DOCSLIB.ORG

A Statue for Lloyd George

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Statue for Lloyd George York Membery reports on the unveiling of the statue to David Lloyd George, Liberal Prime Minister 1916–22, in Parliament Square. A STATUE FOR LLOyd GEORge he great and the good put aside political differences, Tat least for a few hours, to unveil a statue of Liberal Leader and Prime Minister David Lloyd George late last year. The weather might have been suita- bly Welsh, but the drizzle failed to dampen the proceedings at than Lloyd George – see Journal After the statue’s unveiling, the event in Parliament Square 57) and Conservative Leader guests withdrew to the Meth- on Thursday 25 October, when David Cameron. odist Central Hall for a cham- the £350,000 statue to the The unveiling of the statue pagne reception attended by the ‘Welsh Wizard’ was unveiled – designed by Welsh sculptor Prince of Wales and Sir John by the Prince of Wales and the Professor Glynn Williams – was Major among others. Duchess of Cornwall in front of organised by the David Lloyd Perhaps fittingly, given the Royal Welsh bandsmen. George Statue Appeal Trust fol- controversy he attracted in life, ‘In the course of a decade, lowing a long campaign to erect the unveiling of Lloyd George’s David Lloyd George established a fitting memorial to one of statue itself proved contro- himself as one of the greatest Britain’s greatest premiers. versial, even though it took social reformers and war leaders The Patrons of the Trust place more than sixty years of the twentieth century’, said included the Prince of Wales, after his death. On the day of Prince Charles. ‘And though he Paddy Ashdown, Betty the unveiling, a letter in The never forgot his Welsh roots, it Boothroyd and John Major. Daily Telegraph signed by Nobel is as a national and international The trustees included Michael Prize-winning playwright statesman that he will best be Heseltine, Emlyn Hooson, Lord Harold Pinter and left-wing remembered.’ Morris of Aberavon (the former journalist John Pilger attacked The official party included Labour MP) and Dick Newby. the bombing by British war Prime Minister Gordon Brown The late Ted Heath and Jim planes of the Middle East dur- and former premiers Marga- Callaghan had also been trus- ing Lloyd George’s premier- ret Thatcher and John Major. tees until their deaths. ship, which they claimed made Prince Charles was Patron of ‘It’s been a long time in the ‘today’s celebration of Lloyd the Appeal Trust Commit- making, but it’s there now’, George’s legacy highly topical tee formed to commission the said Professor Williams at the and disgraceful’. statue in recognition of Lloyd unveiling of the eight-foot-tall But rubbishing their attack, George’s contribution to public bronze statue, which stands on the historian Kenneth O. life. Also present were acting Welsh slate between two states- Morgan surely spoke for Lloyd Liberal Democrat Leader Vince men who were close to Lloyd George supporters everywhere Cable, leadership candidate George – Field Marshal Jan when he observed, ‘Lloyd Chris Huhne (who last year told Smuts, and his friend and some- George was a great radical and the Journal of Liberal History that time political rival Winston a democrat who deserves to be his political hero was none other Churchill. honoured’. 34 Journal of Liberal History 58 Spring 2008.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY Department of History & Art History
    GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY Department of History & Art History Ethnic Conflict: Britain & Ireland in the 20th Century Spring 2012 Course Building/Hall Room Day Time Hist 388-009 Robinson B 222 Tuesday/Thursday 1.30-2.45 p.m. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams & British Prime Minster Tony Blair meet for the first time, recalling the fate of IRA leader Michael Collins Phelim Connolly cartoon for the Irish Independent, 11 December 1997 INSTRUCTOR: Dr Kevin Matthews OFFICE: Robinson B 373B OFFICE HOURS: 12.00-1.15 & 3.00-4.15 p.m. Thurs, or by appointment. TELEPHONE: 703/993-1250 (main department number) E-MAIL: [email protected] REQUIRED TEXT & MATERIALS: 1. McKittrick, David & David McVea. Making Sense of the Troubles: The Story of Conflict in Northern Ireland 2. Townshend, Charles. Political Violence in Ireland: Government & Resistance Since 1848 3. Strunk, William & E.B. White. The Elements of Style (Note: Because a number of sources relevant to this course are out of print, other readings will be provided by the instructor via the internet; see the syllabus calendar below for a tentative list.) - 2 - All students are required to purchase two Scantron cards Form No. 882-E, and two large blue books (11" x 8.5"). Both of your blue books must be delivered to the instructor no later than the third week of the course. Failure to meet this deadline will be grounds for a failing grade on the first exam. DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME ON THE BLUE BOOKS BEFORE TURNING THEM IN. (If you drop the course, your unused blue books will be returned to you - but only after you have officially dropped.) Do not hand in your Scantron cards - but make sure you have one with you on both exam days.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of the Year April 2000 – March 2001 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *2
    508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *1 THE ROTHSCHILD ARCHIVE Review of the year April 2000 – March 2001 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *2 Cover Picture: Mr S. V. J. Scott, a Clerk at N M Rothschild & Sons, photographed at his desk in the General Office, 1937 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *3 The Rothschild Archive Trust Trustees Emma Rothschild (Chair) Baron Eric de Rothschild Lionel de Rothschild Professor David Landes Anthony Chapman Staff Victor Gray (Director) Melanie Aspey (Archivist) Elaine Penn (Assistant Archivist) Richard Schofield (Assistant Archivist) Mandy Bell (Archives Assistant to October 2000) Gill Crust (Secretary) The Rothschild Archive, New Court, St. Swithin’s Lane, London EC4P 4DU Tel. +44 (0)20 7280 5874, Fax +44 (0)20 7280 5657, E-mail [email protected] Website: www.rothschildarchive.org Company No. 3702208 Registered Charity No. 1075340 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *4 508964AR.CHI 8/23/02 12:18 PM Page *5 CONTENTS Introduction ..................................................................... 1 Emma Rothschild, Chairman of the Rothschild Archive Trust Review of the Year’s Work .................................................. 2 Victor Gray The Cash Nexus: Bankers and Politics in History ......................... 9 Professor Niall Ferguson ‘Up to our noses in smoke’ .................................................. 16 Richard Schofield Rothschild in the News....................................................... 22 Melanie Aspey Charles Stuart and the Secret Service ...................................
    [Show full text]
  • David Lloyd George and Temperance Reform Philip A
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research 1980 The ac use of sobriety : David Lloyd George and temperance reform Philip A. Krinsky Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Recommended Citation Krinsky, Philip A., "The cause of sobriety : David Lloyd George and temperance reform" (1980). Honors Theses. Paper 594. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND LIBRARIES llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll/11111 3 3082 01 028 9899 - The Cause of Sobriety: David Lloyd George and Temperance Reform Philip A. Krinsky Contents I. Introduction: 1890 l II. Attack on Misery: 1890-1905 6 III. Effective Legislation: 1906-1918 16 IV. The Aftermath: 1918 to Present 34 Notes 40 Bibliographical Essay 47 Temperance was a major British issue until after World War I. Excessive drunkenness, not alcoholism per se, was the primary concern of the two parliamentary parties. When Lloyd George entered Parliament the two major parties were the Liberals and the Conservatives. Temperance was neither a problem that Parliament sought to~;;lv~~ nor the single issue of Lloyd George's public career. Rather, temperance remained within a flux of political squabbling between the two parties and even among the respective blocs within each Party. Inevitably, compromises had to be made between the dissenting factions. The major temperance controversy in Parliament was the issue of compensation. Both Parties agreed that the problem of excessive drunkenness was rooted in the excessive number of public houses throughout Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Welsh Disestablishment: 'A Blessing in Disguise'
    Welsh disestablishment: ‘A blessing in disguise’. David W. Jones The history of the protracted campaign to achieve Welsh disestablishment was to be characterised by a litany of broken pledges and frustrated attempts. It was also an exemplar of the ‘democratic deficit’ which has haunted Welsh politics. As Sir Henry Lewis1 declared in 1914: ‘The demand for disestablishment is a symptom of the times. It is the democracy that asks for it, not the Nonconformists. The demand is national, not denominational’.2 The Welsh Church Act in 1914 represented the outcome of the final, desperate scramble to cross the legislative line, oozing political compromise and equivocation in its wake. Even then, it would not have taken place without the fortuitous occurrence of constitutional change created by the Parliament Act 1911. This removed the obstacle of veto by the House of Lords, but still allowed for statutory delay. Lord Rosebery, the prime minister, had warned a Liberal meeting in Cardiff in 1895 that the Welsh demand for disestablishment faced a harsh democratic reality, in that: ‘it is hard for the representatives of the other 37 millions of population which are comprised in the United Kingdom to give first and the foremost place to a measure which affects only a million and a half’.3 But in case his audience were insufficiently disheartened by his homily, he added that there was: ‘another and more permanent barrier which opposes itself to your wishes in respect to Welsh Disestablishment’, being the intransigence of the House of Lords.4 The legislative delay which the Lords could invoke meant that the Welsh Church Bill was introduced to parliament on 23 April 1912, but it was not to be enacted until 18 September 1914.
    [Show full text]
  • "Weapon of Starvation": the Politics, Propaganda, and Morality of Britain's Hunger Blockade of Germany, 1914-1919
    Wilfrid Laurier University Scholars Commons @ Laurier Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) 2015 A "Weapon of Starvation": The Politics, Propaganda, and Morality of Britain's Hunger Blockade of Germany, 1914-1919 Alyssa Cundy Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Cundy, Alyssa, "A "Weapon of Starvation": The Politics, Propaganda, and Morality of Britain's Hunger Blockade of Germany, 1914-1919" (2015). Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive). 1763. https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd/1763 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) by an authorized administrator of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A “WEAPON OF STARVATION”: THE POLITICS, PROPAGANDA, AND MORALITY OF BRITAIN’S HUNGER BLOCKADE OF GERMANY, 1914-1919 By Alyssa Nicole Cundy Bachelor of Arts (Honours), University of Western Ontario, 2007 Master of Arts, University of Western Ontario, 2008 DISSERTATION Submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy in History Wilfrid Laurier University 2015 Alyssa N. Cundy © 2015 Abstract This dissertation examines the British naval blockade imposed on Imperial Germany between the outbreak of war in August 1914 and the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles in July 1919. The blockade has received modest attention in the historiography of the First World War, despite the assertion in the British official history that extreme privation and hunger resulted in more than 750,000 German civilian deaths.
    [Show full text]
  • Department of the Prime Minister’, Historians Urge Brown - Five Lessons from History to Guide New Prime Minister
    Monday, 11 June, 2007 Abolish ‘Department of the Prime Minister’, historians urge Brown - Five lessons from history to guide new Prime Minister A new History & Policy paper published today calls on Gordon Brown to follow in the footsteps of Lloyd George, Wilson and Major by adopting a radically different style of Government from his predecessor. Professor Emeritus George Jones of the LSE and Dr Andrew Blick argue Brown can make his mark as a leader by abolishing Blair’s semi-official ‘Department of the Prime Minister’, withdrawing from the minute detail of public service reform and focusing on the most pressing policy challenges, such as counter-terrorism and the environment. Professor Jones said: “Many past Prime Ministers – from David Lloyd George to Harold Wilson and John Major – have established contrasting identities from their predecessors. New bodies such as the Delivery Unit have enabled Blair to make unprecedented prime-ministerial interventions in public services. Brown should make it clear he intends to do the opposite. He should resist the siren voices - such as Sir Michael Barber, former head of the Delivery Unit - urging him to formalise a ‘Department of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet’. In turn he can achieve more by attempting less.” Dr Blick said: “Blair constructed a vast prime-ministerial team to bypass Cabinet. But history shows that collective government is the best way to develop and test policy, ensuring it is practically and politically effective. History is littered with premiers who isolated Cabinet from decision- making - Chamberlain, Eden and Thatcher - to disastrous effect. “We welcome the news that there will be a senior civil servant appointed to oversee collective government.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes on Contributors
    129 Cercles 37 (2020) Notes on Contributors The Right Honourable Gordon Brown was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and Leader of the Labour Party from 2007 to 2010. Prior to that he served as Chancellor of the Exchequer for ten years. He was educated at the University of Edinburgh and was Member of Parliament for Kirkaldy and Cowdenbeath for thirty-two years. John Campbell is a freelance historian and political biographer. His first book, Lloyd George : The Goat in the Wilderness, published in 1977, arose out of Paul Addison 's final-year honours course on British politics between the wars and was essentially his Ph.D thesis, supervised by Paul and examined by A.J.P. Taylor. Since then he has written full-scale biographies of F.E. Smith (1983), Aneurin Bevan (Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism, 1987), Edward Heath (Winner of the 1994 NCR Book Award for Non-Fiction), Margaret Thatcher (The Grocer's Daughter, 2000, and The Iron Lady, 2003), and Roy Jenkins (A Well-Rounded Life, 2014), as well as If Love Were All ... The Story of Frances Stevenson and David Lloyd George (2006) and Pistols at Dawn : Two Hundred Years of Political Rivalry from Pitt and Fox to Blair and Brown (2009) and numerous book reviews and other articles and essays in various publications over the years. David Freeman is editor of Finest Hour, the journal of the International Churchill Society. He teaches history at California State University, Fullerton. In addition to having published contributions by Paul Addison in Finest Hour, he once had the privilege of driving Addison across a wide stretch of Texas.
    [Show full text]
  • Cash to Accruals Accounting in British Central Government: a Journey Through Time
    Received: 15 July 2020 Revised: 14 April 2021 Accepted: 27 April 2021 DOI: 10.1111/faam.12295 RESEARCH ARTICLE Cash to accruals accounting in British central government: A journey through time John Richard Edwards Business School, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK Abstract Departmental and central government accountability to the Correspondence John Richard Edwards, Business School, UK Parliament was based principally on cash transactions Cardiff University, Colum Drive, Cardiff, CF10 for a period of over 300 years commencing with the Glori- 3EU, UK. Email: [email protected] ous Revolution of 1688. Beginning in the second decade of the 19th century, recurrent proposals for the replacement of cash accounting by accruals accounting were founded on the conviction that ‘commercial’ accounting practices provided a more effective basis for performance measurement, finan- cial control and public accountability. This paper studies the progress of these initiatives through time, with Treasury resistance to the adoption of private sector-type account- ing practices by administrative departments recognised as a persistent and effective barrier to innovation up until the 1980s. KEYWORDS cash accounting, commercial accounting, new public management, resistance to change, Treasury 1 INTRODUCTION New public management (NPM) is predicated on a belief in the superiority of information systems developed in the private sector. More specifically, the idea which gained momentum in the 1980s was that modernisation of central government required ‘the adoption of business-like management and accounting instruments’ (van Helden, 2005,p. 9). To achieve that outcome, so the argument went, ‘traditional’ cash accounting systems needed to be replaced by This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.
    [Show full text]
  • Asquith and Lloyd George: Common Misunderstandings the Rivalry Between Asquith and Lloyd George Grew out of the Great War
    George, was more to blame for the party’s demise. In fact his such potentially Liberal issues as the attempt to introduce position is more complicated. Whilst recognising the abilities of conscription to Ireland, or to support the Lansdowne negotiated both men, he points out that neither were at their best when it peace initiative. Similarly Lloyd George acts in March to came to piloting the Liberal Party through the war years. Asquith prevent a Coalition Liberal being run against an official Liberal at is presented as wishing to remain in office at any price, and making the Aberdeen South byelection. As late as , Wilson considers a series of debilitating concessions to Unionist opinion throughout that Lloyd George could have put his weight behind Liberal the final period of his premiership – though other commentators, reconciliation, as the party was not split into two hostile camps at notably Roy Jenkins, have seen this as skilful politicking on that point in either Parliament or the country. The war was Asquith’s part. Neither does Wilson have any plaudits for Lloyd therefore not something that split the party irrevocably, but rather George. His political manoeuvring is described as hopeless – for an event which destroyed long-standing Liberal verities and example, alienating Bonar Law in when he favoured removed the party’s self-confidence that it had a role to play in McKenna rather than the Tory leader for the post of Chancellor postwar Britain – only partially restored by free trade in and of the Exchequer. Wilson’s view is that if Lloyd George had been We Can Conquer Unemployment in .
    [Show full text]
  • Major Gwilym Lloyd-George As Minister of Fuel and Power, 1942­–1945
    131 Major Gwilym Lloyd-George As Minister Of Fuel And Power, 1942 –1945 J. Graham Jones Among the papers of A. J. Sylvester (1889–1989), Principal Private Secretary to David Lloyd George from 1923 until 1945, purchased by the National Library of Wales in 1990, are two documents of considerable interest, both dating from December 1943, relating to Major Gwilym Lloyd-George, the independent Liberal Member for the Pembrokeshire constituency and the second son of David and Dame Margaret Lloyd George. At the time, Gwilym Lloyd-George was serving as the generally highly-regarded Minister for Fuel and Power in the wartime coalition government led by Winston Churchill. The first is a letter, probably written by David Serpell, who then held the position of private secretary to Lloyd-George at the Ministry of Fuel and Power (and who was a warm admirer of him), to A. J. Sylvester.1 It reads as follows: PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL 4 December, 1943 Dear A. J., I am afraid I did not get much time for thought yesterday, but I have now been able to give some time to the character study you spoke to me about … The outstanding thing in [Gwilym] Ll.G’s character seems to me to be that he is genuinely humane – i.e. he generally has a clear picture in his mind of the effects of his policies on the individual. In the end, this characteristic will always over-shadow others when he is determining policy. To some extent, it causes difficulty as he looks at a subject, not merely as a Minister of Fuel and Power, but as a Minister of the Crown, and thus sees another Minister’s point of view more readily perhaps than that Minister will see his.
    [Show full text]
  • David Lloyd George
    DAVID LLOYD GEORGE • You support the demands made by France for the return Role: You are the British Prime Minister and of Alsace-Lorraine so that the French will feel more Britain’s main representative at the Paris Peace secure from Germany. You believe that the Rhineland Conference in 1919. should only be demilitarised You have just won the General Election in December Britain wants to defend its large empire and formidable 1918 and used the slogan Hang the Kaiser during • navy. You therefore believe that Germany’s armed forces your campaign. and empire has to be diminished. The fact that slogans such as Make Germany pay were popular showed that some people in Britain • You realise that Germany has an essential role in the wanted to see Germany punished after the end of future in preventing the spread of communism in the war. Europe. You believe that if the treaty is too severe it may drive Germany to communism, especially after the As Prime Minister you do not wish to see Germany Russian Revolution of 1917. punished too severely and wish to see a fair peace. If the terms for Germany are too harsh Germans • You wish to see Britain maintaining good commercial could become resentful and this could lead to relations with her future trading partners in Europe, another war. which will include Germany. Although you believe that Germany will have to pay compensation to the Allied countries it is important to you that the country is not left penniless and too poor to sustain itself. • You support efforts made by people in the Balkans and eastern Europe to break free from the empires that used to control them.
    [Show full text]
  • A Level History – Unit 1 Summer Work 2020 – Note Taking Sheet
    Britain Transformed, 1918-1997 Task 1: What was the political impact of the First World War? Year Prime Minister Party / parties August 1914 - May 1915 H. H. Asquith (Liberal) Liberal (+ Irish Nationalist support) May 1915 - Dec 1916 H. H. Asquith (Liberal) Liberal / Conservative Coalition Dec 1916 - Nov 1918 D. Lloyd George (Liberal) Liberal / Conservative Coalition Table 1. Wartime governments Section 1: 1914-15 Asquith’s Liberal government, 1914-1915 What was the impact of the war on British politics, the role of the state, and the Liberal Party? The First World War had a profound impact on British politics in general and the Liberal Party in particular. The war became a ‘total war’ which necessitated an unprecedented extension of State authority and control; the war was thus a serious challenge to traditional Liberal values of personal freedoms, peace, and free-trade. Despite their traditional opposition to war, the Liberal government had little choice but to enter war against Germany in 1914; their traditional anti-war feelings had to be replaced by patriotism and their belief in only limited state intervention had to be abandoned. In 1914 the Liberal government passed ‘The Defence of the Realm Act’ which dramatically enhanced the power and authority of the State. Many Liberals hoped that Lloyd George, the Chancellor, might lead an anti-war faction within the Liberal government. He soon disappointed them. Once Britain had entered war his commitment to the war effort was total. Furthermore, at the outbreak of war, a ‘political truce’ was called between the political parties who agreed to put aside their differences and work together for the war effort.
    [Show full text]