and Leviathan: A Return to Voluntarist Political Obligation Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8pj296m6 Author Hallock, Emily Rachel Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Between Anarchy and Leviathan: A Return to Voluntarist Political Obligation A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Emily Rachel Hallock 2013 © Copyright by Emily Rachel Hallock 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Between Anarchy and Leviathan: A Return to Voluntarist Political Obligation by Emily Rachel Hallock Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Carole Pateman, Chair No defense of the liberal-democratic state can do without political obligation, yet existing theories cannot provide a successful account of political obligation. Existing accounts of obligation cannot parry critiques from rival theories, nor refute philosophical anarchists’ formidable attack on obligation. To move discussion of obligation forward, this dissertation offers an alternative solution to what George Klosko has called the ‘voluntarist paradox’ of liberal-democratic political obligation. While liberal ideas about the individual require that any obligation to obey be assumed through a voluntary act, individuals do not voluntarily assume obligations frequently enough to support legitimacy claims. In response to this paradox, most scholars deploy non-voluntary justifications for a general obligation to obey, while philosophical anarchists deny that such an obligation exists at all. In contrast, I argue that overcoming the voluntarist paradox requires a radically different view of the aims and scope of political obligation. -
Studies / Studien
Studies / Studien Review paper UDC 177(045)Young, I. doi: 10.21464/sp32109 Received: November 19th, 2015 Marita Brčić Kuljiš University of Split, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Sinjska 2, HR–21000 Split [email protected] Civil Society, Public Sphere, and Justice in the Philosophy of Iris Marion Young Abstract Iris Marion Young accepts the concepts of the private and the public, but denies the social division between public and private spheres, each with different kinds of institutions, activi- ties, and human attributes. Young defines “private” as that aspect of a person’s life and activity that he or she has a right to exclude others from. The private in this sense is not what public institutions exclude, but what the individual chooses to withdraw from public view. According to Young the public in a democratic society is heterogeneous. “Indeed, in open and accessible public spaces and forums, they should expect to encounter and hear from those who are different, whose social perspectives, experience, and affiliations are differ- ent.” An important characteristic of a developed democratic society is a developed civil society. Civil society is voluntary associational life that is distinguished from the state and economy, and helps with the transfer of private problems to the public agenda. They are voluntary, in the sense that they are neither mandated nor run by state institutions, but spring from the everyday lives and activities of the communities of interest. Distinguish- ing voluntary associational life from economy as well as state helps refine the role of civil society in promoting social justice. -
What Is Democratic Theory?
What Is Democratic Theory? Rikki Dean, Jean-Paul Gagnon, and Hans Asenbaum What is democratic theory? The question is surprisingly infrequently posed. Indeed, the last time this precise question appears in the academic archive was exactly forty years ago,1 in James Alfred Pennock’s (1979) book Democratic Political Theory.2 This is an odd discursive silence not observable in other closely aligned fields of thought such as political theory,3 po- litical science,4 social theory,5 philosophy,6 economic theory,7 and public policy/administration8 – each of which have asked the “what is” question of themselves on regular occasion. The premise of this special issue is, therefore, to pose the question anew and break this forty-year silence. Answering this question turns out to be rather more difficult than posing it. Pennock (1979: xvii) does not answer the question himself; he leaves that labor to posterity, only stating that “the phrase [democratic theory] is often used as though it stood for a clearly demarcated and agreed upon body of doctrine; but that is far from the case. Even the question of what topics it should include is the subject of wide disagree- ment.” Perhaps the only thing democratic theorists could agree about democratic theory is that it is diverse, even inchoate in nature. Robert Dahl (1956: 1), for example, famously argued that “there is no democratic theory – there are only democratic theories.” There are, too, a litany of rival claims, now mostly historical, to the heart of democracy, and more than twenty-two hundred adjectival descriptors of democracy have so far been documented (Gagnon 2018). -
JPS Volume 19 Issue 4 Cover and Back Matter
New in 1989- THEORETICAL POLITICS A New Quarterly Political Science Journal Edited by Richard Kimber University of Keele, Jan-Erik Lane University of Umea and Elinor Ostrom Indiana University The Journal of Theoretical Politics is a major new international journal, one of the principal aims of which is to foster the development of theory in the study of the political processes. It will provide a forum for the publication of original papers seeking to make genuinely theoretical contributions to the study of politics. The journal will include rigorous analytical articles on a range of theoretical topics. In particular it will focus on new theoretical work which is broadly accessible to social scientists and contributes to our understanding of political processes. It will also include original sysntheses of recent theoretical developments in diverse fields. The journal will not favour any specific theoretical perspective, but will emphasise the general importance of theory in political science. It will also encourage articles which evaluate the relative merits of competing theories to explain empirical phenomena. The Journal of Theoretical Politics will be published quarterly in January, April, July and October Subscription Rates, 1989 Institutional Individual one year £48.00($72.00) £22.00($33.00) two years £95.OO($I42.5O) £44.00($66.00) single copies £13.00(519.50) £6.00($9.00) SAGE Publications Ltd, 28 Banner Street, London EC IY 8QE SAGE Publications Ltd, PO Box 5096, Newbury Park, CA 91359, USA Cambridge Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought Edited by RAYMOND GEUSS, QUENTIN SKINNER and RICHARD TUCK This major new series will make available to students and teachers all the important texts required for an understanding of the history of political thought. -
APSA Contributors AS of NOVEMBER 10, 2014
APSA Contributors AS OF NOVEMBER 10, 2014 This list celebrates the generous contributions of our members in Jacobson Paul Allen Beck giving to one or more of the following programs from 1996 through 2014: APSA awards, programs, the Congressional Fellowship Pro- Cynthia McClintock John F. Bibby gram, and the Centennial Campaign. APSA thanks these donors for Ruth P. Morgan Amy B. Bridges ensuring that the benefi ts of membership and the infl uence of the Norman J. Ornstein Michael A. Brintnall profession will extend far into the future. APSA will update and print T.J. Pempel David S. Broder this list annually in the January issue of PS. Dianne M. Pinderhughes Charles S. Bullock III Jewel L. Prestage Margaret Cawley CENTENNIAL CIRCLE Offi ce of the President Lucian W. Pye Philip E. Converse ($25,000+) Policy Studies Organization J. Austin Ranney William J. Daniels Walter E. Beach Robert D. Putnam Ben F. Reeves Christopher J. Deering Doris A. Graber Ronald J Schmidt, Sr. Paul J. Rich Jorge I. Dominguez Pendleton Herring Smith College David B. Robertson Marion E. Doro Chun-tu Hsueh Endowment Janet D. Steiger for International Scholars Catherine E. Rudder Melvin J. Dubnick and Huang Hsing Kay Lehman Schlozman Eastern Michigan University Foundation FOUNDER’S CIRCLE ($5,000+) Eric J. Scott Leon D. Epstein Arend Lijphart Tony Affi gne J. Merrill Shanks Kathleen A. Frankovic Elinor Ostrom Barbara B. Bardes Lee Sigelman John Armando Garcia Beryl A. Radin Lucius J. Barker Howard J. Silver George J. Graham Leo A. Shifrin Robert H. Bates William O. Slayman Virginia H. -
1 Judgment and Imagination in Habermas's Theory of Law Thomas Fossen Institute for Philosophy Leiden University the Final Ve
Judgment and Imagination in Habermas’s Theory of Law Thomas Fossen Institute for Philosophy Leiden University The final version of this paper was published in Philosophy & Social Criticism: psc.sagepub.com/cgi/doi/10.1177/0191453714566485 Abstract: Recent debates in political theory display a renewed interest in the problem of judgment. This article critically examines the different senses of judgment that are at play in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of law. The paper offers (a) a new critical reading of Habermas’s account of the legitimacy of law, and (b) a revisionary interpretation of the reconstructive approach to political theory that underpins it. Both of these are instrumental to (c) an understanding of what is involved in judging the legitimacy of law that is richer than has been recognized thus far by both critics and defenders of Habermas. Keywords: Habermas, law, legitimacy, judgment, imagination, reconstruction, communicative action, deliberative democracy, agonistic politics Acknowledgments: I am grateful to Joel Anderson, Bert van den Brink, and Patchen Markell for critical discussions and inspiration, and I’ve also benefited from feedback from Wout Cornelissen, J.J. McFadden, Daniel Gaus, David Owen, Martine Prange, Herman Siemens, an anonymous referee, and an audience at the Dutch Research School for Practical Philosophy, especially discussant Stefan Rummens. Thanks also to Ciarán Ó Faoláin for his careful copy-editing. Work on this paper was funded by a grant from the Dutch Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), entitled “Between Agonism and Deliberation: Rethinking Conflict and its Relation to Law in Political Philosophy.” 1 1. Introduction What is involved in judging the legitimacy of law? Much of the philosophical debate about legitimacy focuses on the content and justification of principles of legitimacy in light of which law (or political authority more broadly) ought to be considered legitimate or illegitimate. -
The Political Theory of Carole Pateman Anne Phillips, London School of Economics John Medearis, University of California, Riverside Daniel I
820 106th Annual 829 Ralph Bunche Meeting 830 Congressional 823 New APSA Of- Fellowship Association News ficers Elected 837 Attending Grad- 824 Briefs uate Students 826 Center Page 839 Goodnow Award 828 Washington 840 Organized Sec- Insider tion Awards profile The Political Theory of Carole Pateman Anne Phillips, London School of Economics John Medearis, University of California, Riverside Daniel I. O’Neill, University of Florida arole Pateman is, by any mea- Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Academy sure, an extraordinary politi- of Social Sciences (U.K.), and the Academy cal thinker. She has written of Social Sciences in Australia. Long before modern classics of both demo- she assumed the presidency of the APSA, she cratic and feminist theory, but served as the first woman president of the Cthe scope of her work is even wider than International Political Science Association this dual accomplishment suggests, since from 1991 to 1994, and her tenure in that it includes contributions to the study of position is still remembered and admired. early modern political thought, early femi- Guillermo O’Donnell, the noted compara- nist thought, and, recently, the history of tivist, told us that he “was delighted that colonialism. The reach of her influence is she was [his] successor as president of the proportionately wide, touching all of the International Political Science Association, social sciences and humanities and extend- where she left the important mark of her ing to scholars around the globe. She is open-minded and progressive spirit.” perhaps best known for writing Participa- Such scholarly acclaim would probably tion and Democratic Theory (1970) and The have seemed an unlikely future for a girl born Sexual Contract (1988). -
Elusiveness of the Particular: Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, And
The Elusiveness of the Particular Exile, Statelessness, and Migration Seyla Benhabib Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780691167251 Published to Princeton Scholarship Online: May 2019 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.001.0001 The Elusiveness of the Particular Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, and Theodor Adorno Seyla Benhabib DOI:10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0003 Abstract and Keywords This chapter examines the subterranean affinities between Hannah Arendt and Theodor Adorno, two of the most famous exiles of the last century, through the so-called “Benjaminian moment” present in their work. It is widely known that any consideration of Arendt and Adorno as thinkers who share intellectual affinities is likely to be thwarted by the profound dislike that Arendt seems to harbor toward Adorno. However, such psychological attitudes and personal animosities cannot guide the evaluations of a thinker's work. This is particularly true in the case of Arendt and Adorno, who both shared a profound sense that one must learn to think anew, beyond the traditional schools of philosophy and methodology—a concept that will be referred to as their Benjaminian moment. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Benjaminian moment, exiles, think anew, traditional philosophy, traditional methodology Benjamin and the Chess Master Chess appears to have been not just a pastime for Walter Benjamin but a complex metaphor for thinking about history, progress, teleology, and the ironies of fate. The first thesis of Benjamin’s “Theses on the Philosophy of History,” composed in shock at the signing of the Hitler-Stalin pact, reads as follows: “The story is told of an automaton constructed in such a way that it could play a winning game of chess, answering each move of an opponent with a countermove. -
The Moment Has Passed Power After Arendt
4 THE MOMENT HAS PASSED Power after Arendt Patchen Markell “America’s Tahrir Moment”: that’s the title of an Adbusters blog entry from early September 2011. Nobody Can Predict the Moment of Revolution: the title of a short documentary video about Occupy Wall Street produced by some of its participants. “Transforming Occupy Wall Street from a Moment to a Movement”: the headline of a widely circulated article urging the occupiers to organize themselves behind a series of specific progressive demands.1 It’s not hard to understand the appeal of the language of the “moment” as a way of capturing the political rhythms of the past two years, whether in Sidi Bouzid, Oakland, Cairo, London, or lower Manhattan. Against the background of a feeling of political stuckness, of being in a rut you can’t see how to break out of, or of being subject to something—whether it’s an authoritarian dynasty or an economic system—that you feel powerless to contest, political aspiration can take the form of the desire for a moment of radical transformation, of the sudden appearance of new possibilities. Against the same background, promising moments can prove disappoint- ing precisely in their momentariness as old patterns and entrenched powers reassert themselves. Yet the notion of politics as a matter of the sudden and dramatic interruption of ordinary life, whose transformative effects must somehow be made durable without sacrificing what is radical and new in them, comes with significant costs. It has helped to anchor problematic conceptions of the authority of the political theorist: problematic because they fit poorly with the antihierarchical political principles in whose name they are often articulated and problematic because they help to reproduce 113 114 Patchen Markell subtly disempowering pictures of the very things—political power and political agency—that theory often promises to secure. -
The Political Science 400: a 20-Year Update
The Political Science 400: A 20-Year Update Natalie Masuoka, University of California, Irvine Bernard Grofman, University of California, Irvine Scott L. Feld, Purdue University In academia, citation is the sincerest this data by subfield, by cohort, and by scholar’s total number of publications in form of flattery.—A Wuffle ~1986! gender. In the next paper of the series, to the discipline’s most prestigious aca- be published in the April 2007 issue of demic journals ~e.g., Robey 1979; Mor- PS, we explore the history of the disci- gan and Fitzgerald 1977; Bayard and his essay is the first of a planned pline in quantitative terms by examining Mitchell 1998; and McCormick and Rice three-part series dealing with quanti- T the changes in departmental Ph.D. pro- 2001!.2 However, these studies do not tative indicators of continuity and change duction and placement rates over the last provide the publication data of individual in the political science discipline, focus- century and look at patterns of cross- scholars since their purpose is to rank ing on the period since 1960. The series departmental hiring. Paper three of the and compare departments. is inspired by the work of Somit and series, to be published in the July 2007 The most recent work dealing with Tanenhaus ~1967! which presented repu- issue of PS, compares various ranking scholarly visibility and impact ~especially tational rankings of both departments and approaches in order to examine the visi- that on the sociology of the natural sci- individuals. For this series of essays, we bility and impact of Ph.D.-granting de- ences! makes use of the citation data created a unique database in which we partments.