GOP Stalks

EDITED BY MICHAEL HARRINGTON New Majority March 1981 Vol. IX No. 3 $1 By Jim Chapin T IS NOW ALMOST A CUCHt THAT .. the key to whether 1980 turns out INSIDE to be a realignment election lies not so much in the returns them­ selves, but in the events of the next ' Planning for Doom, p. 4 two years. Having said that, it re­ mains true that much information Supply siders say they have a new formula. contained in the actual returns and But they have more in common with Keynes in the polls of 1980 has not been fully than they want to admit. Mark Levinson raises teased out. And any realignment, if it the key question: Since economic planning is comes, will clearly build on economic, inevitable, who will do it? social, and political facts that already ex­ ist, rather than being created anew in the '­ NAM-DSOC Merger Talks, p. 6 next few years. The left's history has been one of fission Looking back, then, on the returns rather than fusion. Now the New .American of 1980 from what seems the vast dis­ Movement and DSOC are holding unity talks. tance of four months, what can we learn ? Harry Fleischman assesses the situation. First, it is now obvious just how massive Carter's defeat was. His was the fifth Special Report: Tenants, p. 8 worst showing by a Democratic candidate in the 29 elections since the Civil War, TbomaaNut Tenants are an emerging constituency that and the second worst by an incumbent can play a major role in progressive politics. President ever. (Only poor Taft, with John Atlas and Peter Dreier examine the T.R. taking half his party's vote, did country's most successful tenant organization worse.) In 19 states and the District of and suggest strategies for other groups. Columbia, he ran worse than George McGovern, and, in fact, got a lower Arms Race Madness, p. 12 percentage of the vote than McGovern '' A Republican party overall in the 39 states outside the Con­ One of the most consistent leaders in the majority remains an federacy. In a number of Western states, struggle to halt the arms race is Olof Palme, such as Utah and Arizona, he received elusive goal. ''· leader of the Swedish Democratic Party. Pat­ the lowest vote percentage of any Demo­ rick Lacefield asks him about the next steps. cratic presidential candidate in history. On the Left, p. 14 Defections from Carter between 1976 and 1980 had a strong sectional A peace conference, primary election, relig­ tinge. The 25 states where he lost the ious socialist gathering ... DSOCers have not most votes contained 18 of the 19 states been caught in a winter slump. west of the line from North Dakota to Texas (excluding Hawaii) . On a state to states went Republican in all elections but majority. The other cwo? The District of state basis, interestingly, his vote correl­ that of 1964, and another ten went Re­ Columbia and JU'Wlii. "Iii ated not only to 1976, but to Adlai Stev­ publican in six of the eight elections. On What about the rest of the Repub­ ~ enson's 1952 showing. In fact, his per­ the other hand, only Hawaii has voted for lican party ? Herc, che pic:rure for them is id centage of the two-party vote overall (ex­ the Democrats all but once, and only West less rosy. They aauaL; received a minor­ SC cluding Anderson, Clark, Commoner, Virginia all but twice. ity of the vote for Senate at the same II etc.) was only one-tenth of a point off Bluntly put, with a quasi-solid West time that they gained l::? Senate scats. The ti Stevenson's showing in 1952. and the addition of such normally-Repub­ malapportionmcnt of the Senate has Although Carter's showing was par­ lican bastions as most of the farm states, as never had a major effect on the political "'u ticularly bad, the Democrats have a per­ well as Virginia, Indiana and New Hamp­ Jines in this country, because in previous manent problem that runs beyond a par­ shire, Republicans have only to carry a alignments the sections involved (usually ii ticular presidential candidate. The Re­ few other states to win presidential elec­ North-South) did not reflect a large­ SI publicans have now won five of the last tions. The key, of course, to this Republi­ state/ small-state division. But now they a eight presidential elections, four by land­ can bloc is California, and that offers the oo. Most of those 29 generally Republi­ voting unit with a non-white Were Republican gains at other levels of office impressive? Well, let's go back to that 1952 comparison and see. In 1952, the Democrats held almost all the southern seats in Congress. But Eiscn­ hower' s coattails were very long: the Re­ To the Editor: been one of the few-perhaps the only­ publicans carried close to two-thirds of Mr. Clark's article and Mr. Brand's people at the Madrid [SI] gathering the non-southern congressional seats that letter in your February issue prompt me from those early days. year. This time the Republican gain in to some reminiscences and some thoughts Turning to Mr. Brand's rather House races was only average (and they on the Socialist International. grumpy letter, he seems to hold socialists are still a minority) . Their showing in I first became acquainted with the responsible for all Europe's disasters. Ac­ state legislative races, despite the well­ Socialist International when it was get­ tually, those who were in power were publicized expenditure of nearly ten mil­ ting started again after World War II responsible, and they were not, in most lion dollars of nationally-raised funds at under the more modest title of the Social­ countries and for most of those years, that level, was below average. They hold ist Information Bureau. There attended socialists. Incredibly, Mr. Brand states fewer governorships than any party that its sessions in those years representatives that the expansion of the welfare state in has just captured power in the twentieth of the Socialist Parties then participating Europe was "largely in response to the century. in coalition governments in Eastern Eu­ pressure of Stalinist Russia." I should rope. It was interesting that a number of like to see him attempt to document this Losses for 1982? them privately expressed concern that assertion. Historically, one may expect the Re· their countries might simply be absorbed Finally, may I urge that the phrase publicans to lose seats in the House and by the Soviet Union, as Latvia, Lithuania, "European ghetto" be dropped from your at the state level. Their chances in the and Esthonia were. For whatever the pages. You can make the point that the Senate are better in 1982 because of the reason, this fortunately did not happen. International has expanded in the Third malapportionment and because of the When the Communists took over the World without resorting to this singu­ two-to-one Democratic ratio of inaun· Socialist Parties in Eastern Europe, some larly graceless phrase. bents up that year. But they are almost of the socialists I had known stayed with David C. Williams certain to lose Senate seats at the 1984 the combined parties and in their home­ Sumner, Md. and 1986 eJcctioos. A Republican party lands. Others went into exile, including majority remains an elusive goal. the Czech Socialist leader Vilem Bernard, Letten to the editor must be signed. we Translating returns into politics­ whom I met in Madrid for the first time reserve the right to edit for brevity. wbat do these political alignments mean in 30 years. Indeed, he and I may have Please limit letters to le11 than 250 words. for the Republican party? First, we must

Michael Harrington DEMOCRATIC LEFT is published ten timr.s a year Editor (monthly except July and August) by the Dem­ ocratic Socialist Organizing Committee, 853 Maxine PhilJips Broadway, Suite 801, New York, N.Y. 10003. Managing Editor Telephone: (212) 260-3270. Subscriptions: $15 sustaining and institutional; $8 rcgulu. Signed Jim Chapin an:ides express the opinions of the authors. National Director ISSN 0164-3207. Second Oass Permit Paid at NC"IV York, N .Y.

2 DEMOCRATIC LEFT March 1981 of analyze the constituencies of the Repub­ What Strategy? guage, becomes a substitute for govern­ lican party, by class, economic interest, What most Republicans appear to mental economic policy (i.e., the privafe b­ and rultural tone. A majority party must economy will do it all). Theoretically, is mean by "big government" is certain identify with the leading economic and specific agencies-EPA., OSHA, Con­ everything will grow so much that the IC· sectional-cultural forces in the society. sumer Product Safety Commission, etc.­ kind of constituencies represented by JC It is clear what the core constituency of rather than government as a whole. They Stockman and Kemp in the House (south­ ie the potential new Republican majority are dedicated to a slow but undramati'C: west Michigan, Buffalo, N.Y.) will not as will be: the Protestant middle- and weakening of the unions, but a much suffer even though the rest of Reagan's al upper-classes of the South and West. more dramatic and immediate attack on economic policies (cuts in all budgets but llS Ironically, these people are the phys· the Naderite constituency. It is no coin­ defense, etc.) will tilt to the South and ly ical descendants in many cases, (and cidence that James Watt is the only sec­ West. Since their solution seems "pain­ C· sometimes even politically, as in the case retary whose appointment reflected a pos­ less," it is the first that will be adopted. ':f of Reagan himself) of 19th century Dem­ sible IBO-degree shift in the policy of But it arouses opposition from the older l· ocrats, but culturally, they reflect the final his department. But such a choice, Republican elites concerned about infla­ lS victory of the "New South" and "New coupled with the social choices being tion getting out of hand, and from the (· West" over earlier modes of existence. made on abortion and other issues, sug- New Right, which sees it (correctly) as a r- Remember that the "New South" was an way of avoiding the social issues. And attempt by southern elites who cooper­ since, in fact, only parts of the program ~ ated with the North to instill Yankee will ever be adopted and they will not p "virtues" of hard working, individual­ ''The g11ess here is that the work, it is only a temporary stopgap for n istic entrepreneurial capitalism into their the Republicans. e own populations. Reagan administration will try What else remains? Well, there's l· Clearly excluded from this potential the John Connally Japan, Inc. style of !· majority are all minorities, particularly Kemp-Stockman for some­ governance (state capitalism with gov­ f blacks, unionized workers, and central ernment and business barely distin­ It cities everywhere, particularly those of thing like 18 months, until it guishable), which does require a major n the Northeast and Midwest. What groups is clear that it doesn't work.,, restructuring of the economy using gov­ , remain to be fou~ht over?: the lower ernment, but seems to By in the face of :l class whites of the South and West; the Reagan's own rhetoric and gut percep­ better-off suburban inhabitants ot the tions (although the New Right is prob­ Northeast and Middle West (with an ably more sympathetic to this than to t economic and cultural base quite different gests that the Reagan administration has Kemp). There's the anti-Communist I from those of the Southwesterners) and in fact already decided not to reach out crusade, which can link most of the Re­ the blue-collar and small-business whites to the John Anderson constituency which publican coalition (except some of the of the same area-particularly the non­ is the powerful constituency concerned A.ndersonites) together as long as it isn't unionized ones. about the environment, abortion, etc.* seriouJ. (Serious is defined as actually The well-publicized groups within What other choices are there? The getting into a minor or major war.) the Republican administration ( neo­ New Right formula is for an all-out aJ. So, the guess here is that the Reagan conservatives, Friedmanites, Old Right, tack on the Anderson constituency, look­ administration will try Kemp-Stockman Kemp-Stockmanites, California Mafia, ing for a stress on such issues as abortion for something like 18 months, until New Right, etc., etc.) all have strategies as a way to appeal to blue-collar Catho- it is clear that it doesn't work. Then will for dealing with various groups in the 1ics and Protestant fundamentalists. Tnl! come a great struggle for the "next" so­ coalition. Reagan and the California key here would be an administration lution. (Models for such shifts are FDR's millionaires who surrounded his political which would choose stylistically and in change in 1935, or Nixon's in 1971.) life and are still closest to him, probably other ways to present itself consistently as Most likely of all, given Reagan's pen­ have a less-conscious majority building a poprtlist (in a right-wing way) admin­ chant for intra-party compromise and strategy than most of the other leading istration, continuing an attack on the pleasing everyone, most especially the groups in and around the Republican eastern elites, and so on. The problem group which in a gut sense he represents party. Their views, shaped in the forties with this strategy is that it becomes an (retirement-age California millionaires and fifties under the New Deal align­ ineffective formula for governance, since who are doing very well and don't really ment, have not really changed-they were the key governmental institutions an

March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LEFT 3 JI d it a II Flipping to the Supply Side ii ll

By Mark Levinson ii "l do believe in J1Jpply-1ide economics." face of prolonged unemployment in the with theory. In the 1970s three reces­ J Ronald Reagan 1930s and the world-wide economic cri­ sions, each characterized (contrary to N.Y. Times, February 3, 1981 sis, a new theory on which to base a new economic theory) by rising rates of in­ policy was needed. Enter John Maynard flation, have thrown economics into tur­ new president is elected who Keynes. moil . .According to theory, inflation and promises to get the country Keynes argued that demand creates unemployment exist as mutually exclu­ moving again. He gathers its own supply and therefore government sive alternatives. But now, in defiance of around him a group of econ­ manipulation of demand is the essential theory and policy, they exist side by side. omists armed with a supposed­ prerequisite to the maintenance of full In fact, they grow simultaneously. Stag­ ly new but simple theory that employment. Keynes believed that al­ flation becomes a household word. they claim will pull the coun­ though the system was self equilibrating try out of its economic dol­ there was no inherent tendency for the Enter Reaaan drums. The budget deficit is increasing, system to tend towards full employment. The 1980 presidential campaign yet the new administration has promised In Keynes's view it was the level of in­ took place in the context of this bewil­ to increase defense spending. However, vestment spending planned by capitalists dering economic crisis. Carter's dismal based on sound Keynesian principles, the that was the crucial factor in determining record allowed Reagan to be perceived President proposes a massive tax cut, the level of output and employment. as the candidate with an alternative vi­ promising Congress that "within a few sion and program . .Armed with "supply­ years of the enactment of this program side" economics, the right boldly pro­ WE COULDN'T HAVE federal revenues will be larger than if claimed the death of Keynes. SAID IT BETTER present tax rates continue to prevail." There is no doubt that Keynesian As Ed Nell, a prominent post-Keynes­ in "fine tuning" cannot respond to our cur­ The President was John Kennedy ian economist, has remarked, "the pic­ rent economic ills. But is supply-side eco­ 1960. But it also describes Ronald Rea­ ture of the price mechanism efficiently gan in 1981. How can this be? Reagan's nomics really an alternative? .And is it a allocating society's resources should be economic policies are largely influenced revolution in economic thought as its hun~ next to the round square in the adherents claim? by a group of supply-side economists who Gallery of the Theatre of the Absurd. The basic idea behind supply-side proclaim the death of Keynes. Yet Ken­ The Invisible Hand, if it is to be found economics is quite simple. The supply nedy's proposal for a tax cut was based anywhere, is likely to be found picking siders argue that by cutting tax rates the on the Keynesian theory that the supply­ the pockets of the poor." siders claim to have rejected. Could it government will increase incentives for be that there is really nothing new about The Public Interest work and investment. The result, they Special Issue, 1980 supply-side economics-that it's just an claim, will be an increase in productivity, old theory dressed in a reactionary guise? greater growth, and lower inflation. To make sense out of the current But, as Keynes pointed out, invest­ In addition to the tax cuts, their debate on economic policy we must put ment plans depend on the anticipation of other policy proposals are: stable, pre­ it in a historical context. Fifty years ago, future profits and hence are characterized dictable growth in the money supply; a during the great depression, it was evi­ by uncertainty. This led to two conclu­ cut in government spending to ease the dent to orthodox economists that supply sions: first, there was nothing in the au­ tax burden (The supply siders do not creates its own demand. Orthodox eco­ tomatic mechanism of the system that think that the tax cuts should be depen­ nomic theory claimed that capitalism au­ would make capitalists plan just the dent on the spending cuts, although tomatically tended towards the full em­ ri,ght amount of investment to ensure Reagan wants to link the two.) ; and, ployment of labor and the full utilization full employment; and second, since ex­ perhaps most revealingly, an end to fis ­ of all resources-provided, of course, that pectations of future profits are volatile, cal and monetary tine tuning and a great­ the mechanism of the market was not investment plans and hence output and er reliance on the internal dynamics of a impeded. It followed that the role of the employment levels arc prone to wild free market economy. state was to modify or remove any fric­ fluctuations. Therefore ,the role of the These theories hold many pitfalls. tions or imperfections that might prevent state is to manipulate demand within a There is little empirical evidence to show these inherent tendencies from working framework of progressive taxation so as that lower tax rates will result in the and to oppose all attempts to restrict the to achieve full employment and steady growth of productivity and investment. free play of market forces. growth. Busineu Week (January 12, 1981),citing But reality intervened and in the But once again reality conflicted a study done for the Office of Tax .Anal-

4 DEMOCRATIC LEFT March 1981 ysis of the Treasury Department, states librium characterized by full employ­ stagflation. It is not enough for the gov­ tlat tax rates are not stifling work activ­ ment towards which the economy was ernment simply to act to stimulate de­ ity, despite supply siders' claims to the always supposed to be tending. Keynes mand and leave investment and produc· contrary. LikcwISC with investment. In showed how the economic system could tion in private hands. Socialists have al­ an America characterized by stagflation, be tending toward an equlibrium char­ ways argued that public democratic con­ investment is held down by factors acterized by unemployment. But Keynes trol of supply is a precondition for eco­ more powerful than high tax rates. In and his followers have always believed nomic efficiency and social justice. Cen­ the context , of a capitalist economy an that once the state was able to control tral to this will be democratic planning. investment will be undertaken only if it is the level of aggregate demand, the profit But socialists are not the only peo­ l­ profitable. If there are not profitable in­ motive and private self interest would ple talking about planning. Twenty years o ,·estment outlets, tax cuts and other hand­ ensure an efficient supply of goods and ago Gunnar Myrdal pointed out that I- outs to the corporate rich will simply services in the public interest. "the development toward planning . . . ,_ result in a redistribution of wealth up­ Although they would reject the was not itself planned .... It happened wards as the rich invest in inflation identification, the supply siders share in a way much more accidental, less di­ hedges. And even if this tax cut program with Keynes every basic assumption about rect and less purposive, by an unending r did work, it would be no cure for infla­ how the economy works. This does not series of acts of intervention by the state." tion . .As Jeff Faux and Gar Alperovitz of mean that the supply sidcrs advocate the Sophisticated businessmen such as Felix the National Center for Economic Alter­ same policies as traditional Keynesians. Rohatyn have called for increased cor­ natives state in a recent memo on Rea­ Indeed, the Keynesians have been the porate planning. gan's economic policy, "Not even their architects of the modern welfare state The issue, then, is who will do the most ardent booster is confident they will which is now under attack from the planning, in whose interests. The work achieve productivity improvements of supply siders. They are, to use a term we must do now in constructing a pro­ more than one percent over the decade­ coined by Joan Robinson, "Bastard gram for democratic planning will be of and inflation is now in the 12-13 percent Keynesians." Faux and .Alperovitz point utmost importance. The urgency of our range." out that the supply siders' policy pro­ task was perhaps best expressed by Irving In regard to monetary policy, as posals "are an odd mixture of conven­ Kristo!. In the Wall Street Journal he said Leonard Silk pointed out in the New York tional conservative tax subsidies which that the new conservative political econ­ Times, the "ingenuity" of financial insti­ serve business and the upper income omy "is the last, best hope of democratic tutions in controlling the level of money classes, and conventional liberal deficit capitalism in America, and if it fails­ and credit according to their own dictates spending to maintain demand." A new well, then conservatives can concentrate makes government control difficult. policy? Sort of. Revolutionary econom­ on nostalgic poetry and forget all about ics? Hardly. Reagan's program could also run political economy. Someone else will be into political problems. Although his in charge of that." • Lessons for the Left first priority will be to cut taxes, he still For all its overblown claims, there plans to attack the budget. The Office of Mark Levinson was National Chair of is, as Mike Harrington remarked in these Management and Budget has proposed the DSOC Youth Section from 1978 to pages last month, a kernel of truth in slashes in such programs as food stamps, 1980. He is currently a graduate student the supply-side argument. After all, Medicaid, CET A programs and unem­ in economics aJ the New School for So­ Keynesianism is inadequate to cope with ployment benefits. In the House, both cial Research in New York City. Democrats and moderate Republicans have doubts about carrying out those cuts deemed necessary by Reagan to defuse the inflationary potential of the tax cuts. Business Week quotes a top Senate staffer, "Without these reductions, Reagan could wind up as the first President to preside over a $100 billion deficit." Finally, there is the belief in the workings of the free market. Herc the supply sidcrs show that they share the same theoretical assumptions as Keynes­ ian and pre-Keynesian economists. It is important to remember that whatever the policy implications of Keynes's General Theory (and they were substantial), Keynes had much less of an effect on the general conceptual framework of eco­ nomic theory. Keynes challenged the tra­ ditional orthodoxy only at one crucial point: its assumption of a unique equi-

March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LEFT ~ work between the two groups and setting iq up a formal national committee to ex­ plore the similarities and differences be­ sn tvreen them. The N..AM-DSOC negotiat­ 01 DSOC and NAM ing committees met several times and t~ reports were published in NAM's inter­ se nal Dimmion Bulletin and DSOCs in­ ti ternal Sociali11 Forum. Joint work was 1 also carried on by many DSOC and NAM r: local groups. 0 NAM's 1980 convention then voted t1 Hold Unity Talks by an overwhelming margin ( 404 to n 208) to elect a committee to begin ne­ 11 By Harry Fleischman gotiations with DSOC on merger as soon IJ S A 16-YEAR·OLD I JOINED THE our work through unification with the as possible. I Young People's Socialist New American Movement (NAM) . 1 League in 1931 to win "So­ As one who has not yet made up his Differences I cialism in Our Time." We mind as to whether he favors or opposes Profound differences between the t haven't won it yet, and in the merger, I'll try to assess the current status two groups must still be examined. intervening fifty years, I've of this effort. What's it all about ? How Their organizational styles and struc­ t seen more splits than unity in did this discussion start? What is NAM tures differ considerably. NAM is a t the Socialist Party and its suc­ and what does it stand for ? What are the federation of local groups, with the main cessors, until now. In contrast, in its eight­ similarities and differences between both focus of its work in chapters. Dues range ycar history, the Democratic Socialist Or­ groups? Arc the groups compatible? from $30 per year for low income (under ganizing Committee (DSOC) has proven Perhaps no conclusive answer can yet be $4,000) full member membership to to be remarkably tolerant in its diversity, given, since unity discussions are just $360 for single members earning over enjoying a steady growth free of fac­ starting, but here's a rough outline of the $20,000. High dues and thrice-yearly tional backbiting and bitterness. situation. dues assessments lead to a relatively high DSOC was formed in 1973 by a few NAM was founded in 1971 by turnover in membership. NAM also has hundred members whose immediate his­ members drawn largely from Students associate members, who pay $15 per year tories had largely been as the antiwar for a Democratic Society (SOS) and the but have no voting rights at conventions. minority in the Socialist Party of the six­ New Left who sought to build a demo­ Most full NAM members are active in ties and has grown to its current size of cratic socialist organization that would chapter life, which has a high degree of nearly 5,000 members with amazingly reject both Communism and anti-Com­ internal discussion. and do considerable diverse backgrounds. For the overwhelm­ munism. In an attempt to conquer the local coalition work around energy and ing majority of the DSOC membership, intense factionalism that destroyed SOS, health issues, reproductive rights, and this is the first socialist organization they its founding convention barred not only trade union support work. NAM has no have ever joined. Most come from acti­ organizers for the Maoist Progressive full national projects similar in scope to vism in the Democratic Party, trade Labor Party and the Trotskyist Socialist DEMOCRATIC AGENDA. However, its na­ unions, feminist, religious, campus, and Workers Party, but of the Democratic tional comission structure provides for community groups. The remainder be­ party as well. It shared the disdain of sharing much information and coordina­ longed at one time or another in their many SDSers for electoral politics. tion among its activists in energy, health, lives to such varied and conflicting poli­ NAM has built up a membership feminist, community organizing, and ur­ tical groups as the prc-1950s Socialist of about 1300 full and associate mem­ ban political arenas. Party or Social Democratic Federation, bers, has dropped its earlier opposition The overwhelming majority of Students for a Democratic Society (SOS), to electoral action and, on many issues, NAM's members are between the ages of the Communist Party, the American La­ has moved closer to DSOC's views. 25 and 40, with few over the age of 50. bor Party, and various Trotskyist sects. At DSOC's last national convention DSOC, on the other hand, started From its inception DSOC saw itself (February 1979) , the delegates voted by out with a strong national presence, and as the explicitly socialist ingredient in a a nine-to-one margin that, "We note with has evolved more slowly on the local larger democratic left-liberal-labor coali­ excitement the current development and level. Today it has built a considerable tion that was to be found in and around shape of the New American Movement. chapter structure which is now deeply the Democratic Party. It called itself an They arc a group with whom we should involved in community org;nizing, union Organizing Committee as an expression work closely to strengthen our tics." support work, political clubs, and elec­ of its hope that it was only the embryo The National Board appointed a com­ toral activity. It has continued to be the of what would one day become a sub­ mittee to explore the possibility of a initiator or cooperator in a number of stantial and powerful organization of NAM-DSOC merger and urged locals important national events and move­ democratic socialism. to engage in joint projects with NAM ments, largely as part of a coalition with During the past year and a half, a chapters. liberal and labor groups around the Dem­ further step toward this end has been on NAM responded at its 1979 con­ ocratic party on issues of corporate influ­ the agenda-the possibility of enhancing vention by voting to encourage joint ence, unemployment, and investment pol-

6 DEMOCRAnc LEFT March 1981 ing iq·. It has u·oided long position papers (PLO) as the "only effective representa­ ing in January 1981, passed a resolution a­ 1.nd resolutions, stressing programmatic tive" of the Palestinian people which to continue negotiations and discussions :>e· statements on issues that involved DSOC should be "centraJly involved in any with NAM. Indeed, both the DSOC at­ organiz:uionally. It has encouraged, peace negotiations." NAM's position ex­ Committee Against the NAM Merger tld through its low dues structure and its ab­ cludes aid to Israel by the United States and the anti-merger group in NAM in­ :r­ sence of demands for high levels of ac­ while DSOC's specifically calls for con­ sist that they favor joint work between n­ tivity, the idea that all who agreed with tinued economic and military aid. DSOC NAM and DSOC nationally and in lo­ 'aS tts b.asic political position belonged in supports Palestinian self-determination, cals and chapters on issues of mutual M DSOC. Its members include many recog­ but does not discuss the PLO. In its only concern. nized national figures-elected officials, reference to terrorism, NAM opposes The DSOC National Board majority ~ trade union leaders and others of promi­ "the use of armed force by the PLO, expressed satisfaction over the NAM­ to nence. While its age range is considerably Israel and other parties against unarmed DSOC discussions in the past two years, C· wider than N.AM's, its activists are large­ civilians." as well as the "cooperative work" of the m ly also from the generation of the sixties. .As one DSOC member observed, organizations and the "joint groups" In the past few years, through its new after attending the 1980 NAM conven­ created by them in at least two localities. youth organization, it has also built up tion, many DSOCers would find some Noting that some political issues must a considerable number of articulate mem­ NAM members' insistence on the "pri­ still be "clarified" and the "actual proc­ IC bers under age 25. macy of the .American threat to world ess" of unification defined, the Board ma­ I. Issues that complicate discussions of peace and self-determination at best sim­ jority felt that none of the problems were .· unification deal primarily with interna­ plistic, at worst apologetic for Soviet for­ "insuperable." It noted approvingly a tional afiairs. .Although neither DSOC eign policy." NAM's "successes in promoting socialist 11 nor NAM has focused its activity in the e areas of foreign policy, such issues have r ramifications in domestic politics as well ''But all-from the most optimistic to the most negative- ) as in international policy. Earlier NAM documents have referred generally to the share a determination to maintain a tone of comradeship, so that Communist nations as "Socialist." But neither DSOC's nor NAM's past achievements and future con­ NAM has denounced violations of hu­ man rights in the Soviet Union, .Afghani­ tributions to the American left are impaired by these discussions.,, stan, and elsewhere. NAM, nevertheless, appears to view some of these "Socialist" countries as deserving of critical support. Although DSOC was critical from feminism, sparking grassroots activity, .At the same time, in its statement of prin­ the start of U.S. foreign policy, opposing and building strong vital chapters," ciples, NAM defines socialism as follows: U.S. involvement in Vietnam and Chile, which "give grounds for hope that uni­ "N.AM is committed to working toward organizing opposition to draft registra­ fication will not only enhance DSOC, but a socialist society in which material re­ tion, some NAM members find DSOC's transform it, creating an organization not sources and the decision-making proc­ opposition to "international double stand­ only larger but better than the organiza­ ess arc democratically controlled by all ards" at best utopian, at worst apologetic tions that now exist." people. We arc committed to a socialism for U .S. foreign policy. The same resolution also noted that that has equality and respect for all peo­ Another source of contention was an active minority group within DSOC, ple at its core-one that carefully balances NAM's "reservations" about member­ sensitive to the desirability of unifying all the need for collective planning, owner­ ship in the Socialist International, a mem­ democratic socialists, nevertheless op­ ship, and decision-making with a high bership DSOC is proud to hold. The poses merger with NAM "at the present regard for individual rights and free­ recent involvement of the SI in support time." This minonty is concerned that "a dom." The combination of views appears of detente, disarmament and Third World good number of crucial political issues" confusing to many DSOCers. liberation, as well as exposure to many of remain about which there are still "im­ DSOC's founding statement, "We the leaders of SI member parties at the portant differences of outlook" or where are Socialists of the Democratic Left," recent successful conference on Euroso­ "no adequate clarifications of opinion says: "We consider democracy as of the cialism and America sponsored by the have yet been made." These include: "the socialist essence . . . democracy is thus Institute for Democratic Socialism have problems of totalitarianism in the 20th not simply central to the political struc­ deepened DSOC's commitment to the SI. century, attitudes toward one-party Com­ ture of socialism; it is the guarantee, the We note, however, that although NAM's munist and Castroitc dictatorships, judg­ only guarantee, of the people's economic documents remain highly critical of many ments concerning Western defense pol­ and social power. Given this analysis, we SI parties, the negotiating committee is icy, the defense of Israel in the Middle reject the claim that Communist countries willing to maintain membership of a East, relationships between democratic are socialist." merged organization in the SI. socialists and the labor movements." This On the Middle East, NAM has soft­ group fears that a unification in the "ab­ ened its earlier anti-Israel position to one Facing the Divisions sence of sufficient agreement and under­ that now calls for a Palestinian state, the In full knowledge that these ~nd standing" could lead to "a demoralizing aaintcnancc of Israel and recognition of other points of controversy remain to be and wearisome factionalism." The minor. the Palestinian Liberation Organization resolved, DSOC's National Board, meet- Continued on page 14

March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LBFT 7 ASP REPORT Tenant Power Is Growing By John Atlas and Peter Dreier N THE WAKE OF THE NOVEMBER it has been these groups that the grass­ worked. It built successful dues-paying elections, before the next electoral roots public interest and community or· membership organizations, it mobilized battles, the democratic left has to re­ ganizations have so successfully mobilized apathetic poor and working class people think its strategy for mobilizing around immediate reforms. For the most around important issues, and it won vic­ community residents and voters. In part, however, they have steered clear of tories. It gave people a sense of power particular, the nationwide network direct involvement in election campaigns, and self confidence to "light City Hall." of grassroots/community organiza. except for issue-oriented referendums, But, times have changed. Not only the tions that mushroomed in the 1970s where the results have been mixed. Their conservative victories for President and must reconsider its traditional reluctance philosophy, adopted from Saul Alinsky Congress, but also the conservative vic­ to engage in electoral politics. The New and his followers, bas been straightfor· tories on statewide property tax and nu­ Jersey Tenants Organization (N}TO)­ ward: organize people around immediate clear power initiatives (Ohio, Massachu­ with 60,000 dues-paying members, the common proble~ (utility rates, property setts, Maine, and elsewhere) indicate a toughest landlord-tenant laws in the na· taxes, public service cutbacks, rent in­ growing sophistication by the right. tion, rent control in more than 100 cities, creases, redlining) ; embarrass elected Equally important, the Reagan adminis­ and an impressive string of electoral vie· officials through clever media manipula­ tration is likely to cut off or reduce many tories. under its ten-year-old belt-pro· tion, careful research and direct action of the government programs-VISfA, vides a model for linking "direct action" protests; and "raise consciousness" of Legal Services, the Community Services organizing and election campaigns. broader problems by linking issues and Administration- that community organi­ Recent polls suggest that public pointing out the ties between corporate zations have relied on for staff and sup· opinion has not shifted to the right. An abusers and their government allies. port services. overwhelming majority of Americans Groups such as Massachusetts Fair Share, continue to support basic progressive is­ the Illinois Public Action Council, Tenant Victories sues: national health insurance, the Equal ACORN, the Connecticut Citizens Ac· For over ten years, NJTO has won Rights Amendment and reproductive tion Group, the Ohio Public Interest victories by using a wide range of tactics, rights, government protection of con· Campaign, the Oamshell Alliance and its including lobbying, providing tenants sumer rights, workplace health and safety counterparts, C.O.P.S. (San Antonio), with legal advice, organizing buildings and environmental quality, public con­ and many others have won impressive and citywide tenant groups, rallying ten­ trol of the energy industry, democratiza· victories. They have forged national net­ ants in rent strikes and demonstrations, tion of corporate decision making, pro­ works such as Citizen Action, National and using the mass media to make "ten­ gressive tax reform, and related concerns. Peoples Action, and the National .Asso­ ants rights" an important issue. Its efforts Why haven't these attitudes been trans­ ciation of Neighborhoods, to help share (with only a small staff) have brought lated into political victories? ideas and train staff members. Deeply em· results. Not only do more than 100 New The right's November victory was a bedded in the Alinsky (community or­ Jersey communities have rent control, but testament to its nuts-and-bolts strategic ganizing) tradition is the importance of the state legislature has passed the tough­ success, not to its new ideas for solving avoiding the taint of "politics." This is est pro-tenant laws in the country. basic social and economic problems. understandable, given the American pub­ How did NJTO do it? What lessons Critical to this success was the right's lic' s deepseated suspicion and cynicism to· can be learned ? ability to get out the vote on election day. ward elected officials and government. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Equally important was the failure of pro­ Community organizations haven't taken large numbers of New Jersey tenants gressives to do likewise. Traditional pro­ sides in elections, espoused "ideology," faced a severe housing crisis that cut gressive constituencies sat this one out. or run their leaders for office. To do so across racial and class tines. In response Only 53 percent of eligible voters went might divide their members over candi­ to rising rents, deteriorating conditions, to the polls on November 4. The over­ dates and issues, weakening the organiza­ lax enforcement of building codes, evic­ whelming number of nonvoters were the tion. Or, organizers feared, they might tion of long-term tenants, and specula­ blacks, poor, youth, and blue-collar work· endorse and campaign for candidates tion, tenants began to organize indepen­ ers who decided that "none of the above" who. once in office, would renege on their dently and spontaneously. "Tenant con­ spoke to their interests and feelings. Most promises, hurting the credibility of the sciousness" was rising among both poor of these people are tenants. organization. and middle-income tenants. A major Ironically, during the past decade, For almost a decade, this strategy has event was the rent strike, beginning in

8 DEMOCRATIC LEFT March 1981 19i0, in which 11,000 tenants in the Stdh-Wright public housing projects in I Newuk withheld rent for more than four rcus. The Stella-Wright actions inspired tmants elsewhere. Although NJTO was not involved in the Newark strike, by the end of 1970 it had organized 43 rent strikes across the state involving 20,000 tenants in private housing. NJTO leadership was beginning to recognize a potential problem in a strat· ing egy that relied too heavily on direct con­ zed frontation to win concessions from land­ 1ple lords and political officials. The problem ne­ was that the rent strike failed to expand wer tenants rights and build stable organiza­ 11." tions and grassroots leaders. the The rent strike, for example, did not md lead to any lasting control of rent in­ '' More and more households will be shut out of the 'American ric· creases or enforcement of codes. Tenants dream' of home ownership and can expect to spend the rest P.U· remained subject to arbitrary evictions at hu­ the end of their lease or, if they had no of their lives as tenants.'' e a lease, on merely a 30-days notice. Many rht. tenant leaders were harassed and evicted for organizing or even complaining to ili· sive public officials. In many towns, ten. the State Capitol and gave the organiza­ any the building department or other govern- tion added public recognition. "A, ment officials. ants captured control of the local gov- ernment (city council). By 1971 the ccs At its first annual membership meet- NJTO was ready to launch a major legis­ Strategy a Success ill.I· ing, the NJTO leadership presented a lative campaign and begin the fight for The NJTO electoral strategy proved o.p· proposal to link direct action with an rent control. to be a tremendous success. During the electoral strategy at the state and local The NJTO board urged local affil­ next five years, the NJTO engaged in level. One leader told the membership iates to become more aggressively in­ direct action organizing while also win­ that "this is a political fight and we have volved in local elections. The locals ning legislative victories. It won pro­ rem become a political organization. We've organized as citywide tenant organiza­ tenant laws on the issues of security de­ ics, gone beyond the stage where our only tions screened council candidates and sup­ posits, evictions for cause, receivership, nts course of action is tenant-landlord con- ported those who favored tenant inter­ landlord disclosure, and state income tax lgs frontations." Two hundred tenant leaders ests. Jn cities and towns throughout New credits for tenants. More than 100 com­ en- attending the meeting committed them- Jersey, local tenant organizations held munities passed rent control Jaws. Tenant ns, selves to registering 250,000 New Jersey "candidates nights." The NJTO board leaders were elected or appointed to serve m­ tenants in a voter registration drive. interviewed and screened candidates for on local rent control boards, watching out icts By the end of 1970 the NJTO or- statewide offices. Screening committees for tenant interests and encouraging ten­ Jht ganizing and voter registration drives were also set up in every legislative dis­ ant groups to monitor landlords' claims ew were well under way. In the suburban trict, even those which had sparse tenant of cost increases. JUt bedroom communities in Bergen County, populations. After completing written NJTO's strategy paid off in 1977 ~h- 40 NJTO members became deputy regis- questionnaires, candidates were given when 54 of the 62 state legislative candi­ trars. The county's election commissioner personal interviews with the screening dates endorsed by the organization were reported that NJTO people had regis- committees. Following recommendations elected. Today there is a group of pro­ tered almost 1000 tenants in the small of the local committees, the statewide tenant stalwarts in the state legislature, !>s, town of Fairlawn four days after the board made the final endorsements. In an led by Assemblymember Byron Baer of lts drive had begun. Reports coming from attempt to win tenant support for its can­ Bergan County. :ut tenant organizations across the state in- didates, the New Jersey Democratic Party NJTO's political influence went be­ ISC dicated that thousands of tenants were be- Policy Council endorsed rent stabiliza­ yond tenants rights. Organized tenant 'lS, ing registered. The political response to tion. However, the NJTO remained non­ support was instrumental in electing ic· t~ voter registration drive and organiz- partisan and endorsed pro-tenant candi­ Essex County Executive Peter Shapiro la· ing campaign surprised even the NJTO dates of both parties (although most were and Governor Brendan Byrne, who have :n­ leaders. More than 40 landlord-tenant Democrats). Following the November been progressive on a wide range of il· bills, including four rent control bills, 1971 legislative elections, the NJTO other issues as well. While in office, both or were introduced in the state legislature 5taged a "March on Trenton." Thou­ Shapiro and Byrne have consulted regu­ or ducing 1970. Local tenant organizations sands of tenants and many of the success­ larly with NJTO leaders, supported ten­ in thre.a.tened recall elections for unrespon- ful NJTO-endorsed candidates rallied at ant issues, and provided tenants with

March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LEFT 9 critical legitimacy. Shapiro, for example, .fires due to gas explosions when tenants ing to form permanent organizations to helped to establish the Tenant Resource tried to keep warm-the missing smoke .fight for their rights. Tenant groups in Center, which provides advice and or­ detectors made a big story. The state's more than 25 states have won a variety ganizational help to tenants. major paper, the Star-udger, put it on of state and local laws that protect and NJTO views election campaigns as the front page. The New York Times extend tenant rights. Rent control is a important organizing tools. .At election carried a lengthy report of the contro­ front-page issue in cities around the na­ d time, the media and voters pay attention. versy, with many quotes from NJTO tion. Several dozen localities have passed sa restrictions, or outright bans, on condo .. conversions. In some areas, tenants are b ''811t to avoid always fighting these brushfire battles, tenants challenging the archaic landlord-tenant a laws, fighting for many of the reforms have to begin electing progressive, pro-tenant candidates to office.,, that New Jersey has already won. Some a low-income tenant groups are concerned II with tenant control-taking over aband­ e Campaign workers can knock on doors leaders . .Again, the surrounding publicity oned buildings through "sweat equity," , and talk to people, not only about can­ brought NJTO more members and a forming a tenants union to bargain with didates and personalities, but also about growing consciouness of tenants' rights. landlords over rent increases and main­ •I issues of immediate concern. Endorsing tenance, and using federal programs candidates can be a useful way of publi­ New Consciousness (such as the National Consumer Co-op • cizing the existence of tenant organiza­ If the situation in New Jersey were Bank) to develop private tenant-man­ tions. unique, the success of the NJTO would aged low-equity cooperatives or tenant Meanwhile, the NJTO and its affili­ be of only passing interest.* But the councils in public housing projects. ates continue direct action organizing, growing upsurge of tenant activism In California, for example, tenants using the methods of grassroots .Alinsky­ around the country since the late 1970s were outraged when landlords broke ism. Early in its career, for example, >uggests that the lessons of New Jersey their promises to pass on Proposition 13 NJTO wanted to call a statewide rent can be applied elsewhere. tax breaks to tenants. They mobilized on strike as a show of strength, but it knew Like the early stages of the women's the local level and got rent control in it lacked the resources to pull it off effec­ and black movements, tenants around the many communities. Last June the state's tively. Instead, it decided to issue a call country arc just beginning to develop well-organized landlords tried to under­ for a short-term "rent moratorium," a "tenant consciousness," to see themselves mine local victories by sponsoring a state­ tenant delay in rent payments. From their as a group with common problems and a wide initiative that would have effectively experience, NJTO leaders knew that a common political purpose. In the 1960s, eliminated local rent control ordinances. majority of tenants don't pay their rent tenant militancy was confined primarily Although the landlords (with help from on the first of the month anyway, but wait to the poor and minorities, a by-product their counterparts around the country) a few days, or more. NJTO's moratorium of the civil rights and war on poverty outspent the rent control advocates by was widely reported in the papers. When movements. Their transience made it 100 to 1 ($4.9 million to $45,000), the reporters went out to interview tenants difficult to organize stable tenant organi­ tenants organized an effective grassroots on the third or fourth day of the month, zations. And their low level of voting campaign to overcome these heavy odds. sure enough, most tenants had not paid gave them little political clout. Orchestrated by the California Housing their rent yet. Reporters labeled the tactic What is new is the post-war "baby Action Information Network {CHAIN) , a success. Like good organizers, NJTO boom" generation of middle-class renters they defeated the landlords' initiative 65 found that "smoke and mirrors" often who grew up expecting to be single­ to 35 percent. work well. The publicity surrounding family homeowners. But the price of But to avoid always .fighting these the rent withholding campaign gave homes skyrocketed in the 1970s (from brushfire battles, tenants have to begin NJTO's credibility another important $23,400 in 1970 to more than $80,000 electing progressive, pro-tenant candi­ boost. People started calling and joining, now) , rising faster than incomes. More dates to office. In Santa Monica, the fight unsolicited. and more households will be shut out of over rent control went hand-in-hand with Last December, NJTO began a cam­ this ".American dream" of home owner­ the City Council elections and tenants paign around smoke detectors. .A year ship and can expect to spend the rest of now have an effective voice, led by acti­ earlier, it had successfully pressured the their lives as tenants. vist Ruth Yanatta, on that body. In Cam­ state legislature to pass a law requiring With more of a stake in the condi­ bridge, Massachusetts, City Councilor landlords to install detectors in every tions of their apartments, tenants are will- David Sullivan, and State Representative apartment. Two days before the law was Tom Gallagher of Boston (both DSOC to go into effect (January 7, 1981), •In trying to think of any conditions unique to members) , as well as Boston City Coun­ NJTO President Phyllis Salowe Kaye New Jersey, the authors could find only one. cilor Ray Flynn and State Representative called the press and issued the results Lodged between New York City and Phila­ delphia, New Jersey has no television station John Businger of Brookline, have been of a statewide survey that revealed that or broadcast media market of its own . .As a elected with the strong support of local only 10 percent of landlords had com­ result, landlords cannot bankroll an expensive tenant groups. Elsewhere, tenants have plied with the law. Coming in the midst media campaign against rent control and other made a difference in election campaigns, of the coldest winter in recent memory­ issues. This puts a premium on grassroots, door-to-door orj!anizing . . . on people over but nowhere has tenant power been as and a string of news stories about serious money. important and consistent as in New Jcr-

10 DEMOCRATIC LEFT March 1981 to ~. because only there has a permanent, tect tenant organizing. Like the landmark meetings, talking to the press, making in luge, dues-paying tenant organization Wagner Act for labor, this would re­ speeches, lobbying elected officials), and cty been established. quire landlords to recognize and bargain to shift people from being passive spec­ nd Although tenants are only one-third with tenant unions (over leases and other tators to being active, self confident citi­ ! a of the American population, in most conditions) if more than half the ten­ zens. Victories improve people's lives di­ la­ cities they are a majority, and often a sub­ ants in a building vote for the union. rectly and immediately. Rent control ied stantial one. There is no reason why ten­ keeps their housing costs down. Anti­ do ants cannot become an effective voting Contribution to the Leit eviction laws and controls on condo con­ Lte bloc 10 most major cities. It's a question The tenants movement has four im­ versions give people security and stability. 1.0t of organization and will. portant things to offer the broader demo­ Finally, the tenants movement can IDS Of critical importance is the way cratic left. help to elect progressives to public office. DC tenant issues unite the poor and the First, it raises political consciousness. The successes so far, however, are only Cd middle-class. One group may be concern­ Tenant issues, particularly rent control, the beginning. For the democratic left, d- ed with rats and roaches, and the other are powerful weapons in changing peo­ tenants represent an important, but ne­ with parking privileges and air condition­ ples' attitudes about what's right and glected, part of the progressive coalition. 'th ing, but all tenants are concerned about wrong, and what's possible and not pos- The democratic left must address is­ n­ rent increases, security from eviction, and sues of concern to the non voter if it is to ns building conditions. develop electoral clout. Low voter turn­ >p So far, tenants' strength has been outs in recent elections have been one of n­ felt primarily at the state and local level. the main sources of the increasing power nt But the upsurge of tenant activism around of the far right minority. Tenants, a big the country, and the recent formation of bloc of non voters, will vote their pocket­ ts the well-financed National Multi-Hous­ books as New Jersey has shown if candi­ ce ing Council (NMHC), a powerful land­ dates advocate rent control and other ten­ 3 lord lobby, has made the importance of ant rights issues. 1n national coordination obvious. Last June, The importance of the tenant move­ n more than 300 tenant leaders from 25 ment will be demonstrated this year in 's states met in Cleveland to found the Na­ New Jersey. NJTO has launched a cam­ r- tional Tenants Union. The new group paign to elect progressive candidates and already has its work cut out for it. sible regarding private property rights. stem the drift to the right. y Last November, Ronald Reagan's The underlying assumption of rent con­ A coalition of tenants, trade unions, 5. urban advisory task force (which in­ trol is that landlords do not have a right consumer groups, environmentalists, wo­ n included the head of NMHC, but no to make as much profit or charge as much men's organizations, civil rights and se­ ) tenants) recommended that the federal rent as they want. No longer is the apart­ niors groups will be set up to elect to f government cut off housing funds to any ment viewed by the tenants as the land­ local and state office progressives who e city that has rent control. Whether Rea­ lord's castle. "What the market will bear" will translate their common concern into :s gan goes ahead with this policy depends is no longer a fair measure of what is public policy. The coalition will also tar­ I. on the ability of tenants to mobilize right. In those areas where people have get vulnerable conservatives for defeat. ~ effectively to convince their representa­ fought for rent control, it is always at­ The groups may differ on the issues each tives and senators to block such a move tacked as anti-"free enterprise" and anti­ emphasizes, but will unite on candidates. To be effective, this new organiza­ business. After a victory, the debate shifts Nationally, the left could target tion (now headquartered at Shelterforce, to what level of profit the landlord de­ New Jersey-one of the two states with the tenant movement newspaper) needs serves. statewide elections this year (the other to encourage the formation of stable new Secondly, it moves people to work is Virginia) as a model and testing citywide and statewide tenant organiza­ for more democratic control of owner­ ground for this plan. tions. In the short run, it should try to ship and investment in housing through The strategy of uniting various have a strong tenant presence at the mid­ cooperatives and to develop alternatives single-issue groups around common can­ term Democratic party convention, put­ to the private mortgage market to build didates was used effectively by the right ting rent control, cooperative housin .~, affordable housing. In states like New this past November. The democratic left and similar issues on the party's agenda. Jersey, California, and New York that has to relearn that lesson. In doing so, it The convention should also endorse a have strong tenants movements, the issue cannot ignore the nation's almost 60 mil­ national "tenants' bill of rights" in Con­ of democratic control over the investment lion tenants. • r.ress This would include: (1) income process is on the agenda. Governors tax deductions, or tax credits, for tenants, Carey and Brown, for example, have John Atla.r iI a vice f'rtsident of the New who are now excluded from the benefits urged using public employee pension Jersey Tenants Organization and a /11U1yer bomeo\\·ners get, since they can deduct funds to finance housing. in Newark. Peter Dreier iI a.rsiitant pro­ their interest and property tax payments Third, the tenant movement builds fessor of sociology aJ Tufts Uni11ersity on the federal income tax; (2) protection grassroots organizations and wins vic­ and a founder of the Ma.rsachusetts Ten­ from a.rbitrary eviction, modeled on the tories. Organization is necessary to de­ ants Organization. Both are DSOC mem­ ·~ Jersey law; and (3) a National velop leaders, to give people an oppor­ bers and write for Shelterforce and other L:andlord-Tenants Relations Act to pro- tunity to develop political skills (chairing publications.

March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LEFT 11 Palme on the Arms Race By Patrick Lacefield T IS OFTEN SAID THAT SINCE THB uate the American and Soviet com­ end of World War II, more than mitments to non-proliferation? 6000 meetings have been held be­ Palme: I think the fault in holding the tween the two superpowers on the line on the proliferation question lies question of the arms race-and squarely with the superpowers. The pre­ that not a single weapon has been requisite to the non-proliferation process eliminated as a result. Certainly this -as spelled out in article six of the Non­ failure to date is no reflection on Proliferation Treaty-is that they make the efforts of a number of countries­ sacri1ices and concessions by reducing Mexico, Yugoslavia and, particularly, their bulging arsenals. The U.S. and Sweden-to prod, stimulate and some­ C) U.S.S.R. have failed to do so. They have times shove the United States and the ~ failed to reach agreement on a Compre­ Soviet Union into substantive progress l; hensive Test Ban Treaty which has been toward resolving this most dangerous of i in the works since the partial test ban of threats to human survival. .And over the ~ 1963 or even on a test moratorium. In- last few decades perhaps no world lead­ stead, both powers have increased their er has given so unstintingly of his time testing. in this area than Olof Palme, leader of If both powers continue to develop the Swedish Social Democratic Party, for­ ''I've the sinking feeling that and test new prototypes of nuclear weap­ mer prime minister and currently United I ons at every turn, then the countries of • Nations special envoy to the Iran-Iraq the arms race is pretty much out the Third World will choose the nuclear War. What follows are excerpts from an • of control.'' option-for reasons of defense, machismo, interview that DEMOCRATIC LEFT con­ or whatever. I was once secretary of ducted with Palme during the recent "Eu­ the committee studying whether Sweden rosocialism and America" conference io should acquire nuclear weapons and our Washington. to by NATO last December to coun­ ter a new generation of Soviet SS-20s committee concluded such a step would DL: What is your general assessment in Eastern Europe. Many parties inordinately increase tensions in our ge0- of the state of the arms race at this within the Socialist International graphic area. If that was true for Swe­ moment? have different ideas on how the de­ den, how much more true it is for coun­ ployment should proceed vis-a-vis tries in the Third World. This is exceed­ Palme: Well, the level of danger is con­ negotiations with the Soviets. What ingly dangerous. It must be stopped now. tinually increasing, and if the arms race is your perspective? And if it is to be stopped the superpowers rolls along at its present pace we shall Palme: Of course Sweden is not directly must take the lead. surely pay the price. It is especially insane involved as we are not members of the since the larger number of nuclear bombs NATO alliance. We are concerned, how­ DL: What unique contribution do we brings with it not further security but ever, that this means an increase in the as democratic socialists bring to the instead greater insecurity. I've the sinking quality and quantity of nuclear arms in movements for disarmament in which feeling that the arms race is pretty much we are involved everywhere through­ Europe and increases the likelihood thaf out the world? out of control-politically as well as tech­ Europe will be a nuclear battleground for nologically. One significant and disturb­ the superpowers should the distinction Palme: We are popular movements and ing element of late has been the explicit between conventional and tactical weap­ can arouse public opinion. The politi­ change in strategies by the United States, ons continue to blur. Without taking cians can no longer manage the arms race from a strategy of countercity (targeting sides with one tendency or another, we and yet they and a good portion of our enemy population centers) to counter­ are in favor of negotiations as soon as peoples have yet to be convinced of this. force (targeting enemy missile silos). possible to forestall an increase in the Therefore, our only hoPe is to mobilize This is a posture of nuclear warfighting, nuclear arsenals in Europe. and organize public concern and it is here the notion that the U.S. can engage in a we socialists can have great impact. • "limited nuclear war" without touching DL: The incoming Reagan admin­ off a full-scale conflagration. istration has made clear it does not Patrick Lacefield is a disarmament activist see a role for the United States in and a member of the U.S. delegation to DL: There is considerable debate halting the proliferation of nuclear and discussion over the deployment weapons through controls over tech­ the World Yo11th Disarmament Confer­ of 562 intermediate range ballistic nology transfers and the like. What ence in Helsinki, Finland, /an. 19-26 missiles in Western Europe as agreed will this mean and how do you eval- representing DSOC.

12 DEMOCRATIC LEFT March 1981 featur~: om-

the lies The Meaning pre­ cess ron­ rake of Reagan ing and The Winter/1981 issue features a full-scale, sharply-phrased analysis of the llVe )CC· Reagan victory by Irving Howe. Here, to whet your appetite, are a few een passages. (To read the whole piece, fill out the coupon below.) t of In­ ieir "My own persuasion-in the nature of things, impossible "What has been happening is, I think, a slow, belated to prove-is that Reagan's victory can be half-explained by tide of reaction against the counterculture and New Left lop the hypnagogic effects of this empty phrase, "get the manifestations of the late '60s, both against what was •p• government' off our backs." Many people stretch out their attractive in them and what was excessive. The willing of of hands and yield their hearts to this cry of nostalgia, this simplicity that results in slogans like "Get the government ear hunger for simplicity." off our backs" finds a moralistic equivalent in a snarling no, * intolerance of cultural and social difference. The Yahoos '1n the short run, then, Reaganism may be the last hurrah are up in arms again. And now-this is new I-they have as of of the more primitive versions of American conservatism, len their allies New York intellectuals, only yesterday the a last ecstatic facing backward to a fancied past. Put friends of Paul Goodman." OUT yourself in the hands of the god who manifests himself as ttld an "'invisible hand" and then all will be good. That this "The air is full of attacks, mendacious from the right and co­ hasn't worked in the past keeps no one who desperately feckless from the left, on the welfare state. It is not enough, ve­ yearns for that past from trying to repeat it. But if this welfare state. It is not good enough, it needs ultimately m- Reaganism, the conservatism of the Simple Simons, proves to be "transcended," or modified, or improved. But first of ed- a chimera, that doesn't mean, of course, that a more all, it needs to be protected. And let us not, in the present 1w. sophisticated, corporate conservatism won't be edging atmosphere, allow ourselves to be deflected from ers into greater power-with its own kinds of government recognizing that it is a great achievement. It has improved controls and interventions. Reagan may if he presses, the lives of millions without endangering the liberty of cripple minimum wage laws; he cannot, even if he wishes anyone." we to, block the long-range trends toward "'corporate he statism."' ch Also in this issue: A special section on ~- "Suppose, indeed, that Reagan* doesn't go at the welfare the revolt of the Polish workers, with state with a meat cleaver. Suppose he just uses a scalpel. Or articles by Abraham Bromberg, Stefan rid better yet, suppose he just does nothing to implement or Bratkowski, and Jacek Kuron, leader of lti- improve existing social programs. Don't you see that this is oce already doing severe damage to whatever we have of a the KOR movement. ur welfare state?" $3.00 a copy/ $12.00 annual subscription lS. * ze ·,:\nd a word must be said here about the blacks. What jo~SENT.sooFilih~;~~:Tu~lool7----1 can they expect from Reagans, from the D' Amatos, from ~e the nameless new senators (we shall learn their names soon I Kindly send a copy of your Winter/ 1981 issue for which I I enclose $3.00 or (enter a one-year sub to start with I • who ! mocgb) have replaced the beaten Democratic, and I Winter/ 1981, $12.00 payment enclosed). Add $2.00 for all I so:ne Republican, liberals? Who can take seriously iii t foreign (including Canada). NO BILLING PLEASE! I Reapn"s tall; about getting private enterprise to invest in I (Please print.) I lo the Sotrtb Bronx? \\b o can fail to take seriously his distaste lr­ IN~ I for the minhm1m wage? The results of this election can I Street I ?6 only make a sensitive black person feel forlorn, abandooed.. I City Stat Zip I L------~ March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LEFT 13 ON1HEIEFf By Harry Fleischman HE FIRST INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY WAS VICTORY AND DEFEAT. The Cambridge, Mass. City Coun­ celebrated on March 8, 1908 by socialist women in cil, spurred by David Sullivan, passed a "Consultant's Tax" New York City. One of the places it will be observed on gross receipts from technical, professional and commercial this year is in New Jersey with a festival sponsored services. This imaginative left response to compensate for reve­ by a coalition of women's and labor organizations. nues lost by Proposition 2¥2 was reversed the following week "Women: Yesterday, Today & Tomorrow" is the when, according to DSOC organizer Matt Jones, a social sci­ theme of the march from Military Park in Newark. ence consulting .firm used its political connections to persuade the City Council to reverse its vote.... CONGRATULATIONS • • • to Lowell Peterson, who won the Ann Arbor primary race for DSOC's YouTH SECTION was well-represented at the recent a City Council seat. World Youth Forum for Peace, Detente and Disarmament in Helsinki sponsored by the national council of Finnish youth organizations. Four DSOCers-Patrick Laceiield and Horace Sheffield from New York, Peter Mandler from Boston, CONVENTION EXHIBIT. SEVERAL MEMBERS HAVE AL· and Tom Herwig from Minneapolis-were chosen by the In­ ready sent posters, photos, pins, busts, medallions and ternational YMCA for the 36-member U.S. delegation and letters of Gene Debs, Norman Thomas and other Social­ interacted with the more than 600 delegates from five conti­ ist, union and civil rights leaders for the pictorial display nents on issues of nuclear disarmament and development. In of the political history and traditions of DSOC for our addition to playing a major role within the U.S. delegation, Memorial Day weekend 1981 DSOC national conven­ DSOC cemented ties with brother and sister democratic social­ tion in Philadelphia. We Jtill need yo11r1. Send them on ist youth organizations represented through the International loan to Harry Fleischman, DSOC, 853 Broadway, New Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY). DSOCers were strong ad­ York, N.Y. 10003. We will insure the exhibit. vocates of the idea of a European nuclear free zone and suc­ cessfully incorporated into the conference criticism of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and U.S. moves in El Salvador. RECLAIMING THE VISION. A conference on "The Religious Left in the 1980s: Reclaiming the Vision" was held in New • • • York February 8, sponsored by New York DSOC, Franciscans DEBS POSTER. The Eugene V. Debs Foundation, P.O. Box for Socialism, OLAM: Committee for Jewish Political Ethics, 843, Terre Haute, Indiana 47808, has just reproduced the and Emmaus/ Harlem, drawing a hundred religious activists. Debs 1912 Socialist Presidential Campaign Poster. The 23 by ... THE NEW INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, edited by DSOCer 28 inch poster sells for $4 per copy .... Two VETERAN soOAL· Eric Lee, has moved its editorial offices to Israel. Its 10th issue ISTS DIE. R11ben Levin, dean of America's labor editors, died comes out in the spring.... At the January Board Meeting, in January at the age of 78. Levine was once editor of the Nancy Lieber was elected chair of DSOC's International Com­ Milwaukee Leader, a Socialist daily. Rabbi /1ador B. Hoffman, mittee. As such, her prime responsibility will be as liaison to a DSOC member and honorary chairman of the Jewish_Peace the Socialist International. ... There will be a DSOC Western Fellowship, died at the age of 82. Regional meeting on March 28 in San Francisco. •

DSOCNAM UNITY, from page 7 ity expressed itself as "prepared to accept such that it would be unwise at this junc­ resolve issues on the basis of the broadest continued discussions between the two ture to force a compromise that might possible consensus, an approach that the organizations, and to "seek actively to lessen DSOC's capacity to grow in the entire Board felt has played a significant engage responsible NAM representatives arenas that count most in American life. role in our success over the past eigiit in political discussions so as to clarify They believe that it may turn out that years. The Board voted unanimously to areas of agreement and/or disagree­ continued joint work, cooperation, and set up the following process: ment." sharing of ideas is the best path at the 1. Negotiations and discussion be­ present, leaving the door open to merger tween DSOC and NAM-and, in partim­ AAnostic Majority at some future time. Others see few im­ lar, frank exchanges between the most Although a vast majority of the portant differences. But all - from the skeptical minority in DSOC and members Board wishes to continue exploration and most optimistic to the most negative­ of NAM-in the period leading up to a minority opposes it, the majority itself share a determination to maintain a tone DSOC's Memorial Day weekend Nation­ is not of a single mind. A wide range of of comradeship and consideration, so that al Convention in Philadelphia. views-expressing different degrees of neither DSOCs nor NAM's past achieve­ 2. The establishment at the Con· skepticism with regard to the political ments and future contributions to the vention of a procedure for resolving the and organizational differences-remains. American left are impaired by these dis­ question as quickly as possible in the pe­ Some in the majority group believe cussions. riod after the Convention. that the differences may turn out to be The DSOC bas always worked to 3. Instructions to the DSOC nego-

14 DEMOCRATIC LEFT March. 1981 tiating committee elected by the National Executive Committee to meet with tHe I similar NAM committee to try to clarify You've already worked with us. all remaining issues and explore the po­ litical principles and organizational pro­ nn- cedures of unification. lX" Success for such a unified group, Now, join us. ::ial suggested the Board resolution, could The corporations and the Far Right have a plan for a harsher, hungrier, \'e- best be achieved by continuing DSOC's and m~ militarized America. For progressives to fight back, we need to build ~ political principles and practices, includ­ our own coa.lition and own program for an alternative future for America. ICi­ ing: coalition work with others in the The Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee works to unite low and de democratic left to promote social reform middle income Americans behind a program of full employment, tax justice i-:s and to inject socialist ideas into the main­ and wealth redistribution, safe and affordable energy, improved public serv­ or stream; working to create a left wing. ices, sexual and racial equality, and democratically planned investments in with a strong socialist presence, within developi:J.g new energy sources, rebuilding the cities, and reviving our the Democratic party; work with uruon­ indus::ies. - ists, both rank and file and leaders; and lf you plan to work with us, join us. opposition to authoritarian regimes =I'd like to join DSOC. Enclosed find my dues. (D $50 sustaining; 0 $25 throughout the world, whatever they nuy r~; CSlO limited income. Dues include $8 for DEMOCRATIC LEFT.) rail themselves.* =I 'WOuld like to subscribe to DEMOCRATIC LEFT: 0$15 sustaining, 0 $8 The Board also urged the inclusion reg>.ila.r. of critics, or opponents, of unity within Send to: Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee, 853 Broadway, Suite DSOC in the continued discussions with 801, New York, N.Y. 10003. Tel.: (212) 260-3270. NAM at all levels. All agreed that further exploration of this issue should ral;e phtt Nam"------~ within DSOC channels open to 111 mem­ Add.res"-----~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ bers, such as SocialiJt For11m. City Stat...______.£iP·------It was also agreed that DSOC woold maintain its primary emphasis on roali­ Phon ______Union, School, Other Affiliatio.~------tion work within the democratic left as well as its other regula.r funaioning dur­ ing this pcnod The DSOC negotiating committee felt that the best basis for a merger w'"IUld be an enlarged and transformed DSOC. TOWARD SOCIALISM IN AMERICA HALF-TIME POSITION BEGINNING SEP­ The NAM negotiating committee pro­ TEMBER I at New England DSOC in Boston by Harold Freeman as Regional Staff Person. Send resume and posed that it take the form of a new or­ M.l.T. ganization. cover letter to: Office Committee, DSOC, 120 Paperback: $6.50/Hardcover: $14.50 Tremont St., Rm. 401, Boston, MA 02108 So where does this leave us? Dis­ (617) 426-9026. SCHENKMAN PUBLISHING COMPANY cussions of unity between NAM and 3 Mount Auburn Place MAGAZINE SAMPLES DSOC will continue. Their results, plus Cambridee, Mass. 02138 Free listin& of over 150 magazines the extent of the civility of debate within CALL FOR WORKSHOPS. The Western So­ offering a sample copy/50c per sample. each organization and between both, will cialist Social Science Conference, co-sponsored Send stamped self-addressed #10 en­ determine whether a merger will occur, by the Red Feather Institute, invites workshop velope to: PUBLISHERS EXCHANGE proposals on any aspect, theoretical, practical, P.O. Box 1368, Dept. {*)A, Plainfield, and, if so, whether it will succeed in or cultural, of a socialist future. Place: Nevada N.J. 07060 broadening the scope and horizons of a City, California; Date: May 22-25. Contact: Krcplin, Dept. of Sociolol!Y, University of Ne· CHANGE JOBS. CHANGE THE WORLD! unified socialist movement in America. nda, Reno, 89557. Every year, COMJ\.fUNITY JOBS, a monthly Whether or not the discussions re­ journal, lists over 2,000 job openings in social CONFERENCE change work nationwide. Write for a /ru first sult in merger, much positive joint acti­ DSOC Northeast Regional Youth Section Con­ imu ! If you like it, pay just $8.88 ( 40 per· vity has grown from the fact that they ference, April 10-12 at Brown University, cent off) for nine more issues. If not, write were opened, and each group has a great­ Providence, R.I. Focusing on: The Corporate "cancel" on the bill and keep the free issue. Economy and the Urban Crisis-Problems and COMMUNITY JOBS, Box 207, 1704 R St., er tolerance and appreciation of the other Solutions. For further information, contact Bar­ NW, Washington, DC 20009 ... no small achievement in these frac- bara Winkler, Box H84, Brown University, 02912. Phone: 401-863-5427. EUROSOCIALISM POSTERS: Commemora­ tious times. • tive posters of historic "'Eurosocialism and JOIN THE DSOC HEALTH CARE TASK America" conference. Only $5 plus $1 postage. •Full text of the National Board resolution is FORCE! Send S5/)'ear ( 4 issues) for the Task DC-Md. DSOC, I ;46 Connecticut Ave., N .W., available from the DSOC National Office, BB Force newsletter. Articles on national health #713, Washington, D .C. 20036. Broad"'ay, New York, N.Y. 10003, as well as service, hospital cost control, defense of public in NAM"s latest documents on unification. hospitals, occupational health, more. Health Classified rale1 are $2 per line, $j0 per ,o/Nmn care bibliography also available for 50 cents. il"h (di1pl11y). Payment in advan

March 1981 DEMOCRATIC LEFT lS HIGGINS REPORIS

FACING DOWN TI-IE FED-The complaint and now the Industrial Union Department is producing is familiar. Interest rates are too high; the a monthly newsletter, Labor & Investments. The news­ Federal Reserve Banlc is squeezing the life out letter reports on efforts by unions to use their funds to of the economy and hurting the little guy. meet labors' goals, offers collective bargaining tips on But the complainers are very different. That's dealing with pension funds and presents relevant in­ still a position pushed by the labor movement, formation about controversies in management of pen­ by a very few pro-labor, pro-full employment sion funds. Labor & Investments is available free to economists (most notably Leon Keyserling). members of IUD unions, or for a $24 annual subscrip­ Now the cry has been taken up on new fronts. tion to nonprofit institutions, $60 to others. Write to In early December, Lee Iaccoca complained that Labor & Investments, IUD Editorial Office, 815 16th sky-high interest rates crippled Chrysler's recovery hopes. And Street N.W., Washington, D.C. 20006. in January, before the inauguration, Jake Garn, the new head of the Senate Banlcing Committee, took the Fed to task for WALK SOFTLY AND CARRY A BIG STICK-The Reagan pushing small business out of business. A witness from Garn's administration gives new meaning to Teddy Roosevelt's old home state, car dealer Jerry Hayes of Salt Lake City, told of advice about U.S. imperial relations south of our border. With a colleague driven to suicide by the high interest rates. Iron­ Mexico, which has oil and natural gas we want, we walk very ically, credit may become more politicized now that the right's softly. Thus, no one is so undiplomatic as to criticize Mexico in control. But neither Jake Garn nor the current managers for its support of El Salvador's Democratic Revolutionary of the Fed are likely to come up with policies that can meet Front (FDR) . In Nicaragua, we carry a very big stick. The the needs of consumers, workers or small business. The allo­ support of the Sandanista government there for El Salvador's cation of credit and control over capital needs to be addressed rebels is not only mentioned, it is used as the pretext for sus­ for such policies to take shape. pending a $75 million economic aid package. PENSION FUND SOCIALISM, the theme of Peter Druckers' book a few years back, has been mostly a bad, WHAT'S IN A NAME? According to Exxon, big money right wing joke. Look, Drucker and his co-thinkers is. The world's largest corporation is suing in British would say, the workers already own the factories. Ex­ courts claiming that the name is "an original literary cept, of course, that banks and insurance companies ' work." Exxon's lawyers are challenging the right of an have traditionally controlled the workers' investments. insurance company to name itself Exxon Insurance; The professional managers never gave a thought to the there's no infringement of trademark since the insurance workers' interests and did not even do a very good job firm does not compete with the energy conglomerate. at getting a good return. People in the labor movement Exxon responds that the insurance company is making have talked about counter-action to get real control over money from the name without permission from the these enormous (projected to amount to about three company; the oil giant seeks copyright protection. In trillion dollars and more than 60 percent of stock owner­ a similar case, Exxon's lawyers forced a small Texas ship by 1995) pension funds. Last August the AFL-CIO mail order house to destroy supplies of a plastic greeting Executive Council established four policy goals for card which read "Xxmas Greetings." If Exxon wins the union participation in pension funds (employment, so­ British case, the company's permission might be needed cial needs, exercise of worker-shareholder rightSj keep­ before use of the copyrighted, original literary work is ing union funds away from anti-worker companies), used in print or broadcast journalism.

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