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Overlap Issues Consent Order
IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE CHANCERY DIVISION The Honourable Mrs Justice Gloster DBE 12 October 2012 BETWEEN:- HCO8C03549 BORIS BEREZOVSICY Claimant - and - INNA GUDAVADZE & OTHERS Defendants HCO9C00494 BORIS BEREZOVSKY Claimant - and - VASILY ANISIMOV & OTHERS Defendants HCO9C00711 BORIS BEREZOVSICY Claimant - and - SALFORD CAPITAL PARTNERS INC & OTHERS Defendants 1),D 1147 (f) MEEK ORDER UPON the Order of Mr Justice Mann and Mrs Justice Gloster DBE dated 16 August 2010, ordering the trial of the issues set out in paragraph 1 of that Order (the Overlap Issues) as preliminary issues in proceedings number HC08C03549 (the Main Action), HC09C00494 (the Metalloinvest Action) and HCO9C00711 (the Salford Action); AND UPON the trial of the Overlap Issues (as amended by subsequent Orders) together with the trial of the Claimant's claims in Commercial Court proceedings number 2007 Folio 942 (the Joint Trial); AND UPON the Court having heard oral evidence and having read the written evidence filed; AND UPON hearing Leading Counsel for the Claimant, Counsel for the Second to Fifth Defendants in the Main Action (the Family Defendants), Leading Counsel for the Third to Fifth and Tenth Defendants in the Metalloinvest Action (the Anisimov Defendants), and Counsel for the Fourth to Ninth and Eleventh Defendants in the Salford Action (the Salford Defendants); AND UPON the Court having given judgment on the Overlap Issues on 31 August 2012; AND UPON the parties having agreed the orders as to costs set out in paragraphs 2 to 5 of this Order below; IT IS ORDERED THAT:- Determination of the Overlap Issues 1. The Overlap Issues are determined as follows:- (1) The Claimant did not acquire any interest in any Russian aluminium industry assets prior to the alleged meeting at the Dorchester Hotel in March 2000 (other than as a result of the alleged overarching joint venture agreement alleged by the Claimant in the Main Action, in relation to which no findings are made). -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
Oleg Deripaska Has Struggled for Legitimacy in the United States, Where He Has Been Dogged by Civil Lawsuits Questioning the Methods He Used to Build That Empire
The Globe and Mail (Canada) May 11, 2007 Friday Preferred by the Kremlin, shunned by the States BYLINE: SINCLAIR STEWART, With a report from Greg Keenan in Toronto SECTION: NEWS BUSINESS; STRONACH'S NEW PARTNER: 'ONE OF PUTIN'S FAVOURITE OLIGARCHS'; Pg. A1 LENGTH: 957 words DATELINE: NEW YORK He is perhaps the most powerful of Russia's oligarchs, a precocious - some would say ruthless - billionaire, who built his fortune against the bloody backdrop of that country's "aluminum wars" in the 1990s. He has nurtured close ties to the Kremlin, married the daughter of former president Boris Yeltsin's son-in-law, amassed an estimated $8-billion in personal wealth and built a corporate empire that stretches from metals and automobiles to aircraft and construction. Yet for all his success at home, 39-year-old Oleg Deripaska has struggled for legitimacy in the United States, where he has been dogged by civil lawsuits questioning the methods he used to build that empire. Mr. Deripaska has repeatedly denied allegations levelled against him, and he has not been specifically accused by American authorities of any crime. However, these whispers about shady business dealings may raise concerns about his $1.5-billion investment in Canada's Magna International, not to mention Magna's attempts to win control of DaimlerChrysler, an iconic American company. The United States has recently shown protectionist proclivities, citing national security concerns to quash both a Chinese state-owned oil company's bid for Unocal Ltd. and a planned acquisition of U.S. port service contracts by Dubai Ports World. -
Investment from Russia Stabilizes After the Global Crisis 1
Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of Russian Academy of Sciences Investment from Russia stabilizes after the global crisis 1 Report dated June 23, 2011 EMBARGO: The contents of this report must not be quoted or summarized in the print, broadcast or electronic media before June 23, 2011, 3:00 p.m. Moscow; 11 a.m. GMT; and 7 a.m. New York. Moscow and New York, June 23, 2011 : The Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, and the Vale Columbia Center on Sustainable International Investment (VCC), a joint undertaking of the Columbia Law School and the Earth Institute at Columbia University in New York, are releasing the results of their second joint survey of Russian outward investors today 2. The survey is part of a long-term study of the rapid global expansion of multinational enterprises (MNEs) from emerging markets. The present survey, conducted at the beginning of 2011, covers the period 2007-2009. Highlights Despite the global crisis of the last few years, Russia has remained one of the leading outward investors in the world. The foreign assets of Russian MNEs have grown rapidly and only China and Mexico are further ahead among emerging markets. As the results of our survey show, several non- financial 3 Russian MNEs are significant actors in the world economy. The foreign assets of the 20 leading non-financial MNEs were about USD 107 billion at the end of 2009 (table 1). Their foreign sales 4 were USD 198 billion and they had more than 200,000 employees abroad. -
Pace Through the Race
annual REPORT 2018 PACE THROUGH THE RACE RUSAL ANNUAL REPORT 2018 REPORT ANNUAL RUSAL CONTENTS FINANCIAL AND OPERATIONAL HIGHLIGHTS 2 CORPORATE PROFILE 5 CHAIRMAN’S STATEMENT 11 CEO’S REVIEW 14 BUSINESS OVERVIEW 17 MANAGEMENT DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS 41 PROFILES OF DIRECTORS AND SENIOR MANAGEMENT 81 DIRECTORS’ REPORT 99 CORPORATE GOVERNANCE REPORT 177 FINANCIAL STATEMENTS 197 GLOSSARY 343 APPENDIX A 355 - Principal Terms of the Shareholders’ Agreement with the Company APPENDIX B 359 - Principal Terms of the Shareholders’ Agreement among Major Shareholders only CORPORATE INFORMATION 366 1 Financial and Operational Highlights Annual Report RUSAL 2018 FINANCIAL AND OPERATIONAL HIGHLIGHTS 2 Financial and Operational Highlights Annual Report RUSAL 2018 USD million (unless otherwise specified) 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 Revenue 10,280 9,969 7,983 8,680 9,357 Adjusted EBITDA 2,163 2,120 1,489 2,015 1,514 Adjusted EBITDA Margin 21.0% 21.3% 18.7% 23.2% 16.2% EBIT 1,481 1,523 1,068 1,409 942 Share of Profits from Associates and joint ventures 955 620 848 368 536 Pre Tax Profit 1,953 1,288 1,354 763 147 Profit/(Loss) 1,698 1,222 1,179 558 (91) Profit/(Loss) Margin 16.5% 12.3% 14.8% 6.4% (1.0%) Adjusted Net Profit 856 1,077 292 671 17 Adjusted Net Profit Margin 8.3% 10.8% 3.7% 7.7% 0.2% Recurring Net Profit 1,695 1,573 959 1,097 486 Basic Earnings/(Loss) Per Share (in USD) 0.112 0.080 0.078 0.037 (0.006) Total Assets 15,777 15,774 14,452 12,809 14,857 Equity Attributable to Shareholders of the Company 5,209 4,444 3,299 1,391 2,237 Net Debt 7,442 7,648 8,421 8,372 8,837 3 Reduced weight Manoeuvring and speedy CORPORATE 01 PROFILE Corporate Profile Annual Report RUSAL 2018 CORPORATE PROFILE RUSAL is a low-cost, vertically integrated aluminium producer with core smelting operations located in Siberia, Russia. -
The Prospects for Russian Oil and Gas
Fueling the Future: The Prospects for Russian Oil and Gas By Fiona Hill and Florence Fee1 This article is published in Demokratizatsiya, Volume 10, Number 4, Fall 2002, pp. 462-487 http://www.demokratizatsiya.org Summary In February 2002, Russia briefly overtook Saudi Arabia to become the world’s largest oil producer. With its crude output well in excess of stagnant domestic demand, and ambitious oil industry plans to increase exports, Russia seemed poised to expand into European and other energy markets, potentially displacing Middle East oil suppliers. Russia, however, can not become a long-term replacement for Saudi Arabia or the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in global oil markets. It simply does not have the oil reserves or the production capacity. Russia’s future is in gas rather than oil. It is a world class gas producer, with gas fields stretching from Western to Eastern Siberia and particular dominance in Central Asia. Russia is already the primary gas supplier to Europe, and in the next two decades it will likely capture important gas markets in Northeast Asia and South Asia. Russian energy companies will pursue the penetration of these markets on their own with the strong backing of the State. There will be few major prospects for foreign investment in Russian oil and gas, especially for U.S. and other international companies seeking an equity stake in Russian energy reserves. Background Following the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, growing tensions in American relations with Middle East states coincided with OPEC’s efforts to impose production cuts to shore-up petroleum prices. -
Russian Advocacy Coalitions
Russian Advocacy Coalitions A study in Power Resources This study examines the advocacy coalitions in Russia. Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, it looks at the power resource distribution amongst the coalitions, and how this distribution affects Russian foreign policy. The power resources examined are: Formal Legal Authority; Public Opinion; Information; Mobilizable Troops; and Financial Resources. In addition to this, the study used quantitative and qualitative methods to identify these resources. There are a couple of conclusions we may draw from this study. The method is useful in identifying power resources. It is not enough to use only the distribution of resources amongst coalitions in order to explain policy changes. It is found that the distribution of resources, coupled with coalition interaction, is enough to explain changes in Russian foreign policy. KEYWORDS: Advocacy Coalition Framework, Russia, Power Resources, Natural Gas WORDS: 24,368 Author: Robert Granlund Supervisor: Fredrik Bynander Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 PURPOSE .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ............................................................................................................ 2 1.3 OUTLINE.................................................................................................................................. -
The Yukos Money Laundering Case: a Never-Ending Story
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 28 Issue 4 2007 The Yukos Money Laundering Case: A Never-Ending Story Dmitry Gololobov Gololobov and Co. Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Business Organizations Law Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation Dmitry Gololobov, The Yukos Money Laundering Case: A Never-Ending Story, 28 MICH. J. INT'L L. 711 (2007). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol28/iss4/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE YUKOS MONEY LAUNDERING CASE: A NEVER-ENDING STORY Dmitry Gololobov* I. A BRIEF STORY OF THE YUKos GROUP ................................... 711 II. THE YUKOS CASE: THE TIMELINE AND THE C ON SEQUEN CES ........................................................................ 7 16 III. THE MONEY LAUNDERING LEGISLATION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION .............................................................. 720 IV. PRINCIPLES OF THE KHODORKOVSKYIYUKOS MONEY LAUNDERING C ASE .................................................................. 724 V. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CASE .............................. 726 A . Tim ing ............................................................................... -
HYBRID WARFARE ANALYTICAL GROUP Preface
Image of the EU and Eastern Partnership countries on Russian TV HYBRID WARFARE ANALYTICAL GROUP Preface • Russia considers itself in a perpetual state of information warfare, while the West does not • Russia’s fake news and troll factories are already notoriously known. However, our research suggests to measure narratives as key elements of Russian propaganda • Russian media fundamentally changed the whole paradigm of news: facts and events are used to support the already prepared narratives • Once established narratives are supported by fake news in smaller part, but mainly by deliberately manipulated interpretation of real events Fake news example On 14 November 2017 Russian Defense Ministry claimed it had “irrefutable evidences” the US is helping ISIS in the Middle East – and back up its claim by posting screenshots from a mobile video game. Narrative example The West tries to overtake Russia, but fails “Musk is breathing down our neck” member of parliament Pavel Dorokhin “Musk failed to outdo heavy rockets of USSR” magazine Vzgliad.ru “Musk’s fall has started: media calculated his loses” state news agency RIA Novosti “It was needed to improve business. It’s widely known that Tesla’s business is doing very bad. It’s a very good trick” Communication director of state agency ROSCOSMOS Agenda 1. Methodology 2. TV landscape in Russia 3. Key findings of the research 4. Description of 6 narratives with quotes 5. Narratives for Baltic states 6. Narratives for countries of Eastern Partnership 7. Conclusions Methodology • Period of the analysis: -
Sanctions and Russia Order in Ukraine, by Resuming Fighting and Taking Over New Towns and Villages, and Russia the West Will Have to Scale-Up Sanctions Significantly
Sanctions have so far been the most effective instrument of Western influ- ence on Russia’s policy towards Ukraine, stopping the Kremlin from making a greater military incursion in the country. Restrictions were imposed against more than one hundred members of the Russian political and business elite, as sanctions well as dozens of Russian enterprises and banks. The annexation of Crimea and war in eastern Ukraine transformed assumptions about Russia, from a strategic partner, especially in energy, into a strategic challenge, mainly for regional secu- rity. Should Russia persist in challenging the principles of European cooperative sanctions And Russia order in Ukraine, by resuming fighting and taking over new towns and villages, And Russia the West will have to scale-up sanctions significantly. At the same time, the West should elaborate precise benchmarks against which to measure any potential Russian cooperative behaviour in Ukraine, before deciding to suspend or cancel sanctions. The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM) is a leading Central Europe- an think tank that positions itself between the world of politics and independent analysis. PISM provides analytical support to decision-makers, initiates public debate and disseminates expert knowledge about contemporary international relations. The work of PISM is guided by the conviction that the decision-mak- Edited by ing process in international relations should be based on knowledge that comes from reliable and valid research. The Institute carries out its own research, -
Governors, Oligarchs, and Siloviki: Oil and Power in Russia
Governors, Oligarchs, and Siloviki: Oil and Power in Russia Ahmed Mehdi, Shamil Yenikeyeff February 2013 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2013 ISBN: 978-2-36567-103-3 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection of articles dedicated to the study of Russia and other former Soviet states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
How Regimes Dictate Oligarchs & Their Football Clubs: Case Studies Comparison of Oligarch Football Club Ownership in Dagest
HOW REGIMES DICTATE OLIGARCHS & THEIR FOOTBALL CLUBS: CASE STUDIES COMPARISON OF OLIGARCH FOOTBALL CLUB OWNERSHIP IN DAGESTAN, ROMANIA, & TRANSNISTRIA FROM 1993-2014 MELISSA A. McDONALD A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in the program of Russian and East European Studies in the Graduate School. Chapel Hill 2014 Approved by: Graeme Robertson Robert Jenkins Milada Vachudova © 2014 Melissa A. McDonald ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Melissa A. McDonald: How Regimes Dictate Oligarchs & Their Football Clubs: Case Studies Comparison of Oligarch Football Club Ownership in Dagestan, Romania, & Transnistria from 1993-2014 (Under the direction of Graeme Robertson) This thesis examines how oligarch football club investments in Central and Eastern Europe face restrictions based on regime type. Oligarchs gained political and economic control of this region following the collapse of communist regimes in the early 1990s. This region also saw great change when athletic institutions fell and football became an avenue for oligarchs to ensure political capital. Although many similarities exist, I argue that oligarchs use different strategies toward clubs to ensure beneficial forms of political capital based on their respective regimes. As a result, I highlight the structure of oligarchs in neo-authoritarian, oligarchical democracy, and de facto state regimes to assess how regimes influence oligarchs’ use of football clubs. I advance this discussion with three case studies of oligarchs and their ownership of local football clubs. My cases include Suleyman Kerimov and FC Anzhi Dagestan, Gigi Becali and FC Steaua București, and Viktor Gushan and FC Sheriff Transnistria.