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GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY Department of History & Art History
GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY Department of History & Art History Ethnic Conflict: Britain & Ireland in the 20th Century Spring 2012 Course Building/Hall Room Day Time Hist 388-009 Robinson B 222 Tuesday/Thursday 1.30-2.45 p.m. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams & British Prime Minster Tony Blair meet for the first time, recalling the fate of IRA leader Michael Collins Phelim Connolly cartoon for the Irish Independent, 11 December 1997 INSTRUCTOR: Dr Kevin Matthews OFFICE: Robinson B 373B OFFICE HOURS: 12.00-1.15 & 3.00-4.15 p.m. Thurs, or by appointment. TELEPHONE: 703/993-1250 (main department number) E-MAIL: [email protected] REQUIRED TEXT & MATERIALS: 1. McKittrick, David & David McVea. Making Sense of the Troubles: The Story of Conflict in Northern Ireland 2. Townshend, Charles. Political Violence in Ireland: Government & Resistance Since 1848 3. Strunk, William & E.B. White. The Elements of Style (Note: Because a number of sources relevant to this course are out of print, other readings will be provided by the instructor via the internet; see the syllabus calendar below for a tentative list.) - 2 - All students are required to purchase two Scantron cards Form No. 882-E, and two large blue books (11" x 8.5"). Both of your blue books must be delivered to the instructor no later than the third week of the course. Failure to meet this deadline will be grounds for a failing grade on the first exam. DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME ON THE BLUE BOOKS BEFORE TURNING THEM IN. (If you drop the course, your unused blue books will be returned to you - but only after you have officially dropped.) Do not hand in your Scantron cards - but make sure you have one with you on both exam days. -
Speech by Hugh Gaitskell Against UK Membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962)
Speech by Hugh Gaitskell against UK membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962) Caption: On 3 October 1962, Hugh Gaitskell, leader of the Labour Party, delivers a speech at the annual Labour Party Conference in which he lists the reasons for which opposes the United Kingdom's accession to the European Economic Community (EEC). Source: Britain and the Common Market, Texts of speeches made at the 1962 Labour Party Conference by the Rt. Hon Hugh Gaitskell M.P. and the Rt. Hon. George Brown M.P. together with the policy statement accepted by Conference. London: Labour Party, 1962. 40 p. p. 3-23. Copyright: (c) Labour Party URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/speech_by_hugh_gaitskell_against_uk_membership_of_the _common_market_3_october_1962-en-05f2996b-000b-4576-8b42- 8069033a16f9.html Last updated: 01/03/2017 1/15 Speech by Hugh Gaitskell (3 October 1962) I present to Conference the document Labour and the Common Market, and ask you to give it your whole- hearted support. I ask this not only because I believe that this document will commend itself to the large majority of delegates, but because its compelling logic makes it a fine statement of the Party’s point of view on this immense problem. We can all agree on the tremendous significance of this debate. We can also agree that it is already warm in this hall, and likely to become much hotter as the day goes on. Do not therefore, let us get over-heated. I plead at the start for tolerance, tolerance in particular between those who hold the more extreme views in this controversy – those who, on the one hand would like to see Britain enter Europe whatever the conditions, and those who, on the other hand, are opposed to Britain entering Europe on any conditions. -
The Membership of the Independent Labour Party, 1904–10
DEI AN HOP KIN THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, 1904-10: A SPATIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL ANALYSIS E. P. Thompson expressed succinctly the prevailing orthodoxy about the origins of the Independent Labour Party when he wrote, in his homage to Tom Maguire, that "the ILP grew from bottom up".1 From what little evidence has been available, it has been argued that the ILP was essentially a provincial party, which was created from the fusion of local political groups concentrated mainly on an axis lying across the North of England. An early report from the General Secretary of the party described Lancashire and Yorkshire as the strongholds of the movement, and subsequent historical accounts have supported this view.2 The evidence falls into three categories. In the first place labour historians have often relied on the sparse and often imperfect memoirs of early labour and socialist leaders. While the central figures of the movement have been reticent in their memoirs, very little literature of any kind has emerged from among the ordinary members of the party, and as a result this has often been a poor source. The official papers of the ILP have been generally more satisfactory. The in- evitable gaps in the annual reports of the party can be filled to some extent from party newspapers, both local and national. There is a formality, nevertheless, about official transactions which reduces their value. Minute books reveal little about the members. Finally, it is possible to cull some information from a miscellany of other sources; newspapers, electoral statistics, parliamentary debates and reports, and sometimes the memoirs of individuals whose connection 1 "Homage to Tom Maguire", in: Essays in Labour History, ed. -
Viewpoint: Jeremy Corbyn, the Plp and Historical Visions of the Labour Party
VIEWPOINT: JEREMY CORBYN, THE PLP AND HISTORICAL VISIONS OF THE LABOUR PARTY Matt Dawson The re-election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party has demonstrated the fundamental split between two visions of the party. One vision, from Corbyn and his supporters, sees Labour as both parliamentary party and movement in which power rests with the members seeking to enact radical change. It would be crass to see this, as many of Corbyn’s opponents do, as a social movement beyond parliament not interested in government, but it is a view that in a party of campaigning, protesting and winning powerpolicies should not be compromised for the sake of parliamentary convenience/due to corporate pressure. AsHilary Wainwright has put it, a party with parliamentary representation but not one committed to parliamentarism. The second vision, held by much of the PLP is that Labour is a parliamentary movement. It exists to elect MPs who then, being Labour MPs, will implement socialist/social democratic measures which are in the interest of the nation. Any impediment to electing MPs is an impediment to Labour; a leader who cannot command the allegiance of their MPs is therefore not able to lead a parliamentary party. This was indicated by Owen Smith’s key claim, whether tactical or not, that the leadership contest didn’t concern a difference of policy (with the exception of a second EU referendum) but of electability. Smith, at least initially, presented himself as like Corbyn, but ‘electable’. The question of whether the shadow cabinet should be elected by MPs, or by members, is a further example of this dividing line. -
Review of the Year April 2000 – March 2001 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *2
508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *1 THE ROTHSCHILD ARCHIVE Review of the year April 2000 – March 2001 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *2 Cover Picture: Mr S. V. J. Scott, a Clerk at N M Rothschild & Sons, photographed at his desk in the General Office, 1937 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *3 The Rothschild Archive Trust Trustees Emma Rothschild (Chair) Baron Eric de Rothschild Lionel de Rothschild Professor David Landes Anthony Chapman Staff Victor Gray (Director) Melanie Aspey (Archivist) Elaine Penn (Assistant Archivist) Richard Schofield (Assistant Archivist) Mandy Bell (Archives Assistant to October 2000) Gill Crust (Secretary) The Rothschild Archive, New Court, St. Swithin’s Lane, London EC4P 4DU Tel. +44 (0)20 7280 5874, Fax +44 (0)20 7280 5657, E-mail [email protected] Website: www.rothschildarchive.org Company No. 3702208 Registered Charity No. 1075340 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *4 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *5 CONTENTS Introduction ..................................................................... 1 Emma Rothschild, Chairman of the Rothschild Archive Trust Review of the Year’s Work .................................................. 2 Victor Gray The Cash Nexus: Bankers and Politics in History ......................... 9 Professor Niall Ferguson ‘Up to our noses in smoke’ .................................................. 16 Richard Schofield Rothschild in the News....................................................... 22 Melanie Aspey Charles Stuart and the Secret Service ................................... -
David Lloyd George and Temperance Reform Philip A
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research 1980 The ac use of sobriety : David Lloyd George and temperance reform Philip A. Krinsky Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Recommended Citation Krinsky, Philip A., "The cause of sobriety : David Lloyd George and temperance reform" (1980). Honors Theses. Paper 594. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND LIBRARIES llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll/11111 3 3082 01 028 9899 - The Cause of Sobriety: David Lloyd George and Temperance Reform Philip A. Krinsky Contents I. Introduction: 1890 l II. Attack on Misery: 1890-1905 6 III. Effective Legislation: 1906-1918 16 IV. The Aftermath: 1918 to Present 34 Notes 40 Bibliographical Essay 47 Temperance was a major British issue until after World War I. Excessive drunkenness, not alcoholism per se, was the primary concern of the two parliamentary parties. When Lloyd George entered Parliament the two major parties were the Liberals and the Conservatives. Temperance was neither a problem that Parliament sought to~;;lv~~ nor the single issue of Lloyd George's public career. Rather, temperance remained within a flux of political squabbling between the two parties and even among the respective blocs within each Party. Inevitably, compromises had to be made between the dissenting factions. The major temperance controversy in Parliament was the issue of compensation. Both Parties agreed that the problem of excessive drunkenness was rooted in the excessive number of public houses throughout Britain. -
Reference Serv1ce
Reference BRITISH INFORMATION • SERVICES Biog(aphy • L-------------------~ Serv1ce THE RT HON JAMES CALLAGHAN. MP PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY Mr James Callaghan was appointed Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury on Monday 5 April 1976, following his election as Leader of the Parliamentary Labour Party and the resignation of Mr Harold Wilson as Prime Minister earlier that day. Prior to becoming Prime Minister Mr Callaghan had, since the return to office of the Labour Party in March 1974, served as Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. Mr Callaghan is Member of Parliament for Cardiff South East. James Callaghan was born in 1912, son of a Chief Petty Officer in the Royal Navy. He was educated at an elementary school and at the Portsmouth Northern Grammar School. In 1929 he entered the Civil Service as a Tax Officer in the Inland Revenue Department. He joined the Inland Revenue Staff Federation, became a branch secretary and sat on its Execu· tive, and in 1936 resigned his Civil Service appointment to become its Assistant Secretary- a post he held until 1947. He also lectured on industrial history for the Workers' Educational Association. In 1942 Mr Callaghan volunteered and joined the Royal Navy as an Ordinary Seaman. I Later he was commissioned as a Lieutenant, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, and served with the East Indies Fleet, then stationed at Ceylon. He also served at the Admiralty. He had joined the Labour Party in 1931, and in 1944 was adopted as prospective Labour candidate for Cardiff South, for which he was elected to Parliament in 1945. -
University Microfilms International 300 N
INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.Thc sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Pagc(s}". If it was possible to obtain the missing pagc(s) or section, they arc spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed cither blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame* If copyrighted materials were deleted you will find a target note listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. -
Welsh Disestablishment: 'A Blessing in Disguise'
Welsh disestablishment: ‘A blessing in disguise’. David W. Jones The history of the protracted campaign to achieve Welsh disestablishment was to be characterised by a litany of broken pledges and frustrated attempts. It was also an exemplar of the ‘democratic deficit’ which has haunted Welsh politics. As Sir Henry Lewis1 declared in 1914: ‘The demand for disestablishment is a symptom of the times. It is the democracy that asks for it, not the Nonconformists. The demand is national, not denominational’.2 The Welsh Church Act in 1914 represented the outcome of the final, desperate scramble to cross the legislative line, oozing political compromise and equivocation in its wake. Even then, it would not have taken place without the fortuitous occurrence of constitutional change created by the Parliament Act 1911. This removed the obstacle of veto by the House of Lords, but still allowed for statutory delay. Lord Rosebery, the prime minister, had warned a Liberal meeting in Cardiff in 1895 that the Welsh demand for disestablishment faced a harsh democratic reality, in that: ‘it is hard for the representatives of the other 37 millions of population which are comprised in the United Kingdom to give first and the foremost place to a measure which affects only a million and a half’.3 But in case his audience were insufficiently disheartened by his homily, he added that there was: ‘another and more permanent barrier which opposes itself to your wishes in respect to Welsh Disestablishment’, being the intransigence of the House of Lords.4 The legislative delay which the Lords could invoke meant that the Welsh Church Bill was introduced to parliament on 23 April 1912, but it was not to be enacted until 18 September 1914. -
The Power of the Prime Minister
Research Paper Research The Power of the Prime Minister 50 Years On George Jones THE POWER OF THE PRIME MINISTER 50 YEARS ON George Jones Emeritus Professor of Government London School of Economics & Political Science for The Constitution Society Based on a lecture for the Institute of Contemporary British History, King’s College, London, 8 February 2016 First published in Great Britain in 2016 by The Constitution Society Top Floor, 61 Petty France London SW1H 9EU www.consoc.org.uk © The Constitution Society ISBN: 978-0-9954703-1-6 © George Jones 2016. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. THE POWER OF THE PRIME MINISTER 3 Contents About the Author 4 Foreword 5 Introduction 9 Contingencies and Resource Dependency 11 The Formal Remit and Amorphous Convention 13 Key Stages in the Historical Development of the Premiership 15 Biographies of Prime Ministers are Not Enough 16 Harold Wilson 17 Tony Blair – almost a PM’s Department 19 David Cameron – with a department in all but name 21 Hung Parliament and Coalition Government 22 Fixed-term Parliaments Act, 2011 25 Party Dynamics 26 Wilson and Cameron Compared 29 Enhancing the Prime Minister 37 Between Wilson and Cameron 38 Conclusions 39 4 THE POWER OF THE PRIME MINISTER About the Author George Jones has from 2003 been Emeritus Professor of Government at LSE where he was Professor of Government between 1976 and 2003. -
"Weapon of Starvation": the Politics, Propaganda, and Morality of Britain's Hunger Blockade of Germany, 1914-1919
Wilfrid Laurier University Scholars Commons @ Laurier Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) 2015 A "Weapon of Starvation": The Politics, Propaganda, and Morality of Britain's Hunger Blockade of Germany, 1914-1919 Alyssa Cundy Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Cundy, Alyssa, "A "Weapon of Starvation": The Politics, Propaganda, and Morality of Britain's Hunger Blockade of Germany, 1914-1919" (2015). Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive). 1763. https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd/1763 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) by an authorized administrator of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A “WEAPON OF STARVATION”: THE POLITICS, PROPAGANDA, AND MORALITY OF BRITAIN’S HUNGER BLOCKADE OF GERMANY, 1914-1919 By Alyssa Nicole Cundy Bachelor of Arts (Honours), University of Western Ontario, 2007 Master of Arts, University of Western Ontario, 2008 DISSERTATION Submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy in History Wilfrid Laurier University 2015 Alyssa N. Cundy © 2015 Abstract This dissertation examines the British naval blockade imposed on Imperial Germany between the outbreak of war in August 1914 and the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles in July 1919. The blockade has received modest attention in the historiography of the First World War, despite the assertion in the British official history that extreme privation and hunger resulted in more than 750,000 German civilian deaths. -
Department of the Prime Minister’, Historians Urge Brown - Five Lessons from History to Guide New Prime Minister
Monday, 11 June, 2007 Abolish ‘Department of the Prime Minister’, historians urge Brown - Five lessons from history to guide new Prime Minister A new History & Policy paper published today calls on Gordon Brown to follow in the footsteps of Lloyd George, Wilson and Major by adopting a radically different style of Government from his predecessor. Professor Emeritus George Jones of the LSE and Dr Andrew Blick argue Brown can make his mark as a leader by abolishing Blair’s semi-official ‘Department of the Prime Minister’, withdrawing from the minute detail of public service reform and focusing on the most pressing policy challenges, such as counter-terrorism and the environment. Professor Jones said: “Many past Prime Ministers – from David Lloyd George to Harold Wilson and John Major – have established contrasting identities from their predecessors. New bodies such as the Delivery Unit have enabled Blair to make unprecedented prime-ministerial interventions in public services. Brown should make it clear he intends to do the opposite. He should resist the siren voices - such as Sir Michael Barber, former head of the Delivery Unit - urging him to formalise a ‘Department of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet’. In turn he can achieve more by attempting less.” Dr Blick said: “Blair constructed a vast prime-ministerial team to bypass Cabinet. But history shows that collective government is the best way to develop and test policy, ensuring it is practically and politically effective. History is littered with premiers who isolated Cabinet from decision- making - Chamberlain, Eden and Thatcher - to disastrous effect. “We welcome the news that there will be a senior civil servant appointed to oversee collective government.