Speech by Hugh Gaitskell Against UK Membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962)
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The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
Radical Nostalgia, Progressive Patriotism and Labour's 'English Problem'
Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour©s ©English problem© Article (Accepted Version) Robinson, Emily (2016) Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem'. Political Studies Review, 14 (3). pp. 378-387. ISSN 1478-9299 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61679/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Author’s Post-Print Copy Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem' Emily Robinson, University of Sussex ABSTRACT ‘Progressive patriots’ have long argued that Englishness can form the basis of a transformative political project, whether based on an historic tradition of resistance to state power or an open and cosmopolitan identity. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
93 Report Oliver Legacy of Roy Jenkins
Reports The legacy of Roy Jenkins Evening meeting, 27 June 2016, with John Campbell and David Steel. Chair: Dick Newby. Report by Douglas Oliver n Monday 27 June, the Liberal ushering in a self-proclaimed ‘permis- founder of the SDP and Liberal Demo- Democrat History Group met sive society’. Jenkins is often seen as one crats – as a giant of post-war politics. Oin Committee Room 4A of of the most important British politicians Campbell looked at the enduring resil- the House of Lords to discuss the legacy never to have become prime minister, ience of Jenkins’ three main themes. of Roy Jenkins. The timing was apt but and this was reflected, also, in the third Campbell shared the platform with for- deeply bittersweet, following as it did in central issue of enduring relevance: Jen- mer Liberal leader, David Steel. the wake of Britain’s decision to leave the kins’ efforts to realign the centre-left and Campbell began with an exploration European Union in its referendum, on centre of British politics. of Jenkins’ legacy as Home Secretary in the longest day of the year, the Thursday The event was chaired by Dick the 1960s, as well as his less celebrated before. The discussion, thirteen years Newby, who worked with the SDP in but fruitful time in the role between 1974 after the death of one of the most impor- the early days after its establishment, and and ’76. Jenkins was, Campbell felt, ‘the tant facilitators of Britain’s European knew Jenkins well, before being elevated right man, in the right job at the right engagement, reflected on how capricious to the House of Lords in September 1997. -
Reference Serv1ce
Reference BRITISH INFORMATION • SERVICES Biog(aphy • L-------------------~ Serv1ce THE RT HON JAMES CALLAGHAN. MP PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY Mr James Callaghan was appointed Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury on Monday 5 April 1976, following his election as Leader of the Parliamentary Labour Party and the resignation of Mr Harold Wilson as Prime Minister earlier that day. Prior to becoming Prime Minister Mr Callaghan had, since the return to office of the Labour Party in March 1974, served as Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. Mr Callaghan is Member of Parliament for Cardiff South East. James Callaghan was born in 1912, son of a Chief Petty Officer in the Royal Navy. He was educated at an elementary school and at the Portsmouth Northern Grammar School. In 1929 he entered the Civil Service as a Tax Officer in the Inland Revenue Department. He joined the Inland Revenue Staff Federation, became a branch secretary and sat on its Execu· tive, and in 1936 resigned his Civil Service appointment to become its Assistant Secretary- a post he held until 1947. He also lectured on industrial history for the Workers' Educational Association. In 1942 Mr Callaghan volunteered and joined the Royal Navy as an Ordinary Seaman. I Later he was commissioned as a Lieutenant, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, and served with the East Indies Fleet, then stationed at Ceylon. He also served at the Admiralty. He had joined the Labour Party in 1931, and in 1944 was adopted as prospective Labour candidate for Cardiff South, for which he was elected to Parliament in 1945. -
University Microfilms International 300 N
INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.Thc sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Pagc(s}". If it was possible to obtain the missing pagc(s) or section, they arc spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed cither blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame* If copyrighted materials were deleted you will find a target note listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. -
Labour Parties Ideas Transfer and Ideological Positioning: Australia and Britain Compared B.M
Labour parties ideas transfer and ideological positioning: Australia and Britain compared B.M. Edwards & Matt Beech School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The University of New South Wales, Canberra School of Politics, Philosophy and International Studies, University of Hull, UK As part of this special issue examining policy transfer between the Labour Parties in Australia and Britain, this paper seeks to explore the relationship between the two on ideological positioning. In the 1990s there was substantial ideas transfer from the Australian Hawke‐ Keating government to Blair ‘New Labour’ in Britain, as both parties made a lunge towards the economic centre. This paper analyses how the inheritors of that shift, the Rudd/Gillard government in Australia and the Milliband and Corbyn leaderships in Britain, are seeking to define the role and purpose of labour parties in its wake. It examines the extent to which they are learning and borrowing from one another, and finds that a combination of divergent economic and political contexts have led to strikingly limited contemporary policy transfer. Keywords: Australian Labor Party; British Labour Party; Kevin Rudd; Julia Gillard; Ed Miliband; crisis In the 1990s there was substantial policy transfer between the Australian Labor Party and the Labour Party in Britain as they confronted the rise of neoliberalism. The ALP was in power from 1983‐1996 and introduced far reaching market liberalisation reforms complemented by a strengthened safety net. Due to the economic reforms of Thatcherism, Labour in Britain also remade itself to be more pro‐market, drawing considerably on policies of the ALP (Pierson and Castles, 2002). -
New Labour, Globalization, and the Competition State" by Philip G
Centerfor European Studies Working Paper Series #70 New Labour, Globalization, and the Competition State" by Philip G. Cemy** Mark Evans" Department of Politics Department of Politics University of Leeds University of York Leeds LS2 9JT, UK York YOlO SDD, U.K Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] • Will also be published in Econonry andSocitD' - We would like to thank the Nuffield Foundation, the Center for European Studies, Harvard University,and the Max-Planck-Institut fur Gesellschaftsforshung, Cologne, for their support during the writing of this paper. Abstract The concept of the Competition State differs from the "Post-Fordist State" of Regulation Theory, which asserts that the contemporary restructuring of the state is aimed at maintaining its generic function of stabilizing the national polity and promoting the domestic economy in the public interest In contrast, the Competition State focuses on disempowering the state from within with regard to a range of key tasks, roles, and activities, in the face of processes of globalization . The state does not merely adapt to exogenous structural constraints; in addition, domestic political actors take a proactive and preemptive lead in this process through both policy entrepreneurship and the rearticulation of domestic political and social coalitions, on both right and left, as alternatives are incrementally eroded. State intervention itself is aimed at not only adjusting to but also sustaining, promoting, and expanding an open global economy in order to capture its perceived -
The Power of the Prime Minister
Research Paper Research The Power of the Prime Minister 50 Years On George Jones THE POWER OF THE PRIME MINISTER 50 YEARS ON George Jones Emeritus Professor of Government London School of Economics & Political Science for The Constitution Society Based on a lecture for the Institute of Contemporary British History, King’s College, London, 8 February 2016 First published in Great Britain in 2016 by The Constitution Society Top Floor, 61 Petty France London SW1H 9EU www.consoc.org.uk © The Constitution Society ISBN: 978-0-9954703-1-6 © George Jones 2016. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. THE POWER OF THE PRIME MINISTER 3 Contents About the Author 4 Foreword 5 Introduction 9 Contingencies and Resource Dependency 11 The Formal Remit and Amorphous Convention 13 Key Stages in the Historical Development of the Premiership 15 Biographies of Prime Ministers are Not Enough 16 Harold Wilson 17 Tony Blair – almost a PM’s Department 19 David Cameron – with a department in all but name 21 Hung Parliament and Coalition Government 22 Fixed-term Parliaments Act, 2011 25 Party Dynamics 26 Wilson and Cameron Compared 29 Enhancing the Prime Minister 37 Between Wilson and Cameron 38 Conclusions 39 4 THE POWER OF THE PRIME MINISTER About the Author George Jones has from 2003 been Emeritus Professor of Government at LSE where he was Professor of Government between 1976 and 2003. -
Hybrid Photographies in London Labour and the London Poor
2 Hybrid Photographies in London Labour and the London Poor It would be a work of supererogation to extol the utility of such a publication as ‘London Labour and the London Poor,’ so apparent must be its value to all classes of society. It stands alone as a photograph of life as actually spent by the lower classes of the Metropolis.1 This advertisement for Henry Mayhew’s London Labour and the London Poor (1850–62) attempts to disguise its purpose by claiming that its ‘value’ is manifestly true. That a newspaper advert would use photogra- phy as a figure for the self-evident suggests the status that it had achieved as a representational mode by 1861. Thanks to its unsurpassed level of mimetic accuracy, photography had become a common metaphor for fidelity. London Labour was not only advertised using the metaphor of photography; as we shall see, the work itself had a particularly intimate relationship with photography.2 If the text is ‘a photograph of life’, then do the book’s actual photographs tell us something about the text itself? In particular, do they help to explain the differences between Mayhew’s earlier and later writings? It is my contention that they do. I will show that the distinctive nature of Mayhew’s images, the fact that they are hybrid daguerreotype-engravings, was concomitant with his desire to represent the poor according to an aesthetic of picturesque nobility. Critics have tended to vary in their assessment of Mayhew’s journal- ism depending upon which part of his voluminous output they are examining. -
Department of the Prime Minister’, Historians Urge Brown - Five Lessons from History to Guide New Prime Minister
Monday, 11 June, 2007 Abolish ‘Department of the Prime Minister’, historians urge Brown - Five lessons from history to guide new Prime Minister A new History & Policy paper published today calls on Gordon Brown to follow in the footsteps of Lloyd George, Wilson and Major by adopting a radically different style of Government from his predecessor. Professor Emeritus George Jones of the LSE and Dr Andrew Blick argue Brown can make his mark as a leader by abolishing Blair’s semi-official ‘Department of the Prime Minister’, withdrawing from the minute detail of public service reform and focusing on the most pressing policy challenges, such as counter-terrorism and the environment. Professor Jones said: “Many past Prime Ministers – from David Lloyd George to Harold Wilson and John Major – have established contrasting identities from their predecessors. New bodies such as the Delivery Unit have enabled Blair to make unprecedented prime-ministerial interventions in public services. Brown should make it clear he intends to do the opposite. He should resist the siren voices - such as Sir Michael Barber, former head of the Delivery Unit - urging him to formalise a ‘Department of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet’. In turn he can achieve more by attempting less.” Dr Blick said: “Blair constructed a vast prime-ministerial team to bypass Cabinet. But history shows that collective government is the best way to develop and test policy, ensuring it is practically and politically effective. History is littered with premiers who isolated Cabinet from decision- making - Chamberlain, Eden and Thatcher - to disastrous effect. “We welcome the news that there will be a senior civil servant appointed to oversee collective government. -
The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth
University of Huddersfield Repository Webb, Michelle The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth Original Citation Webb, Michelle (2007) The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/761/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ THE RISE AND FALL OF THE LABOUR LEAGUE OF YOUTH Michelle Webb A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Huddersfield July 2007 The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth Abstract This thesis charts the rise and fall of the Labour Party’s first and most enduring youth organisation, the Labour League of Youth.