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A Chronology Ofv. I. Lenin's Life (1870-1924)
A Chronology ofV. I. Lenin's Life (1870-1924) 1870 April: V. I. Lenin (born Vladimir Illich Ulyanov) is born in 1870 in the town of Simbirsk on the Volga River 1887 June: Lenin graduates from gymnasium (high school) 1887 May: Lenin's brother Alexander is executed 1887 August: Lenin enters the University of Kazan 1887 December: Lenin is arrested for participating in student protests 1887 December: Lenin is expelled from the University and exiled to the village of Kokushkino near Kazan' for one year 1891 November: Lenin graduates from the University of St. Petersburg 1893 Autumn: Lenin joins a Marxist circle in St. Petersburg 1894 Nicholas II becomes tsar 1895 December: Lenin is arrested and spends 14 months in prison. 1897 February: Lenin is sentenced to three years exile in Eastern Siberia 1898 July: Lenin marries Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaia 1898- 1900 In exile, Lenin writes The Development of Capitalism in Russia 1900 July: On returning from exile, Lenin goes abroad to Switzerland and other countries 1901 Lenin, who has been known until this point as Ulyanov, adopts the name N. Lenin 1901- 1902 Lenin writes What Is to Be Done? and edits Iskra (The Spark) 1903 July-August: Lenin attends the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party and helps to split the party into factions: Bolsheviks and Mensheviks 1904 February: Beginning of Russo-Japanese War 162 CHRONOLOGY 163 1904 December: Surrender of Port Arthur to Japanese 1905 january: The "Bloody Sunday" massacre; The First Russian Rev olution begins 1905 june-july. -
THE MENSHEVIKS in 1917 by Olegpmwkov Bachelor of Arts
THE MENSHEVIKS IN 1917 r:. = BY OLEGpmwKOV Bachelor of Arts Moscow State Pedagogical Institute Moscow, USSR 1983 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS July 1992 THE MENSHEVIKS IN 1917 Thesis Approved: Thesis Advisor 0 Dean of the Graduate College 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express sincere appreciation to Dr. George F. Jewsbury and Dr. Joel M. Jenswold for their encouragement and advice throughout my graduate program. Many thanks also go to Dr. W. Roger Biles for serving on my graduate committee. Their suggestions and support were very helpful throughout the study. To Wann Smith for his expert typing and proofing skills; to Oscar Kursner for his help in translation. My wife, Y elaina Khripkov, encouraged and supported me all the way and helped me keep the end goal constantly in sight. Thanks go to her for her undivided time in the final stages of the project. She prov 1ded moral support and was a real believer in my abilities. 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. The Main Approaches to the Study of the Russian Revolution in American Historiography 2 The Study of Menshevism in the U.S. 6 Soviet Scholars on Menshevism 8 Sources 1 2 Themes and Problems 14 II. Tiffi "HONEYMOON' OF Tiffi REVOLUTION_~-~-~! 8 The Necessity for the Dual Power 1 8 The Essence and Structure of Dual Power 2 7 Establishing of the Revolutionary Defensists Policy3 5 III. THE APRIL CRISIS AND ITS CONSEQUENCES _____4 7 The First Clash. -
Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse
Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse Schoenhals, Michael 1993 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Schoenhals, M. (1993). Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse. (Indiana East Asian Working Paper Series on Language and Politics in Modern China). http://www.indiana.edu/~easc/resources/working_paper/noframe_schoenhals_pc.htm Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, -
1 the Assault on Religion in China and What to Do About It Testimony Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee
The Assault on Religion in China and What To Do About It Testimony Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, September 27, 2018 Thomas F. Farr* Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and members of the sub-committee, thank you for holding this important hearing and inviting me to give my views on (1) the status of religious freedom in China, especially that of Catholics, (2) what Congress and American diplomacy can do that is not now being done, and (3) last week’s Provisional Sino-Vatican agreement. The Bottom Line The current assault on religion in China under President Xi Jinping is the most comprehensive attempt to manipulate and control religious communities since the Cultural Revolution. Xi’s policy should be seen as a particularly troubling aspect of the global crisis in religious freedom, one in which over three-quarters of the world’s people live in nations where religion is highly, or very highly, restricted. China is one of those nations. Within China, Xi’s policy intensifies a decades-long government strategy of undermining a major threat to the authority of the communist state – namely, that religion is a source of authority, and an object of fidelity, that is greater than the state. This characteristic of religion has always been anathema to totalitarian and authoritarian despots, and to majoritarian democracies. Most religions, by their nature, limit the power of the secular state, which is a major reason why the American Founders put religious freedom at the beginning of our Bill of Rights. -
East Asians in Soviet Intelligence and the Chinese-Lenin School of the Russian Far East
East Asians in Soviet Intelligence and the Chinese-Lenin School of the Russian Far East Jon K. Chang Abstract1 This study focuses on the Chinese-Lenin School (also the acronym CLS) and how the Soviet state used the CLS and other tertiary institutions in the Russian Far East to recruit East Asians into Soviet intelligence during the 1920s to the end of 1945. Typically, the Chinese and Korean intelligence agents of the USSR are presented with very few details with very little information on their lives, motivations and beliefs. This article will attempt to bridge some of this “blank spot” and will cover the biographies of several East Asians in the Soviet intelligence services, their raison d’être, their world view(s) and motivations. The basis for this new study is fieldwork, interviews and photographs collected and conducted in Central Asia with the surviving relatives of six East Asian former Soviet intelligence officers. The book, Chinese Diaspora in Vladivostok, Second Edition [Kitaiskaia diaspora vo Vladivostoke, 2-е izdanie] which was written in Russian by two local historians from the Russian Far East also plays a major role in this study’s depth, revelations and conclusions.2 Methodology: (Long-Term) Oral History and Fieldwork My emphasis on “oral history” in situ is based on the belief that the state archives typically chronicle and tell a history in which the state, its officials and its institutions are the primary actors and “causal agents” who create a powerful, actualized people from the common clay of workers, peasants and sometimes, draw from society’s more marginalized elements such as vagabonds and criminals. -
Why Did the Communists Win the Chinese Revolution?
Why Did the Communists Win the Chinese Revolution? From 1911 to 1945, China experienced a revolution, a struggle against warlords, a civil war between the Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-Shek and the Communists led by Mao Zedong, and invasion by the Japanese. After the defeat of the Japanese in World War II in 1945, a full-blown civil war erupted again in 1946. The Nationalists were backed by the United States and the Communists had support from the Soviet Union. By 1949, Chiang and the Nationalists, despite having more soldiers than the Communists, were defeated and forced to evacuate the Chinese mainland for the island of Taiwan. Historians point to a number of factors for the nationalists defeat. Chinese nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek. Chiang’s Kuomintang government was filled with incompetent and corrupt officials. The people especially hated the tax collectors, who were commonly called “blood-sucking devils.” Chiang himself held dictatorial powers, but his orders were often ignored. He had little success in rallying Chinese nationalism to win an unpopular war against the Communists. Chiang’s decision to go to war against the Communists in 1946 came at the cost of postponing the economic reconstruction of China. This meant diverting tax revenues, investment, and other resources to the war effort rather than to the needs of the people. Heavy taxes, a huge government debt, inflation, unemployment, and food shortages caused many, especially in the cities, to lose faith in the Nationalist government. Economic discontent in the cities led to thousands of labor strikes. Students, newspaper editors, and intellectuals protested against Chiang’s Nationalist government. -
Red Scarf Girl
A Facing History and Ourselves Study Guide Teaching RED SCARF GIRL Created to Accompany the Memoir Red Scarf Girl, by Ji-li Jiang A Facing History and Ourselves Study Guide Teaching RED SCARF GIRL Created to Accompany the Memoir Red Scarf Girl, by Ji-li Jiang Facing History and Ourselves is an international educational and professional development organization whose mission is to engage students of diverse backgrounds in an examination of racism, prejudice, and antisemitism in order to promote the development of a more humane and informed citizenry. By studying the historical development of the Holocaust and other examples of genocide, students make the essential connection between history and the moral choices they confront in their own lives. For more information about Facing History and Ourselves, please visit our website at www.facinghistory.org. The front cover illustration is a section from a propaganda poster created during the beginning of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1968), the same years Ji-li describes in her memoir. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China 1949, government and party officials used mass- produced posters as a way to promote nationalism and convey the values of the Communist Party. Propaganda posters were especially important during the Cultural Revolution, and this poster represents many dominant themes of this media: the glorification of Mao, the color red symbolizing China and the Chinese Communist Party, and the depiction of youth as foot-soldiers for the revolution. The slogan on the poster expresses a popular anthem of the era: Chairman Mao is the Reddest Reddest Red Sun in Our Hearts. -
The Black Guards
The Black Guards A short account of the Anarchist Black Guards and their suppression by the Bolsheviks in Moscow in 1918 Many Russian anarchists were totally opposed to the institutionalisation of the Red Guards, fighting units that had been created by factory workers in the course of the February and October Revolutions. Indeed Rex A. Wade in his book on the Red Guards points to the strong anarchist input and influence in the Red Guards in the initial phase of the Revolution. Relations between the anarchists and the Bolsheviks had started to deteriorate after the October Revolution, and anarchist delegates to the 2nd Congress of Soviets in December 1917 accused Lenin and his party of red militarism, and that the commissars were only in power at the point of a bayonet. As a result in Moscow, Petrograd and other main centres they made a concerted attempt to set up free fighting units that they called the Black Guard. In 1917 detachments of Black Guards had been set up in the Ukraine, including by Makhno. Nikolai Zhelnesnyakov as to flee Petrograd after the Bolsheviks attempted to arrest him and set up a large group of the Black Guard in the Ukraine. Other Black Guard detachments operating in the Ukraine were led by Mokrousov, Garin with his armoured train, Anatolii Zhelesnyakov, the younger brother of Nikolai, and the detachment led by Seidel and Zhelyabov which defended Odessa and Nikolaev. Another Black Guard detachment was led by Mikhail Chernyak, later active in the Makhnovist counterintelligence. In Vyborg near Petrograd, anarchist workers at the Russian Renault factory set up a Black Guard but it soon merged with a Red Guard that had been created at the factory at the same time. -
Say Hello to the New Guys
Say Hello to the New Guys James Mulvenon In late July 2012, six officers, two from the People’s Armed Police and four from the People’s Liberation Army, were promoted to the rank of full general, the highest possible rank in the service. The order was conferred by the presumably outgoing Central Military Commission Chairman, Hu Jintao, but was announced by his likely successor, Xi Jinping. This article examines the backgrounds of these six individuals, assessing whether they might represent new trends under Xi’s leadership. Introduction On 30 July 2012, six officers, two from the People’s Armed Police and four from the People’s Liberation Army, were promoted to the rank of full general, the highest possible rank in the service: • Lieutenant General Liu Yazhou, 60, the political commissar of the National Defense University; • Lieutenant General Wang Jianping, 59, commander of the PAP; • Lieutenant General Xu Yaoyuan, 60, political commissar of the PAP; • Lieutenant General Du Jincai, 60, deputy head of the PLA’s General Political Department; • Lieutenant General Tian Xiusi, 62, political commissar of the Chengdu Military Command; and • Lieutenant General Du Hengyan, 61, political commissar of the Jinan Military Command. Xi Jinping, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, announced the order signed on 28 June by Chairman Hu Jintao of the Central Military Commission on the promotion to the military rank of general and the order signed jointly by Premier Wen Jiabao of the State Council and Chairman Hu Jintao of the Central Military Commission on the promotion to the police rank of Armed Police general.1 The rank promotion ceremony itself was presided over by Guo Boxiong, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission. -
Factions in a Bureaucratic Setting: the Origins of Cultural Revolution Conflict in Nanjing
FACTIONS IN A BUREAUCRATIC SETTING: THE ORIGINS OF CULTURAL REVOLUTION CONFLICT IN NANJING DONG Guoqiang and Andrew G. Walder The mass conflicts in China from 1966 to 1968 have long been understood within a framework of collective solidarity. The conflicts have been portrayed as instances of political mobilization by individuals who shared common interests based on their positions in China’s social and political order—a form of interest- group politics. Factional conflict—presented as a struggle between conservative and radical tendencies—is viewed as a struggle between groups having different stakes in the post-revolution order. 1 The argument is coherent, intuitively appealing and fits well with popular social science perspectives on contentious politics.2 It has been so persuasive since it first appeared in the late 1970s that it has become enshrined in standard histories of the Cultural Revolution and in lecture courses for generations of students.3 Evidence for this view was established in influential early studies. High school students in Beijing and elsewhere carried out a spirited debate about family background—whether the children of revolutionaries and ranking Party members were inherently more loyal politically and more qualified than others to lead the student movement. This argument was pushed early on by many 1 The most important early statements of this interpretation are Hong Yung Lee, The Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978) and Stanley Rosen, Red Guard Factionalism and the Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou (Canton) (Boulder: Westview, 1982). 2 In particular, the highly influential tradition of research associated with the work of Charles Tilly and Doug McAdam, who analyze political movements as a problem of mobilization by groups with shared interests and identities. -
The CULTURE of the CHINESE PEOPLE's LIBERATION ARMY
The FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Marine Corps Intelligence Activity CULTURE 2033 Barnett Avenue Quantico, Virginia 22134-5011 COM: (703) 784-6167; DSN: 278-6167 Please direct feedback to: [email protected] of the The CHINESE CULTURE of the CHINESE PEOPLE’S PEOPLE’S LIBERATION PEOPLE’S LIBERATION LIBERATION ARMY ARMY FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Cover photo credits (left to right, top to bottom): 1. PLA Air Force soldiers shout slogans during a welcoming ceremony for Laos' Prime Minister Bouphavanh in Beijing, 2007. Reuters: Jason Lee 2. PLA Marine competes in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 3. PLA recruits stand still as they balance books on their heads during training session at military base in Hefei, 2008. Reuters: Jianan Yu 4. PLA Marines in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 5. PLA Marine Honor Guard, Zhanjiang, 2006. Lt. Col. Marcus Annibale, USMC 6. Chinese and American Marines participate in a rifle competition in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 7. Chinese and American Marines compete in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 8. Officers from the PLA Navy, ground forces, and Air Force salute in the latest upgrade uniform, Beijing, 2007. Reuters/China Daily 9. PLA Marine competes in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 10. PLA Marines in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 11. Soldiers carry an injured woman after rescuing her from the ruins of a collapsed building in Miaoxian, Sichuan Province, 2008. Reuters/China Daily 12. PLA Marine competes in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. -
The Red Army and Mass Mobilization During the Russian Civil War 1918-1920 Author(S): Orlando Figes Source: Past & Present, No
The Past and Present Society The Red Army and Mass Mobilization during the Russian Civil War 1918-1920 Author(s): Orlando Figes Source: Past & Present, No. 129 (Nov., 1990), pp. 168-211 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/650938 . Accessed: 15/11/2013 18:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Fri, 15 Nov 2013 18:56:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE RED ARMY AND MASS MOBILIZATION DURING THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR 1918-1920 The Red Armybegan life in 1918 as a smallvolunteer force of proletariansfrom the major urban citadels of Bolshevikpower in northernand centralRussia. By theend of the civil war against the Whitesand the various armies of foreign intervention, in the autumn of 1920,it had growninto a massconscript army of fivemillion soldiers,75 percent of them peasants1 by birth - a figureroughly proportionateto the size ofthe peasant population in Russia.2 For theBolsheviks, this represented a tremendous social change.