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Editorial matter, selection and introduction © Gert Hekma and Alain Giami 2014 Remaining chapters © Respective authors 2014 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6– 10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2014 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the , the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978– 1– 137– 32145– 9 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

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Contents

List of Figures vii Preface viii Notes on Contributors x

1 Sexual Revolutions: An Introduction 1 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami 2 Sexual in 25 Lena Lennerhed 3 The Long : The Police and the New Gay Man 46 Peter Edelberg 4 A Radical Break with a Puritanical Past: The Dutch Case 60 Gert Hekma 5 Catholics and Sexual Change in Flanders 81 Wannes Dupont 6 The Long History of the ‘Sexual Revolution’ in West Germany 99 Franz X. Eder 7 Sexual Revolution(s) in Britain 121 Matt Cook 8 The Revival of Sexuality Studies in in the Late 1950s 141 Sylvie Chaperon 9 Therapies of Sexual Liberation: , and Self 155 Alain Giami 10 ‘Something Much Bigger than or the Struggle for ’: The Ambivalent Sexual Emancipation of Daniel Guérin 173 Rostom Mesli 11 The Movement in France 188 Michael Sibalis 12 , Perversity and the Sexual Revolution 203 Jeffrey Escoffier

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13 ‘Sex Freedom Girls Speak Out’. Women in Sexual Revolution 219 Massimo Perinelli 14 The Sexual Revolution in the USSR: Dynamics Beneath the Ice 236 Dan Healey 15 , Christianity, Disability: Western Europe, – 1970s 249 Dagmar Herzog 16 Pedophilia, Homosexuality and Gay and Activism 264 David Paternotte

Select Bibliography on Sexual Revolutions 279 Index 284

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1 Sexual Revolutions: An Introduction Gert Hekma and Alain Giami

Preamble

The 1960s saw a series of events in Western countries that created new perspectives and practices regarding sexuality and brought a flood of eroticised texts and images into the public realm. This was the sexual revolution. Beginning early in the decade, Sweden saw debates on abor- tion, the Netherlands witnessed Provos that advocated general amoral in 1965, England was host to a summer of in 1967,1 Paris provided the setting for the May 1968 uprising and demonstrations which produced a pivotal image of the 1960s,2 and in 1969 New York’s Stonewall Inn became the symbol for gay liberation. The decade saw the ascendancy of the pill, pop music and festivals like , , homosexual emancipation and gay liberation, student revolts, sex shops and shows, girls without bras and with miniskirts, sexualised media and the TV that broadcast it all. and the nuclear family came under attack and people developed alternative relational models such as communal living and . infiltrated theatre and ballet stages, cinemas showed Italian and German films containing sexual content, and the streets became the site for ‘streakers’. Pornography was liberalised in Denmark and later on in other European countries. were busy changing the cityscapes by sleeping in parks and public squares and shopping for food, clothing and drugs in countercultural circuits of squatted buildings such as in Copenhagen’s Christiana. The political landscape was transformed through organised social movements and demonstrations including Black Power and protests against Vietnam, colonial wars, and nuclear . Sexuality became politicised and society eroticised. Western countries made gigantic steps forward in the 1960s with an aperture, upsurge and liberation of sexualities.

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2 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami

The sexual revolution was about movements that politicised private and everyday life, subjectivity, the arts and culture as well as other ter- rains such as prisons, conceptions of justice, army and conscription, asylums, , education, religion. In the 1960s, social movements were created alongside the sexual revolution that sparked a cultural rev- olution in the sense that many domains of existence were transformed. Some people applauded the sexual openness, the or the emancipation of female and gay sexuality; others decried the loss of traditional values, continuing sexism, growing consumerism, extreme individualism or unabated Puritanism. The authors of this book discuss the events and evaluations of the sexual revolution that go in their vari- ous trajectories. Although many of these events and debates occurred throughout Western society, some remained more local. The sexual revolution was a patchwork of ideas, events, controversies and (broken) dreams, which makes it difficult to give a singular definition or to identify its main characteristics.3 Here we use the term to indicate important changes in sexual behaviours and beliefs that led to greater freedom and extended agency for individuals. As will be seen in this book, these terms guar- antee complications. What promises more self- determination for one group may mean less for another. The new demand for sexual equality is beneficial for women and gay/lesbian , less so for heterosexual pairs who face gender inequality, and unfavourable for child or animal lovers whose relations are seen as inherently unequal. And one could question how much agency people who believe in innate drives and orientations actually allow themselves. When it comes to time periods, many authors of this book see the revolution as a long- term development that started with the moderni- sation of sexuality at the end of the 19th century,4 or with the sexual reconstruction in post- war Western after 1945. There are also good arguments for seeing it as a short, radical phase in the late 1960s when a real sexual explosion took place, or for combining both periodi- sations. Regarding utopia and revolution, the former is more a question of imagining how things could be, and the latter how erotic ambitions are put into practice. This book is about both sexual realities and erotic dreams as the two are difficult to separate. Most authors agree that in the late 1960s something really changed both in sexual lives and values and we will give many examples in this collection. There have been many books that touch upon issues of the sexual revolution, but remarkably few which have it as a main topic. Some con- centrate on a single country or city, others on very relevant sub- topics

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Sexual Revolutions 3 such as abortion or the gay movement, but very few take a more encom- passing perspective.5 In this introduction, we first discuss the history of utopian and radical thought on sexuality, secondly the changes that the sexual revolution created, and thirdly the political and theoretical critiques it received.

Sexual revolutions and utopias from the 18th to the 20th century

The early radicals: Sade and Fourier There is a long series of authors who wrote about utopias, but they rarely addressed sexual issues or, like Thomas More and Francis Bacon, were harsh on sexual variation.6 It was only during the 18th- century Enlightenment that some authors broke the repressive hold that church and had on sexual pleasure and developed more radical ideas, especially in France, the Dutch Republic and England. Starting in the 17th century, the work of Descartes and Spinoza and of the first pornographers suggested a break with a religious past.7 In England, authors such as Thomas Hobbes, Bernard Mandeville and Jeremy Bentham wrote in defence of sexual freedoms. According to Faramerz Dabhoiwala, together with poets, novelists and early feminists, they initiated a first sexual revolution mostly for well-to- do men and less for the poor, women or pederasts.8 In 1789, a radical change was taking place in France where the politically subversive work of pornographers, and other authors such as Julien Offray de La Mettrie, Nicolas Edme Restif de la Bretonne and the philosophes laid the groundwork for the French Revolution. The most important sex radical was Donatien A.F. de Sade (1750–1814), whose work was published after 1789. He denounced both the sexual morals of the Ancient Régime and and of the enlight- ened philosophes, claiming that they did not go far enough. He strongly disliked the sexuality that most people practised, coital sex, and endorsed its opposite, sodomy ( non- reproductive, particularly ). At the time, sodomy was demonised by state and church alike while enlightened thinkers rather sought to prevent it.9 For Sade, sodomy was the most pleasurable of all practices and exemplary for all sexual variations – anal sex, shit, whipping and cruelty being prominent in his work. His rejection of church, state and family was materialised in an erotic interest in blasphemy, sodomy and . All sexual variations belonged to human nature so there was no reason to persecute them; he in fact suggested teaching these practices to adolescents. Sade’s work

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4 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami inspired many philosophers and artists in the twentieth century, includ- ing groups like the Surrealists, Situationists and Dutch Provos, and it has been read by many since the 1960s as pornography.10 In legal terms, the great revolution of the came as a result of the judicial philosophy of the Enlightenment: the change of criminal law. Instead of forbidding all ‘unnatural’ sexual acts under broad catego- ries such as sodomy, the French Penal Codes of 1791 and 1810 strongly limited the number of ‘ against morals’ to , public indecency, the habitual debauchery of minors under 21 years (generally meaning bringing them into ) and adultery by the female spouse.11 The enduring sexual legacy of the Enlightenment includes new ideas about nature, gender, privacy, identity and writing (, pornography). Sexuality became a natural drive (mostly in men while women should be chaste wives and mothers); citizens acquired freedom in private space, and sexuality developed into the deepest secret and truth of individual iden- tity. While pornography mainly served subversive aims before the French Revolution, afterwards it was divided between high and low culture: at one end literature, and at the other end illicit . The 18th century marked a first sexual revolution for straight men of fortune.12 After Sade, the next sex radical who inspired the youth of 1968 was Charles Fourier (1772– 1837), whose Le nouveau monde amoureux was only published in 1967. For him, sex was an essential passion and he suggested a ‘rallying love’ that would not be monogamous and instead would build bridges between more people, thereby promoting social cohesion. (egoism for two) and the nuclear family were selfish institutions that contravened social needs and sexual passions. He defended all erotic variations – in particular lesbianism – and gender equality. He suggested communal arrangements in ‘phalanstères’ where hundreds of people should live and work together and persons with special tastes fulfil their desires. Erotic passions should be experienced on a daily basis, possibly in bacchanals. Ugly and older people should also be entitled to sexual opportunities: social equality for the margin- alised.13 Fourier has been cast aside by Marxists as a utopian socialist, but they should have taken sexual politics much more seriously. Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884) supported bourgeois sexual morality with the exception of gender inequality: women should be equal to men in socialism and men should become monogamous as women already were. would be allowed as an escape mechanism from unhappy . These themes would be followed by most socialist sex radicals, some of whom might add, like Fourier, communal housing solutions.14

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Sexual Revolutions 5

Beginning in the late 19th century, many authors started to write about and many people began to live ‘free ’. This frequently meant that couples were not married, strived for equality and opposed tradi- tional marriage and gender inequality. These open relationships often failed due to ingrained gender norms and external social pressure, but remained steadfast elements of anarchist- socialist utopias, as seen in the work of the French writer Ernest Armand ( 1872– 1962) who not only wrote in favour of and open relations, but also created an organisation for travellers who could visit other members of his club and engage in sexual relations with them. He defended ideas of ‘sexual comradeship’, homosexual and inter- generational sex.15

Sexual reformism: serving sexual justice With the rise of in the late 19th century, medical authors started to discuss sexuality and to voice liberal and reformist ideas on sexuality. Their assumedly objective, scientific approach made them pro- pose humane ideas on sexuality; for example, Richard von Krafft- Ebing, Albert Moll, Havelock Ellis, and others. Society should accept sexual abnormalities, more as ways of being rather than of doing, and in case prevention and therapy did not work. Their approach stood in contrast to anarchist and socialist approaches that demanded social change in terms of a critique of capitalism rather than asking pity for ‘stepchildren of nature’ such as perverts and prostitutes. However, results might not be so different as most socialists saw sex work and as decadent, capitalist ills. The short- lived World League for Sexual Reform (1928– 1935) is a typical example of the reformist approach. Led by leading sexologists Havelock Ellis, Auguste Forel and , the League endorsed gen- der equality, legality of divorce, supported freedom of sexual relations between mutually consenting adults, and was in favour of prevent- ing venereal diseases and prostitution. It proposed rational attitudes towards sexually abnormal persons (probably homosexuals) in spite of the leadership of the famous homosexual rights activist Hirschfeld.16 The nearly completely forgotten Frenchman René Guyon (1876–1963) took the opposite position and defended prostitution. This lawyer pub- lished six of the 11 volumes he had planned and wrote on topics like and Sex Ethics and Sexual Freedom.17 Writing from a pragmatic rationalist perspective, sexuality consisted of mechanical acts that we should enjoy; or platonic (chaste) love was abnormal. Guyon strongly objected to Christian tenets that made sexuality prob- lematic. He endorsed most sexual variations, including

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6 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami and homosexuality, with the only exception being the violent variants of sadism and masochism. As women have greater physiological capaci- ties for sex, and are inferior, he views them as courtesans and slaves to man. For him, marriage and prostitution are similar: men pay women for sex. In his view, a desire for variation drives sexuality and therefore he does not believe in eternal love or monogamy. He combines a low regard for women with a strong defence of sexual pleasure. Guyon lived in Thailand for most of his life and contributed to the country’s law- making processes. He criticised both the League of Nations and the United Nations because their declarations on human rights left out sexual freedom, or only negated this, for example, with treatises on ‘white slavery’.18 The major author on issues of sexuality in the immediate post- war period was ( 1894– 1956). With his collaborators, he did the great sociological surveys of the white US population in which he strived for objectivity, but there remains a strong political connotation in his two books on male and female sexuality (1948, 1953); namely that the US criminalises many sex acts – such as adultery, prostitution, homosexuality, extra- marital sex, bestiality – that are in fact widely prac- tised throughout the population. The underlying critique in these books pertains to American sexual morality and the discrepancy between laws and behaviour by revealing that most men committed legally forbidden acts. In terms of sexual legislation, Kinsey acknowledges three types of crimes: an to protect children, when force is used and when compulsive sexual behaviour becomes a public nuisance as in the case of exhibitionists.19 As will become clear in the following articles, Kinsey has become a central figure in the sexual revolution and survey- ing sex became commonplace in the late 1960s and after the onset of the HIV- AIDS epidemics, also as a way to discuss sexual morality.

The politicisation of the sexual question in the early 20th century: socialism and sex Since the early 1900s, the sexual question became part of political struggles and the concept of sexual revolution was used for the first time by the psychoanalyst Otto Gross just before the First World War.20 became its main theoretician. He combined theories of Marx and Freud and opined that sexual liberation should go together with social liberation or at least be a part of it. In his view, the sexual emancipation of young people would be an integral ingredient of politi- cal struggles for a just society. Questions of sexual emancipation and free love were central to the work of the Russian Alexandra Kollontai

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Sexual Revolutions 7 who faced disgrace from the Bolshevik Party because of her ideas.21 Daniel Guérin, post- war socialist and anarchist, used Reich and Kinsey to promote revolutionary sexual politics in France (see Chaperon and Mesli in this volume). was the final great name in this lineage before the 1960s. Reich was a Berlin- based doctor and psychoanalyst with an interest in social prevention of neuroses and a member of the German Communist Party. He saw a connection between sexual misery and the organisation of society, and analysed its meanings in political terms. He considered , especially of young people inside the family, as the main vehicle for transmission of authoritarian ideologies that could maintain and strengthen social domination. He denounced the abjec- tion that masturbation and sexual relations between young people were held in, producing an interiorised and shame. Reich criti- cised the material and social obstacles that hindered the free access to contraception, abortion and treatment of venereal diseases. The sexual repression of youngsters was, according to Reich, part and parcel of cap- italist oppression and could only be combatted in the context of a social revolution. Their political engagement was weakened because of sexual misery related to the separation of the . They often left workers’ political parties as they looked elsewhere for lovers. This made political inclusion of the sexual struggle of young people a priority for Reich.22 His support for adolescent sexual life was extraordinary, but other ele- ments in his theorising remained too bound to oppressing sexual vari- ation. He held capitalism responsible for as being decadent and against nature; homosexuality, , prostitution and pornog- raphy would no longer exist under socialism. His main works from the 1930s became very influential with the sexual revolution.23 Reich had to quit the psychoanalytic movement and was forced to escape Nazi Germany, first to Northern Europe and then to the United States where he abandoned both Marxist and psychoanalytic perspectives in favour of a more biological approach of . In 1955, Marcuse published Eros and Civilisation, a philosophical work. Although he was not politically active at that time, his work nonetheless had an enormous political influence in the Western world. He saw sexual misery as restricting libidinal energy and as a conse- quence of the profit principle that subjected individuals to alienated labour and exploitation. Sexual liberation was not seen as a lever for the social revolution but as its result. This desirable consequence would put an end to alienation from work and mean an eroticisation of social relations with stronger links to nature that would be simplified by an

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8 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami extension of free time – partly due to technological innovations. Sexual liberation would mean a transformation of sexuality into Eros and an abdication of genital primacy. In contradistinction, sexual libera- tion following the principle of profit as in capitalism would only be a repressive desublimation that would weaken sexual drives and strengthen aggressive ones. Although certain readings of Marcuse view him as the herald of the sexual revolution within a larger social revolution, it is important to insist that he only saw sexual liberation as a result of radical social changes in existing life and labour conditions. His view of sexuality was benign and he strongly defended the social incorpora- tion of what were seen as perversions. He viewed the homosexual as the pivotal outsider and critic of the existing social and sexual system, but positioned sadomasochism as the result of aggressive drives and of a repressive sexual system that people had internalised.24 Marcuse’s idea was to promote self- consciousness and open discussions to break through social blockades. In the 1960s, leftists and students saw them- selves as the harbingers of this liberation but would soon realise, from a more Marxist angle, how sexuality was used in capitalist, consumerist society to pacify the working class. Marcuse himself retracted from his more positive appraisal of perversity to a more sceptical attitude.25

The actual sexual revolution

A sudden upsurge of erotic cultures Although the sexual revolution may have been a sudden irruption in society, it was not without its historic lineage. It certainly involved intellectual, political and artistic authors as those mentioned above, but also scholars like and Simone de Beauvoir. The of poets and writers and the Situationist movement had made their contribution. In France, there was a warm reception for the work of Sade (by Bataille, Beauvoir, Barthes and many oth- ers) and an important literary tradition (Jean Genet, Pauline Réage). The Italian movie industry of the 1960s and the New York art world culminating with ’s Factory also provided radical representations of wider societal changes. After May 1968, post- modernists took over radical thinking and Gilles Deleuze co- authored with Felix Guattari Anti- Oedipe. Capitalisme et Schizophrénie (1972), a robust theoretical foundation for freedom of sexual desires. Feminists joined ranks with these men and gave the debates a more gendered focus and discussed sexuality in different degrees (, Valerie Solanas, , Shulamith Firestone, Erica Young, Shere Hite,

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Germaine Greer, Audre Lorde, Adrienne Rich, Alice Schwarzer, Xavière Gauthier, Luce Irigaray, Hélène Cixous, Monique Wittig). Gay lib- eration was put on the agenda, most famously in France by the Front Homosexuel d’Action Révolutionnaire (see Sibalis). Authors such as Dennis Altman with Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation (1971), Guy Hocquenghem with Homosexual Desire (French 1972, English 1978) and Mario Mieli with Homosexuality and Liberation (Italian 1977, English 1980) offered a gay angle on theories of liberation. In the end, the main influence was the mass of people that wanted to be free from restrictions of the past, whether they were religious, legal, medical, familial or political. Women demanded access to , contraceptives in order to enjoy a free sexual life outside marriage and an end to sexual abuses and patriarchy, gay men came out of the closet, sex laws were changed, and the authority of clergy and psychiatry was questioned. The holy triangle of marriage, reproduction and het- erosexuality as foundations for sex was broken, and love and pleasure became its essential reference points. Marriage was harshly criticised by feminists for its sexism and by gays and for its homopho- bia.26 Young and old were eager for sexual self- determination, includ- ing ‘minors’. Traditional institutions such as the church, army, school, asylum, prison, and political parties started to be heavily criticised and challenged. People wanted to decide for themselves, and depend less on larger units like families. So, when did the sexual revolution start? From the foregoing it is clear that there are several backgrounds. Already in the post- war period attitudinal shifts were occurring, as we can see through the work of Kinsey and Beauvoir. People had been changing their sexual behaviour (Escoffier in this volume) and were now going to adapt their morality to match their practice. They were helped by and neo- Malthusian organisations that had existed since the late 19th century. A homosexual rights movement had been started in 1897 in Germany. However, the 1930s, the Second World War and the immediate post- war period also were a time of sexual regression; first with the rise of Fascism and Stalinism all over Europe and afterwards with the social and moral reconstruction of European countries from the disasters of war.27 Such reconstruction also concerned norms of gender and sexual relations that were tightened once the War was over and certain liber- ties that wartime had made possible were terminated. Male soldiers and men held captive returned and took their civilian clothing and tradi- tional place in the home and factory while their wives returned from workplaces to kitchens and caring for children. McCarthyism was not

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10 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami only a persecution of communists, but also of , and was part and parcel of the gender and sexual reconstruction of the US.28 With the rebuilding in the 1950s, resistance grew and young people started to reject or protest traditional morality – rebels without a cause. In the 1960s, Western European countries began to witness economic prosperity and saw developments of individualisation, democratisa- tion and secularisation. Young people now became radicals with many causes: from political opposition to the war in Vietnam and the nuclear industry to colonialism, race, gender and sex. It is difficult to isolate the causes, but from the 1960s on most Western European countries suddenly became more liberal with regard to sexuality: more could be written and shown, fewer people were involved in religious practice, new created new possibilities as with the pill, television opened new worlds as did mass tourism. The spirit of the sexual revolu- tion moved from the northern, Scandinavian countries (mainly Sweden and Denmark) to the north- western parts of Europe (Netherlands, England, German- speaking countries) and then to the southern ones. In Sweden, the revolution was already over when it started elsewhere (see Lennerhed). Spain, Portugal, Greece and the Eastern European countries where ‘real socialism’ governed had to wait until the end of dictatorship before a sexual revolution could begin (but see Healey for the Soviet Union). Generally speaking there was a contrast between the major changes that were already occurring in sexual life and the rigidity of traditional social norms and laws.

Changes brought by the sexual revolution The 1960s witnessed a sudden explosion when young people, women, gays and lesbians, students and all kinds of marginal people took to the streets and revolted. The new generation distanced themselves from tra- ditional institutions such as family and church, and undermined schools and universities from within, sometimes with the help of teachers and professors. They demanded co- education and cohabitation. They used the increased access to education, consumption and free time and sought to organise their own lives instead of being guided by institutions of the past. Students, hippies, activists and squatters mingled and politicised sexual life. A developed with its own economy, music, communal living style and clothing fashions. Although many feminists kept a distance from the sexual revolution, and some decried it (but see Perinelli), the changes in female sexuality were momentous including the pill, greater equality and self- determination.29 The expectation of remaining a virgin until marriage ended and young women who got

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Sexual Revolutions 11 pregnant were no longer required to marry a partner they did not like, have an illegal abortion, or to give up their child for and remain forever stigmatised as unmarried mothers. They became sexu- ally independent and acted on this independence if we are to believe sex surveys. The sexual revolution put an end to ideas of homosexual- ity as a sin, or disease. Many faggots and dykes came out of their closets and joined a sexual culture and a gay movement that replaced an older world of tearooms and dangers. Masturbation transformed from a taboo practice and medical problem into a normal habit that was discussed in some small circles and was advocated as a sexual learning practice.30 After the Second Vatican Council (1962– 1965), the Catholic church tried to become more in touch with its believers by, for example, conducting masses in the local language. Many church leaders proposed a more social policy including changing family planning from a sin to a question of personal conscience and proposing more positive attitudes towards extramarital relations (see Dupont). Nonetheless, many faithful left the church or visited it less. Similar developments could be seen in Protestant churches. Also very remarkable was the opening of the media regarding sexu- ality, and the creation of new means of communication. Newspapers, radio and in particular the new television broadcast images, events and new erotic ideals to millions of people. A clandestine world of pornog- raphy and prostitution became visible in society. What was considered obscene became acceptable. , pornography and nudity blos- somed in an alternative scene before becoming commercial activities of a new (see Escoffier and Chaperon). A sexualisation of Western societies took place that influenced politics, the arts, various institutions and even everyday life. The new visual eroticism remained, however, largely female and heterosexual. Important for the sexual revolution were all kinds of experiments with communal living, orgiastic and promiscuous initiatives, nude shows, and erotic festivals. The cultural and political field saw the introduction of body art (Mühl and the actionists), feminist art (Niki de St Phalle, Valie Export, Marina Abramovic´),31 ’s Sexual Freedom League,32 the Gay Liberation Front33 and other radical gay movements such as the French FHAR that stated ‘we want all’ (see Sibalis), and debates on child sexuality and pedophilia (see Edelberg and Paternotte). Other sexual variations also came into the open such as BDSM, trans- sexuality, and . The Dutch Society for Sexual Reform proposed transgressing gender and sexual dichotomies (see Hekma). Things could be said that would soon again become

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12 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami unthinkable. The sexual revolution is best known for this short radical phase, a highly interesting explosion of erotic liberties, but soon most people went back to a new normalcy. Popular music strongly promoted a sexualisation of society through its lyrics and images. The erotic dancing style of Elvis Presley and the songs of Bob Dylan (‘Times They Are A- changin’), The Beatles (‘I Want to Hold Your Hand’, ‘Why Don’t We Do It in the Road?’) The Rolling Stones (‘Cocksucker Blues’, ‘(I Can’t Get No) Satisfaction’), Frank Zappa (‘Freak Out’), James Brown (‘’), Jimi Hendrix (‘Power to Love’), Janis Joplin, David Bowie, Lou Reed (‘Walk on the Wild Side’), Queen (‘I Want to Break Free’), and German schlager and French chanson singers like Serge Gainsbourg (‘Je t’aime … moi non plus’, ‘69 Année érotique’) brought sex into the open and made it a central issue in youth culture and pop festivals. This tradition was continued with Michael Jackson, Prince, Madonna and Lady Gaga. Cinema contributed to the mainstreaming of sexuality from Sweden with Bergman, from Italy with Fellini, Visconti, Pasolini, Bertolucci, from Germany with Fassbinder and sexually informative movies from his compatriot Kolle and others (see Eder), and from the legendary American and French porn movies Deep Throat and Emmanuelle. Super 8 films and later video made the private production and projection of pornography much easier. In fashion, women were no longer forbidden to wear trousers and they took to mini- skirts and shorts. Blue jeans became the sexy clothing for girls and boys. For men, there was a short period when they dressed themselves in androgynous and colourful fashions and wore long . Soft and also hard drugs were part of the culture of sex and pop, as a counterculture of squatting, festivals, sleeping in parks, love summers and summer camps was created. Hippies fled in masses to pop festivals such as Woodstock and to renowned cities: San Francisco as a city of freedom, London for music and fashion, Amsterdam with its tolerance for sex and drugs, Paris as a city of love, and New York for its art scene and . Discussions on sexuality penetrated families, schools, pris- ons and asylums. The sexual revolution was a vital symbolic moment and a step towards a libertine utopia, but many dreams were never real- ised or were broken, and much was left to be desired. The sexual revolution was very broad, layered, and impacted upon various groups differently. A new heterosexual generation distanced themselves from their parents and dissociated reproduction, sexuality and marriage. They could do so thanks to better contraceptive methods and the legalisation of abortion that prevented miseries of (unwanted) . Love instead of marriage became central to their relations.

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Feminism changed heterosexual relations. The new women’s and gay/ lesbian movements impacted upon the sexual revolution, and vice versa. The exclusion of homosexuality from the American Psychiatric Association classification of mental diseases in 197334 represented an important step in the demedicalisation of sexual variation, but other ‘’ (the new name for ‘perversions’) were not depathologised. The development of for teenagers meant a medicalisation and an increase in social control of youth sexuality through arguments of health and nature, not an acknowledgement of ideas of sexual pleas- ure or intimate citizenship.35 These topics of the sexual revolution ran parallel in time, but didn’t always stand in close harmony. People who otherwise endorsed some aspects of the sexual revolution may have objected to the legalisation of abortion or free distribution of the pill to young people. Christian churches used some of the tenets of the sexual revolution to promote sexual happiness in, but not outside, marriage.36 Ages of sexual consent moved up and down and ideas on what sexual freedom or compre- hensive sex education in schools should mean37 varied widely. Some saw sadomasochism as (internalised) and many disliked the and promiscuity that gay men saw as a human right. Prostitution was seen as liberating and abusive for women – and may indeed be both. People disagreed, but were often unaware of other points of view because sexual politics remained a taboo topic that was mainly debated only when ‘problems’ were perceived.

Sexual surveying: measuring changes in behaviour Since sex surveys were a new feature of the 1960s, it is possible to exam- ine what changed in sexual life and sexual activity.38 Starting with Kinsey, and then during the sexual revolution and even more intensely after the beginning of the AIDS epidemic, national and cross- cultural sexual surveys have been carried out in the major industrial western countries.39 Data on homo- and heterosexual practices, oral and anal sex, masturba- tion, porn use, sex work, the beginning and ending of sexual life, the number of partners over the life course, and other relevant data can be compared in historical and national perspectives. A general trend in these surveys is that the discrepancy between men and women is decreasing when it comes to the intensity and variation of sexual practices. While male sexuality has stabilised over the last dec- ades, female sexuality has intensified in numbers of partners and variety of sexual practices. Differences related to gender continue to exist and while many people like to attribute this to biological sex differences,

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14 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami it rather seems a consequence of social differences in how female and male sexuality are constructed.40 Representations of sexually autono- mous women as being ‘sluts’ and ‘whores’ continue to restrict female subjectivity, and perpetuate the straight male subject status. Other main changes have been the contents, availability and use of pornography that have become generally available in greater variation. Pornography is being used by both men and women, but still more by men than by women and youngsters who prefer to access it via the Internet in the privacy of the home without the need to visit sex shops. Use of sex toys has become more common with and vibrators gaining popular- ity among women and becoming available as ‘sexual health devices’ in local supermarkets, exactly as are soft- porn DVDs. Homosexuality is now rather an identity than a practice, and those who engage in same- sex relations have intensified their sexual activity and more strongly identify as gays and lesbians. In particular, lesbianism and among women seem to be on the rise, while continuing male homo- phobia restrains sexual border traffic for straight men: they keep their distance from homosexual options. Main changes since the sexual revolution have been more sexual possibilities for women, greater freedoms for gays and lesbians and an increased availability of erotic imagery. These positive trends have been accompanied by increased concerns about children and their sexuality, incest, rape and harassment, many new legal restrictions (for example, on pornography), and insecurity with sexual politics as many people have little knowledge about sexuality or see it as a private and natural practice that needs no discussion.

Equality New creeds also replaced old ones. In the past, social inequality and dis- tance were seen as the driving force of desire and people believed only opposite poles created arousal such as male and female, masculine and feminine (also in gay and lesbian relations), active and passive, subject and object, client and , adult and youngster, and different classes and ethnicities. However, with the onset of the sexual revolu- tion, social equality became the new unofficial rule for sex and love.41 All sexual relations that digressed from this norm ran the danger of being tabooed, or worse, made criminal. Ideas of sexual equality worked out nicely for gays and lesbians, whose relations were more equal than those of heterosexuals where a gender difference continued to exist. This idea of equal relationships also helped pave the way to homo- sexual marriage. Unequal relations as seen in pedophilia, bestiality,

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Sexual Revolutions 15 prostitution and traditional straight affairs became negatively regarded, while the BDSM community tried to safeguard their interests by defin- ing them as sane, safe and consensual (SSC).42 Notwithstanding a norm of equality, sexual relations remain riddled by differences of gender, race, age, money, class, education, beauty and other factors.43

Legal changes and their consequences A major issue was to create new legislation to match these changing sexual practices. In England, the Wolfenden Committee had already begun discussing the decriminalisation of homosexuality and prostitu- tion in 1957. Publication of the resulting report was followed by serious debates, a crackdown on street prostitution, the founding of the English gay movement, and in 1967 the decriminalisation of homosexual acts in private for consenting adults aged 21 or older (see Cook). Soon, other countries followed in changing laws and regulations, while elsewhere the interpretation of laws by the courts was revised or authorities simply stopped prosecution, as in the case of blasphemy laws. These modifica- tions pertained to ages of consent, homosexual acts, contraception, abortion, pornography and obscenity, sex work, adultery for men and women, divorce, public ‘indecencies’, street walking for sexual pur- poses, dress laws (trousers forbidden for women and drag for men), and so forth. As stated, these changes took place at various times and speeds in different countries. Legal changes often take longer, so they some- times came long after the sexual revolution had ended. While most EU countries completely legalised homosexual acts, few did so for sex work. No country got rid of laws regarding public indecencies, although the Netherlands decided to hesitantly tolerate sex in public for gay cruising. Obscenity laws were relaxed and many books, films and other materials that were forbidden became permitted. Between 1934 and 1968, Hollywood submitted to the Hays Code that outlawed explicit mentioning of (homo)sexuality, abortion, drugs and extreme violence in films. Many books banned in England and the US, such as works by Radclyffe Hall, , Lawrence Durrell, Vladimir Nabokov, William Burroughs, Samuel Becket, Anaïs Nin, Sade and Bataille, were published by the Obelisk and Olympia Press in Paris for foreign con- sumption. At the same time, France itself forbade certain materials being freely distributed in bookshops and kiosks.44 Escoffier describes in his article how different forms of nudity and sex entered journals, stages and films, moving from innocent to hard- core imagery. It was a rather quick process that ended in the early 1970s when explicit imagery became generally available.

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16 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami

With the diminishing value attributed to marriage, fewer people mar- ried, and divorce was made easier, while same- sex couples have been allowed to have legal partnerships in Denmark since 1989 and, since 2001, have officially married in the Netherlands. Since marriage had become more about love than about reproduction, same- sex couples could no longer be excluded from weddings. Nonetheless, monogamy remained the generally accepted norm for unmarried couples. ‘Children born out of wedlock’ ceased being a social concern and nowadays form the majority in some countries like Sweden. Decriminalisation, seen as typical for the sexual revolution, went together with recriminalisation. On some issues, criminal laws were soon extended due to the anti- sexist tenets of the revolution. Rape laws were broadened to include and penalties often became harsher – also as a result of feminist calls to take sexist offences more seriously. Rape in marriage had not been a crime because sex was a marital right, but now it became a legal offence. The idea that women could have incited against their person, and sometimes even have agreed beforehand to sexual acts that were regarded as unwanted afterwards, became contested leading to another broadening of legal options.45 Recriminalisation happened with certain kinds of pornography and sex acts, often in relation to a presumed necessity to protect young people or victims of sexual violence – with definitions being broadly drawn – or to desexualise the public realm. With a growing ‘sexualisation’ of media, protective measures were installed to limit sexual imagery on television to late evenings and nights or, more recently, to block internet sex sites for minors. New concerns arose regarding pedophilia, sexuality among youngsters below the age of consent, child and bestial pornography and ‘extremely violent’ material – also including BDSM imagery. ‘Pedophile priests’, not simply a remnant of past times, became a major issue in many countries.46 Another concerned the abundance of por- nography on the Internet and the sexist/sexualised images of pop videos. Some worried it might set unrealistic examples for sexual life, lead to a rise in sexual violence or make sex asocial because men would prefer to con- nect with the computer and use digital material for masturbation rather than seek sex with living persons, even their wives. Legal changes often had ambivalent results. In England, the change of law in 1967 had a ben- eficial effect for the gay scene, although many homosexual acts remained illegal and the number of prosecutions for gay public sex increased after- wards.47 This abolishing, changing, and creating of laws and rules had very different contents and temporalities in the various countries.

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Resistance, debate, critique

The controversial nature of the 1960s As with all revolutions, this one’s main characters have extensively writ- ten about it to defend their endeavours or to distance themselves from their efforts.48 From the beginning, opponents had their criticisms. With the neo- liberal turn, the focus was on the market and not on eroticism. Rather to the contrary: the idea of sexual self- determination may have been liberal, but was not neo- liberal. These reactions contrib- uted to a reappraisal of the results of the sexual revolution. Some topics became unspeakable, such as pedophilia, and others threw a shadow across the 1960s. Some feminists discovered incest and sexual harass- ment as a result of the freedoms of the revolution, while public health professionals objected to the general negligence of venereal risks and proposed to limit erotic freedoms with the arrival of the AIDS epidemic. An ideology of erotic self- determination was replaced by another of risk and protection. Some decried that medicine and psychology gained a stronger hold on sexual terrains, for example in the aftermath of AIDS and with sexual – health – education and sometimes in cooperation with the pharmaceutical industry.49 Sexual pleasures the 1960s prom- ised were reduced to sexual health as a new form of social and moral control over sexuality.50 The revolution raised strong opposition, in the first place from an older more conservative generation, but also later from others who would contest some or all of its results. Leftists criticised the capitalist and consumerist turn of sexual liberation, making economic profits from sex, and women opposed it as a male trick to get easier sex. Most famous were the ‘Sex Wars’ in the 1980s of feminists in the US and else- where. They were divided on many issues, the main being pornography, prostitution, sadomasochism and trans- sexuality, with many support- ing such interests.51 So- called radical feminists opposed these themes as being sexist and promoting abuse of women, cleverly summarised in Robin Morgan’s slogan ‘pornography is the theory, rape the practice’ and further developed by and Catherine MacKinnon.52 Conservative forces decried the fall of traditions and moral values. Some feared that civilisation would decay as social controls might break down allowing primal drives to take over. Sexuality was seen as a dark force that needed to be channelled by age- old institutions such as church, law or marriage. The erotic flood would destroy society, and when citizens would know no limits, they themselves would be endangered.53 Due to the extent that these institutions and ideologies

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18 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami were deeply ingrained in culture, this black scenario was premature. The sexual revolution also ran aground as few had realised how deeply traditions were entrenched in society and individuals. The existence of this sexual revolution has been doubted by certain authors, who are eager to deny that such a thing even took place. Other authors – who can be called ‘revisionists’54 – opined that the events of the sexual revolution promoted an excessive individualism and only worsened the existing situation, in particular that of women. Instead, the components of the sexual revolution would only serve to strengthen ‘masculine domination’, facilitate the availability of women for male satisfaction and create new anxieties by the normalisation of male sexual pleasure.55 Leftists complained that sexual freedoms only contributed to consumerism with sex itself and all products linked to it – prostitution, porn, sex toys, erotic and fetish clothing or advertising. Although many intellectuals continue to throw doubt on the impor- tance of the transformations that have taken place during that period, the majority of them recognise the major changes that have taken place; in particular, in systems of meanings of gender and sexuality, female sexual behaviour, the acceptance of certain variations especially homosexuality, and laws and regulations.56

Foucault: no sexual repression? Michel Foucault’s La volonté de savoir of 1976, best known in English as the first volume of his History of Sexuality, has provoked a strong debate in the intellectual field that was previously dominated by modernist ideas of liberation and the struggle against sexual repression.57 The work of Foucault has often been seen as challenging ideas of freedom, emancipation and liberation,58 while he rather saw a production of sexual knowledge in terms of the exercise of power to constitute and discipline sexuality. His new insights regarded the politics of the body and biopower, or as he formulated it in his later work, the extent to which sexual subjectivity was a result of power/knowledge produc- tion.59 He reversed the idea of sexuality being silenced and repressed and discerned the opposite, namely that intensive discourses produced and governed sexuality in its individual and social forms.60 In the past, sexual ‘doing’ – like practising sodomy – may have been a sin and a crime, but with the rise of modern sexual knowledge on masturbation and perversion, the new homosexuality became a disease61 and an identity, the subject’s deepest secret, and an object of control. And it still remained a crime until the 1970s in the Western world. Foucault unveiled, apart from age- old controls of family and reproduction, new

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Sexual Revolutions 19 regimes of disciplining masturbating children, non- reproductive cou- ples, hysterical women and perverts since the 18th and 19th centuries. Sexual liberation may have suggested hope and freedom, but he rather saw a process of confession and introspection that made individuals transparent to powers that be: state, psychiatry, justice, religion, educa- tion or family. The production of sexual truth had as by- products both repression of and resistance by the subjected. Seeing his critique of the ideals of the sexual revolution, many histo- rians and social scientists evaded the topic as if it had become danger- ous terrain to tread. In this book, we want to break this silence and the negative views on European sexual modernism as largely repressive and to stress the complicated mix of results that have come from the sexual revolution. Foucault questioned biological ideas of a sexual instinct and the concept of a positive nature of sexuality repressed by society as in Reichian models. He underlined how social constructions of sexuality targeted production and reproduction of societies and subjectivities. In his work, the production of sexualities went along with repression, resistance, and also with a longing for new experiences and ethics. It is difficult to consider Foucault the gravedigger of ideas of sexual revo- lution when he in fact wanted to get away from disciplining impera- tives. He himself eagerly sought for practices and places of freedom in wastelands of discipline and subjugation, such as mental hospitals and prisons, and turned to social spaces like ‘care of the self’, friendship, dandyism, or to the kinky scene to find new ways to invent oneself and create forms of social, ethic and aesthetic existence. The sexual revolution has not brought freedom and self- determination for everyone and sometimes it even went the opposite way. Foucault intro- duced concepts and examples that made it possible to better analyse ‘dispositifs’ of knowledge and power as well as various forms of sexual repression and resistance. He saw his work as toolbox that we can use to better understand the contradictory results of the 1960s and 1970s.

Conclusion

The sexual revolution may have produced ambiguous results, but its importance for the emancipation of women, gays and lesbians and for the unmarried, the young and elderly is evident and goes largely unrec- ognised in many academic texts. Apart from such gains there remain many questions to be settled. The focus has become on sexual nature and rather than sexual culture and citizenship, on sexual being more than on doing sex. Sexuality should not be left to schemes of

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20 Gert Hekma and Alain Giami biological drives; pleasure needs cultivation. Based on ideas of the pre- sumed different nature of men and women, sexual subjectivity often remains denied to the latter. Homosexual emancipation may have made major progress, but gays and lesbians remain second- class citizens. The assumption has become that love and sex belong together and should not be separated, although they are quite different emotions and undoubtedly difficult to merge in a single relation. They go in different directions: love is about the long term and trust, lust about moments and situations. Another continuing idea concerns sexuality as a private affair notwithstanding its many public ramifications in terms of seduc- tion, education, politics, media attention and advertising, or policing. This has a very counter- productive effect on politicising sexuality – making it a public affair. Many people continue to believe sexuality is based in stable identities notwithstanding curiosity across borders: bisexuals, straight men having sex with transgenders, het- erosexuals who become homosexual and the reverse, group sex where limits are sometimes temporarily broken, polyamorous individuals who reject strict identification. The sexual revolution may have challenged many dogmas and boundaries, but new and old ones continue uninter- rupted. Sexual liberation remains an ideal which is worth fighting for.

Notes

1. Miles B (2010) London Calling: A Countercultural History of London since 1945. London: Atlantic Books. 2. Jackson J, Milne AL & Williams J (eds, 2011) : Rethinking France’s Last Revolution. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. 3. Escoffier J (ed., 2003) Sexual Revolution. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press. 4. Robinson P (1976) The Modernization of Sex. New York: Harper & Row. He sees modernisation as a form of optimism associating sexual life with emotional communication and contributing to a social, corporeal and moral blossoming of individuals. See also Beauthier R, Piette V & Truffin B (eds, 2010), La - ernisation de la sexualité ( 19e– 20e siècles). Bruxelles: Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles. 5. Steinbacher S (2011) Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam. Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. München: Siedler; Allyn D (2000) Make Love, Not War. The Sexual Revolution: An Unfettered History. Boston: Little, Brown and Company; Sides J (2009) Erotic City. Sexual Revolution and the Making of Modern San Francisco. Oxford: Oxford University Press; Herzog D (2011) Sexuality in Europe. A Twentieth- Century History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ch. 4; McLaren A (1999) Twentieth- Century Sexuality. A History. Oxford: Blackwell, ch. 9; Grant L (1994) Sexing the Millennium. New York: ; on abortion, Ketting E & Praag P van (1983) Abortus provocatus. Wet en praktijk, Zeist: NISSO; Herzog in this volume; Adam BD,

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Duyvendak JW & Krouwel A (eds, 1999) The Global Emergence of Gay and Lesbian Politics. : Temple University Press; Downing L & Gillett R (eds, 2011) in Europe: Contemporary Case Studies. Farnham: Ashgate. 6. Brix M (2008) L’amour libre. Brève histoire d’une utopie. Paris: Molinari. 7. Leermans I (2002) Het woord is aan de onderkant. Radicale ideeën in Nederlandse pornografische romans, 1670 – 1700. Nijmegen: Vantilt discusses the mingling of pornography and radical ideas in the late 17th- century Dutch Republic. 8. See his (2012) The Origins of Sex. A History of the First Sexual Revolution. London: Penguin. 9. Sodomy or vice against nature is divided by Thomas Aquinas (in sequence of gravity) into masturbation, sex in a way other than the natural (coital) way, with the same sex or with another species (bestiality). Anal sex of males with animals or with other males was often worthy of the death penalty. See for Christian and enlightened views on sodomy, Jordan MJ (1997) The Invention of Sodomy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 144; Stockinger J (1979) Homosexuality and the French Enlightenment. In: Stambolian G & Marks E (eds) and French Literature. Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press, 161– 85. 10. See his La philosophie dans le boudoir (1795) or LeBrun A (1986) Soudain un bloc d’abîme, Sade. Paris: Pauvert. 11. Sibalis M (1996) The Regulation of Male Homosexuality in Revolutionary France. In: Merrick J & Ragan BT (eds) Homosexuality in Modern France. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 80– 3. In 1832, an age of consent at 11 years would be introduced, see Recherches 37: Fous d’enfance (1979); and later in the 19th century pornography became a crime. Adultery of the hus- band was only condemned if he brought his mistress into the family home. 12. See Laqueur TW (1990) Making Sex. Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press on the new gender dichotomy; and on pornography Darnton R (1996) The Forbidden Best- Sellers of Pre- Revolutionary France. New York: Norton; Hunt L (ed., 1996) The Invention of Pornography. Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500 – 1800. New York: Zone Books. 13. See the various editions of this book in French and English, the most complete being his (1998) Oeuvres completes. Tome I: Théorie des quatre mouvements suivi du Nouveau monde amoureux. Dijon: Les presses du réel; or Schérer R (2003) Fourier’s rally of love. In: Hekma G (ed.) Past and Present of Radical Sexual Politics, Amsterdam: Mosse Foundation, 11– 17 (also on iisg.nl/womhist/ radsexpol.html). 14. Hekma G, Oosterhuis H & Steakley JD (eds, 1995) Gay Men and the Sexual History of the Political Left. New York: The Haworth Press. 15. Armand E (1934) La révolution sexuelle et la camaraderie amoureuse. Paris: édi- tions Critique et Raison (reprint Paris: Zones, la Découverte, 2009); articles on free love on iisg.nl/womhist/radsexpol.html. 16. Dose R (2003) The World League for Sexual Reform: Some Possible Approaches. Journal of the History of Sexuality 12:1, 1– 15; Tamagne F (2005) La Ligue mondiale pour la réforme sexuelle: La science au service de l’émancipation sexuelle? CLIO. Histoire, femmes et sociétés 22, 101– 21. 17. These two volumes were translated into English, London: John Lane The Bodley Head in, respectively, 1933 and 1939. Guyon R (1934– 1938) Études d’éthique sexuelle. Saint- Denis: Dardaillon (6 volumes).

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18. Haeberle E (1983) Human Rights and Sexual Rights. The Legacy of René Guyon. Medicine and Law 2, 159– 72. 19. See his interview in Brown RM, chairman (1949) Preliminary Report of the Subcommittee on Sex Crimes. Sacramento: Assembly of the State of California, 106. His view differs only slightly from the tenets of the French Penal Code of 1810: no public indecency but rather punish people who are a public nuisance that may mean. In this interview, Kinsey says 95 per cent of the US male population commits sex crimes according to the state’s penal codes. See Irvine JM (2002) Toward a ‘ Value- Free’ Science of Sex. The . In: Philips KM & Reay B (eds) Sexualities in History. A Reader. New York/London: Routledge, 327– 53. 20. Heuer G (2003) The Devil Underneath the Couch. The Secret Story of Jung’s Twin Brother. In: Hekma G (ed.) Past and Present, 56– 68 (also on iisg.nl/ womhist/radsexpol.html). 21. Kollontai A (1926) The Autobiography of a Sexually Emancipated Communist Woman (translated by Salvator Attansio). New York: Herder and Herder, 1971. 22. Reich W (1932) Der Sexuelle Kampf der Jugend. Berlin: Sexpol Verlag; English version (1972) The Sexual Struggle of Youth. 23. Reich W (1945) The Sexual Revolution. New York: Orgone Institute Press (translated by TP Wolfe from the German Die Sexualität im Kulturkampf, Copenhagen 1936). See Robinson PA (1969) The Freudian Left. New York: Harper & Row, also published as (1970) The Sexual Radicals. Wilhelm Reich, Geza Roheim, Herbert Marcuse. London: Temple Smith. 24. Contrary to Marcuse, Norman Brown had a more radical view of Freud’s polymorphous perversity that Brown completely endorsed in his (1959) Life Against Death. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP; see also Robinson PA, Freudian Left, 167– 74. 25. See his ‘Political Preface 1966’ to a reprint of the book, discussed in Robinson PA, Freudian Left, 180– 1. 26. This made feminist, gay, lesbian and queer movements sceptical about ‘gay marriage’ when this debate started at the end of the 20th century. 27. Herzog D (2005) Sex after Fascism. Memory and Morality in Twentieth- Century Germany. Princeton & Oxford: Princeton University Press. 28. See Johnson DK (2004) The Lavender Scare. Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press. 29. An enormous influence worldwide was had by Boston Women’s Health Book Collective (1971, 1973) Our Bodies, Ourselves. A Book for and by Women. New York: Simon & Schuster. Translated into 26 languages, it discussed sexual pleasure among sexual health topics. 30. See Gordon DC (1968) Self-Love . New York: Verity House, and various paper- back versions. Giami A (2007) Une histoire de l’éducation sexuelle en France: une médicalisation progressive de la sexualité (1945– 1980). Sexologies. Revue Européenne de Santé Sexuelle 16, 219– 29. 31. Westen M (ed., 2010) Rebelle. Art & Feminism 1969– 2009. Arnhem: Museum voor Moderne Kunst Arnhem. 32. See Perinelli M (2012) ‘Second Bite of the Apple’. The Sexual Freedom League and Revolutionary Sex in 1960s United States. Genesis XI: 1– 2, 41– 66 and in this volume where he discusses the radicalism of the women of the League who well realised the sexism of many men.

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33. Robinson L (2007) Gay Men and the Left in Post- War Britain. How the Personal Got Political. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 34. Bayer R (1981) Homosexuality and American Psychiatry. The Politics of Diagnosis. New York: Basic Books. 35. Irvine J (2004) Talk About Sex. The Battles over Sex Education in the United States. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press; Plummer K (2003) Intimate Citizenship. Private Decisions and Public Dialogues. Seattle & London: University of Washington Press. 36. See Herzog D (2008) Sex in Crisis. The New Sexual Revolution and the Future of American Politics. New York: Basic Books. 37. SIECUS (1970) Sexuality and Man. Introduction by Mary Calderone. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. 38. Gagnon J (1975) Sex Research and Social Change. Archives of Sexual Behavior 4:2, 111– 41; Giami A (1991) De Kinsey au sida: l’évolution de la construction du comportement sexuel dans les enquêtes quantitatives. Sociales et Santé IX:4, 23– 56; Ericksen J & Steffen S (1999) Kiss and Tell. Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. 39. See for an overview and comparison Bozon M, Bajos N & Sandfort T (eds, 1998) Sexual Behaviour and HIV/AIDS in Europe. London: University College London Press. 40. Bajos N, Bozon M & Beltzer N (2012) Sexuality in France: Gender Practices and Health. Oxford: Bardwell Press. 41. Celebrated as ‘pure relations’ by Giddens A (1992) The Transformation of Intimacy. Sexuality, Love Eroticism in Modern Societies. London: Polity. 42. Hekma G (2008) The Drive for Sexual Equality. Sexualities 11:1, 51– 55. 43. Sinfield A (2004) On Sexuality and Power. New York: Press. 44. See Joubert B (2006) Histoire de la censure. Paris: La Musardine. 45. See Iacub M & Maniglier P (2005) Antimanuel d’éducation sexuelle. Rosny: Breal who discuss the quadrupling of incarcerated sex criminals since the 1970s. 46. Jenkins P (1996) Pedophiles and Priests. Anatomy of a Contemporary Crisis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 47. Weeks J (1977) Coming Out. Homosexual Politics in Britain, from the Nineteenth Century to the Present. London: Quartet, 176. 48. Cohn- Bendit D (1986) Nous l’avons tant aimée, la révolution. Paris: Bernard Barrault; Besançon J (1968) ‘Les murs ont la parole’: Journal mural Sorbonne, Mai 68. Paris: Claude Tchou éditeur. 49. Tiefer L (2000) Sexology and the Pharmaceutical Industry: The Threat of Co- optation. The Journal of Sex Research 37:3, 273– 83. 50. Giami A (2002) Sexual Health: The Emergence, Development, and Diversity of a Concept. Annual Review of Sex Research 13, 1– 35. 51. Vance CS (ed., 1984) Pleasure and Danger. Exploring Female Sexuality. New York/London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Duggan L & Hunter ND (1995) Sex Wars. Sexual Dissent and Political Culture. New York: Routledge. 52. The quote comes from Morgan (1977) Going Too Far. The Personal Chronicle of a Feminist. New York: Random House, p. 174; Dworkin (1981) Pornography: Men Possessing Women. London: The Women’s Press. 53. Heath G (1978) The Illusory Freedom. The Intellectual Origins and Social Consequences of the Sexual ‘Revolution’. London: Heinemann.

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54. This perspective is particularly developed in France. The editors of the spe- cial issue of the review Mouvements 20 (2002) on Sexe: sous la révolution, les normes write: ‘It is clear […] that the “sexual liberation” has by and large preserved the model of and masculine domination’ (p. 12). In an interview for the magazine Phosphore (27.10.2008), sociologist Michel Bozon declares: ‘Sexual revolution, the expression seems to me rather pompous’; Préaro M (Spring 2010) Politiques de la libération sexuelle. Genre, sexualité & société 3, on line 18.5.2010. 55. Rebreyend AC (2009) Une ‘femme libérée’? Clio. Histoire, femmes et sociétés 29, 185– 91. 56. Mossuz- Lavau J (1991) Les lois de l’amour. Les politiques de la sexualité en France ( 1950– 1990). Paris: Payot. 57. See Giami A (2005) Medicalisation of sexuality. Foucault and Lantéri Laura: A discussion that did not occur. L’Evolution Psychiatrique 70, 283– 300. 58. Bozon M (2002) Révolution sexuelle ou individualisation de la sexualité? Mouvements 20, 15– 22. 59. Deleuze G (1986) Foucault. Paris: Minuit. 60. Foucault M (1999) Les anormaux. Paris: Seuil. 61. See Lanteri Laura G (1979) Lecture des perversions. Histoire de leur appropriation médicale. Paris: Masson and Laqueur T (2003) Solitary Sex: A Cultural . New York: Zone Books.

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Index

Aalberse, H. 68 Bacon, F. 3, 126 abortion 1, 3, 7, 9, 12, 15, 25–7, Barczay, G. 256 29–31, 38, 40, 43, 49–50, 57, 61, Bardot, B. 101 65–6, 70, 74–5, 77, 102–4, 114, Barthes, R. 8, 271 121, 126, 142–3, 148, 237–8, 246, Basch, V. 142 249–61 Bataille, G. 8, 15, 147 Abramovic´, M. 11 Bates, G. 220 Ackerley, J.R. 178 Baudry, A. 189, 271 Adler, O. 149 BDSM see sadomasochism adoption 11, 61, 71, 127, 131, 134 Beat Generation 8 gay 131, 134 Beatles 12 adultery 4, 6, 15, 21, 102, 108 Beauvoir, S. de 8–9, 143, 146, 157, age of sexual consent 6, 13, 15, 49, 183, 252, 271 51, 64–5, 72, 76, 134, 269–71, Becket, S. 15 273, 276 Bekkers, W.H. 62 Ahlmark-Michanek, K. 26 Belgian Association for Sexual Aids 13, 17, 60, 67, 69, 76, 99, Education 83 132–4, 189, 198 Belgium 81–94, 250, 273 Aktionsanalytische Organisation Bell, D. 37 (AAO) 40, 162 see also Mühl Benjamin, H. 144, 148 Albrecht, B. 142 Bentham, J. 266 Alison, V. 220, 222, 225, 227, 232 Berge, A. 151 Allyn, D. 223 Bergman, I. 12, 35 Altman, D. 9 Bergom-Larsson, M. 39 American Psychiatric Association 13 Bernard, F. 271 Amsterdam 12, 64, 68–70, 73, 77, Berry, D. 175 79–80, 82, 88, 105 Bertolucci, B. 12 5, 64 bestiality 6, 14, 68, 78, 142 André, C. 156 Bibliothèque internationale Aragon, L. 271 d’érotologie 147 Arcadie 144, 150–1, 174, 189, 192–3, see contraception 198, 268 bisexuality 14, 20, 57, 71, 222, Armand, E. 5 227–9, 246 Armenia 245 Bitoux, J. le 146, 195 Armstrong, E. 182 Black Power 1 artificial 58 Blanchard, C. 146 Asklund, L. 26 blasphemy 3, 15, 68 Association d’études Bloch, I. 183 sexologiques 142 Bloom, P. 67 Auden, W.H. 178 Blunt, A. 178 authority 7, 9, 25–6, 87, 92, 104, Boas, F. 183 112–14, 161, 175, 189, 246, 266 Bonaparte, M. 149 Aury, D. 147 Bourdieu, P. 47, 58–9

284

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Index 285

Boussaguet, L. 273–4 Cohn-Bendit, D. 265 Bowie, D. 12 Cold War 111, 143–4 Brazil 169 Colin, L. 161, 165 Brennan, W. 209–10 colonialism 9 Breton, A. 147 Comfort, A. 121, 125–6, 210 Britain 57, 121–42, 144, 249, 252, Comité d’Action Pédérastique 254, 257, 259, 269, 270 see also Révolutionnaire (CAPR) 190–1 England Comité d’Urgence Anti-Répression Britten, B. 267 Homosexuelle (CUARH) 196–7 Brongersma, E. 270–1 communism 7, 40, 142–4, 150, brothels 32–4, 41, 47, 50 237, 246 Brown, J. 12 Comstock, A. 209 Brown, N. 22 conservatism 17, 259 Bryant, A. 270 consumerism 8, 17–18, 39, 77–8, Burgess, G. 178 106–7, 112, 115, 126, 134, 161, Burroughs, W. 15 236–7, 242, 260 contraception 7, 12, 15, 37, 49–50, California 161 57, 62, 64, 66, 71, 74, 77, capitalism 5, 8, 17, 128–9, 181–2, 83–7, 92, 100–4, 107, 112–15, 184, 236, 260–1 141–3, 148, 150–1, 159, 209, 238, Caprio, F.E. 148–9 250–2, 258–9 care of the self 19 Knaus-Ogino method 102 Carpenter, E. 129 Cook, H. 121, 127 castration 48, 62 Copenhagen 1, 106, 142 242 Copenhagen Sex Fair 110 censorship 15, 34–6, 38, 67, 108, Copley, A. 189 141, 143–5, 208–12, 236, 242–3 counter-culture 10, 40, 73, 122, Charpentier, G. 190–1 129–30, 134, 223, 231 Chéreau, P. 271 Cremer, J. 68, 77 Chicago School of Sociology 183, 207 criminal codes 4, 33, 41, 46–59, Christiana 1 143–4, 196–7, 209, 211–12, 221, Christianity 5, 32, 63, 84, 249 251, 271 Churches 13 criminalisation 104–5, 115, 188, Catholic 3, 11, 61–3, 82–3, 86–92, 209, 250–1, 264 94, 96, 104, 111, 143–5, 150, legislation 15–16, 49, 76, 99, 122, 249–50, 254–7 131–6, 142, 145, 198, 231, 249, Protestant 11, 60–2, 68, 104, 111, 251, 253–4, 257, 265 249, 254–5 Cross, A. 142 Cixous, H. 9 class 8, 47, 50, 61, 68, 111, 113, Dallayrac, D. 150 123, 126–7, 133, 135, 158, Dalsace, J. 142, 151 176–80, 182, 184–5, 194, 205, Danella, R.D. 206 215, 220–1, 224, 232, 244, 253–4, Danet, J. 266 258, 268, 274 Dannecker, M. 105 Cleland, J. 106 Davis, K.B. 205 closet (homosexual) 11, 111 Delaney, S. 215 COC (Centre for Recreation and Deleuze, G. 8, 266, 271 Culture) 65–7, 268, 271 Denmark 1, 10, 16, 33, 35, 37–8, Cocteau, J. 147, 150 43–4, 46–58, 269–70

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286 Index

Derrida, J. 271 film 12, 26, 34–6, 38, 99–102, 106, Descartes, R. 3 108–10, 212–15, 230–1, 237, Desch, K. 106 243–4, 246 discipline 48–50, 57 Firestone, S. 8 divorce 4–5, 15, 63, 66, 121–4, 141, Flynt, L. 211 237–8, 240 Forel, A. 5, 141, 258 Dolle Mina 75 Forst, W. 102 Dondeyne, A. 84 Foucault, M. 18–19, 47, 58, 173, Droit, R.P. 159 183, 204, 208, 239, 266–7, 270 drugs 12, 64, 66–7, 70, 73, 77, 121, Fourier, C. 4, 173, 180, 266 166, 225–6, 231, 257 France 3, 7–8, 15, 141–54, Durrell, L. 15 157–8, 160, 165, 169, 178, Duvert, T. 266 181, 183, 188–90, 192, 197, Duyn, R. van 64 249, 251–2, 257, 259, 265–6, Dworkin, A. 17 270, 272–3 Dylan, B. 12 free love 5, 28, 64, 110, 113, 121, 152, 163, 232 Eaubonne, F. d’ 271 French Revolution 142, 173 Edelberg, P. 270 Freud, S. 5, 6, 142, 148, 150, 152, Einsiedel, S. 225 156, 158, 161, 168, 191, 203 Elias, N. 47, 58–9 Frey, R. 144 Elisabeth, S. 220 Friedan, B. 8 Ellis, H.H. 5, 141, 144, 150, 183 frigidity 148 Emaer, F. 198 Front Homosexuel d’Action endocrinology 142, 148 Révolutionnaire (FHAR) 9, 11, Engels, F. 4, 47 173, 183, 191–2, 194–5, 268 England 1, 3, 10, 15, 87, 90, 121–36, 178, 273 Gagnon, J. 183, 207–8 Enlightenment 4, 42, 60 Gainsbourg, S. 12 Eribon, D. 58 Gallien, A. 159 Eriksson, J. 33–4 Galtier-Boissière, J. 146 Esposito, M. 220 Gamson. J. 273 Estin, N. 25, 34 Garçon, M. 147 eugenics 48, 141–2, 250, 254, 256–9 Gaulle, C. de 164 exhibitionism 11, 32, 74, 215 Gauthier, X. 9 Export, V. (ps. of Lehner, W.) 11 Gay Liberation Front 11, 128–30, 133–4 family ideal 123–4, 134, 190, 246 Gay Pride 111, 132, 182, 195 family planning 9, 62, 64–5, 74, gender in/equality 4, 28, 151–2, 265 104, 108, 148, 150–1, 237–9 gender play (drag, androgyny) 12, fascism 9, 169, 173, 251, 254 15, 71, 76, 111, 129, 135, 146 fashion 12, 121 gender relations 9, 144, 225, 232, Fassbinder, R.M. 12 239–40 Fellini, F. 12 Genet, J. 8, 69, 178–9, 181 feminism 8–12, 17, 28–31, 34, 40, Geneva 148 43, 61, 67, 70–76, 78, 113, 121, Germany 9–10, 12, 90, 99–120, 135, 143, 151, 183, 236, 249, 142, 178, 249, 252–3, 257–9, 253–4, 274 see also movement, 265, 270, 272 women’s Gide, A. 150, 178, 267–8

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Index 287

Gielgud, J. 125 homosexuality 5, 6, 8, 14–15, Gill, B. 214 18, 20, 35, 38, 41–2, 47–50, 57, Ginsberg, A. 221 60, 62, 64, 66, 68, 72–4, 78, Girard, D. 197 102–5, 109–12, 115, 121, 125, Giscard d’Estaing, V. 164, 251 127, 131, 142–3, 148–9, 152, Goldmann, E. 183 158–9, 160, 173, 176–7, 179–81, Goldstein, M. 109 183–5, 188, 190–4, 206–7, Golod, S. 239 215, 226, 228, 231, 236, 246, Gondonneau, J. 150 268, 271–2 see also movement, Goossens, P. 88 homosexual Gorbachev, M. 241, 246 Homosexuelle Aktion Westberlin Graille, F. 196 (HAW) 111 Greece 10 Humbert, E. 142 Greer, G. 9 Hunold, G. 109 Gross, O. 6 Husserl, E. 266 Groupe de Libération Homosexuelle (GLH) 192–6 identity 18, 111, 116, 182, 211, 223, Guattari, F. 8, 229, 232–3, 273 Guccione, B. 211 Iff, S. 150 Guerber, A. 149 ILGA (International Lesbian and Gay Guérin, D. 7, 144–5, 150, 173–85 Association) 271–2 Gunther, S. 189 incest 3, 14, 226, 274 Gurley Brown, H. 210 Institut français de recherche Guyon, R. 5, 144 et d’étude sur la sexualité (IFRES) 151 Hahn, P. 173–4 Institut für Demoskopie 103 Haire, N. 144 Institute for Familial and Sexological Hall, L. 124 Sciences (Leuven) 86 Harlan, V. 102 Institute for Sex Research (Indiana, Hefner, H. 211 USA) 147, 205 Hekma, G. 274 International Committee for Sexual Hendrix, J. 12 Equality (ICSE) 105, 150, 268 Hesnard, A. 142, 144, 148 Internet 15, 78 heteronormative 58, 81, 115, 215, Iragaray, L. 9 227–8 Ireland, 265 Hillairet, P. 150 Isherwood, C. 178 hippies 12, 66, 121, 220, 223, 226, Italy 8, 10, 12, 249, 251–3, 259 229, 231 Hirschfeld, M. 5, 141, 150 Jackson, J. 150, 189, 268 Hite, S. 8 Jacobs, A. 64 Hobbes, T. 3 Jagger, M. 112 Hockney, D. 126 Janov, A. 155 Hocquenghem, G. 9, 173, 191, Janssens, L. 84 196–7, 266–7, 270 Jersil, J. 51, 53–4, 56, 59 Hollywood 15 Johnson, V. 121, 149 Holy See 85, 87, 90, see also Joplin, J. 12 churches, Vatican Jouhandeau, M. 178 homosexual 46, 51, 53–4, Joyce, J. 150 56, 69, 150, 183, 195, 197–8 Juviler, P. 239

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288 Index

Kahn-Nathan, J. 150–1 MacCarthyism 9 Karchev, A.G. 237, 240–1 MacKinnon, C. 17 Kaskey, J. 220 Maclean, D. 178 Katz, J.N. 47–9, 59 Manchester 122 Képès, S. 150 Mandeville, B. 3 Keulen, J. van 68 Mann, T. 267 kinky sex see sadomasochism Marchi, L. de 251 Kinsey, A.C. 6, 9, 13, 32–3, 100–7, Marcuse, H. 7, 112–13, 150, 156, 125, 143–4, 146–50, 152, 173, 158, 168, 183, 260, 267 183–4, 203, 205–7, 239 Margueritte, V. 142 Klassen, A. 204, 206–7 Marotta, T. 182 Knef, H. 102 marriage 1, 9, 11–12, 16, 27, 47–8, Koch, L. 221 50, 60–3, 68, 71–3, 75–7, 83, 85, Kolbanovskii, V.N. 242 89, 100–1, 103, 107, 110–13, Kolle, O. 12, 107–8 122–7, 129–34, 141, 206, 215, Kollontai, A. 6 237–40, 242–3, 245–6, 251, 258 Kon, I. 237, 239–40, 243, 245 same-sex 16, 73, 76, 198 Korzibsky, A. 164 Martel, F. 173 Kouchner, B. 271 Martens, L. 88 Krafft-Ebing, R. von 5 Martin, J. 220 Kupferberg, T. 221 Marwick, A. 188 Marx, K. 6, 155 Laboratory of General Orgonomy 4, 92, 158, 161–2, 168, (LOG) 155–6, 160, 162–9 183, 190–1, 194, 237 Lagroua Weill-Halle, M.A. 148 masculine domination 18, LaMettrie, J.O. de 3 219–20, 251 Laurens, G. 156 patriarchy 9, 41, 77, 104, 163, 245 Lawrence, D.H. 125, 210 Maspéro, François 158 Leary, T. 164 Masters, W. 121, 149 leftists 17–18, 39, 63–4, 128–9, 132 masturbation 5, 7, 18, 35, 62, 65–6, Lemaitre, J.M. 161, 165 71, 78, 102–3, 110, 112, 114, lesbians 4, 14, 40–3, 66–70, 72–6, 148–9, 152, 207 111, 114, 146, 148, 184, 190, 197, Matzneff, G. 266, 270 215, 274 May 1968 1, 188–91 Lesbisk Front 40–1 Mead, J.D. 220 Levinas, E. 83 Mead, M. 8, 183 liberalism 17 media 11, 50, 61–3, 67, 69, 74, 78, 7, 32 101–6, 112, 115–16, 193, 236–7, Liffran, H. 197 240–1, 243, 245–6, 270 Lindvall, L. 220 Mieli, M. 9, 268 Livingstone, K. 133 Miller, H. 210 Lo Duca, J.M. 146–7 Millett, K. 8 London 12, 121–36, 142 Mitterand, F. 195, 197 Lorde, A. 9 monogamy 4, 64, 102, 134, 163, 206 love 20, 28, 49–50, 57, 64, 68, 71, More, T. 3 78, 144, 207, 223, 238, 241, 261 Morgan, R. 17 Lowen, A. 155 Mort, F. 124 Lullheisen, L. 175 Moscow 238–9 Lys rouge, le 144 motherhood 31

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Index 289

Mounier, E. 83 obscenity 7, 67, 208–12, 244 Mouvement Français pour le Planning 143 Familial (MFPF) 148, 150–1 Olympia Press 15 movement orgasm 7, 11, 41, 65, 67, 109, anti-authoritarian 112–13, 236 113–14, 147, 161, 213 birth control 142, 145 Orton, J. 69, 121, 127 civil rights 173 homosexual 1, 3, 9, 12, 26, 41–2, Pallesen, H. 25, 32–3 61, 105, 111–12, 122, 128, 130, Palme, J. 25 132, 142, 145, 149, 151–2, 158, Palmer, T. 220 173–4, 182, 185, 188–98, 220, Paris 1, 12, 122, 142, 155, 165, 176, 222–3, 264, 267, 269–74 190–3, 195–6, 198 women’s 1, 26, 31, 40–2, 61, 104, Pasolini, P.P. 12 111–15, 122, 128, 130, 132, 143, Paternotte, D. 272 152, 188, 192, 219–20, 222–3, Paulhan, J. 147 250 see also feminism Pauvert, J.J. 146–7 Mühl, O. 11, 162–3 pedophilia 11, 14, 16–17, 32, 53–6, Muldworf, B. 151 76, 111, 135, 178, 246, 264–75 Perls, F. 155 Nabokov, V. 15, 267 perverse dynamic 204, 213, 215 NAMBLA (North American Boy/Love perversions 5, 7–8, 13, 18, 31–3, 35, Association) 270–1 48, 74, 111, 183, 215–16, 267–8 natalism 143, 237 Peyrefitte, R. 267–8 Nathe, P. 220 Pfurtner, S. 255–6 National Board of Film Censors Philby, K. 178 34–5 pill (contraceptive) 10, 42, 71, 77, naturism 225–7 87, 92, 100, 103–5, 121, 126–7, Nederlandse Vereniging voor Seksuele 251, 258, 260 Hervorming (Dutch Society for Plauzole, S. de 142 Sexual Reform, NVSH) 11, 63–6, Poland 30–1, 38, 90 74–5, 77, 79, 271 Poland, J. 220–2, 224 Neo-Malthusiaanse Bond (NMB) 64 police 26, 30, 46, 48, 50–4, 56, 63–4, Nestius, H. 25, 30, 34 70, 73, 113, 115, 190–1, 196, 225, Netherlands 1, 3, 10, 16, 60–77, 90, 269–70 114, 131, 250, 253, 270–2 polygamy 113, 134 Neubert, R. 242 Pompidou, G. 164 New York 1, 12, 191, 212–13, 215, Ponthieu, G. 160 220–1, 229 popular music 12, 67 Nexø, S. 57 pornography 1, 7, 11–12, 14–17, Nicolas, J. 194 34–6, 46, 49, 50, 54–5, 57, 66, Nilsson, C.H. 35 76, 189, 195, 203–4, 209, 211–16, Nin, A. 15 225, 231 Nolot, J. 214 erotic iconography 55, 58, 268 Nordmark, C. 35 erotic literature 146 Norris, D. 265 Porter, M. 124 Norway 37–8 Portugal 251 nuclear energy 1, 10, 122, 132 Prague 242 nuclear family 1, 4, 40, 64, 100, 123, Praunheim, R. von 110 128, 133–4 premarital 204–5

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Premsela, B. 66 Rotkirch, A. 237, 243, 245 Presley, E. 12 Rousseau, J.J. 168 privacy 20, 78 Rubin, G. 183, 275 Pro Amor Committee 142 Rupp, L. 268 promiscuity 29, 64, 76 Russia 10, 156, 236–48 Proquerol, E. 146 Rutgers, J. 64 prostitution 4–7, 11, 13, 15, 33–4, 46–7, 49–53, 57–8, 62, 66, 68–9, Sade, D.A.F. de 3–4, 8, 15, 64, 69, 146 71–2, 76, 78, 101–2, 112, 114–15, sadomasochism 6, 8, 11, 15–16, 19, 141, 207 68–9, 74, 76, 78, 183, 215 Proust, M. 150 San Francisco 12, 112, 212–13, Provo 1, 4, 63–4, 70, 75, 79, 88 221, 226 see Freud Sandfort, T. 268 public sex 4, 13, 15, 51, 60, 72, 78 Sanzio, A. 197 homosexual 11, 50, 56, 125 Sartre, J.P. 181, 271 Puritanism 2, 77, 176 Saslow, I. 220, 225, 230 Putin, V. 246 Schérer, R. 265–6, 270 Schwarzer, A. 113–14 Quant, M. 122 Schwarzwald, R. 179 queer 62, 64, 67, 70–3, 111, 122, Scize, P. 142 124, 131, 135, 221, 228, 246 Secouet, A. 195–6 secularisation 61, 63, 92, 143, 249 rape see sexual abuses Sedgwick, P. 174–5, 177, 179 Réage, P. (ps. of Declos, A.) 8 Segal, L. 133 Red Faggots 41, 67 Seidman, M. 188 Red Light District 69, 77 self-determination 2, 9–10, 17, Reed, L. 12 19, 76, 134, 238, 250, 261, Reich, W. 6–7, 19, 39–40, 112, 150, 265, 275 155–6, 161–4, 166, 168, 173–5, Sengers, W.J. 72 183, 203–4, 267 sex education 13, 25, 27–9, 36, Reiche, R. 39, 113, 158 38, 42, 64, 78, 150–1, 221, 232, repressive desublimation 8, 261 240–2, 244, 246, 269 resistance 19, 116 sex industry 69–70, 76–7 Restif de la Bretonne, N.E. 3, sex toys 14, 77, 141–2, 209, 215 Reuben, D. 121 Sex Wars 17 Reve, G. 68–9, 77 sexology 5, 141–12, 145, 151–2, 159, revisionists 18 173, 244 Reyenga, A. 220 Sexpol 106, 112, 160, 164–5, 169 RFSU (National Association for sexual abuses 4, 9, 14, 16–17, 29, Equality of Sexual Rights, 35–6, 40–2, 76, 256, 271–3 Sweden) 33, 37, 41 sexual apparatus 46–8, 50, 57–8 Rich, A. 9 sexual citizenship 13, 19 Ricouer, P. 83 sexual consent see age of sexual Rila, M. 220, 225, 227 consent Rogers, S.M. 206 sexual discipline 18–19 see also Rolling Stones 12 discipline Rome 90, 176 Sexual Freedom League 11, 219–33 Rosseels, M. 86 sexual in/equality 2, 6, 14–16, 34, Roth, S. 209 72–4, 78

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Index 291 sexual liberalism 25–45, 144, 151 Société de sexologie 142 sexual liberation therapy 155, sodomy 3, 21, 46, 142, 246 161, 168 Sohn, A.M. 189 sexual misery 7, 36, 78, 126, 158–9, Solanas, V. 8 163, 165, 169 Sollers, P. 271 sexual modernisation 20 Soviet Union see Russia sexual radicalism 64, 77 Spain 10, 169, 251, 272 sexual repression 18, 41, 158–9, 161, Spender, S. 178 163, 169, 194, 196, 203–4, 267 Spinoza, B. de 3 sexual revolution 2, 7, 9, 12–14, squatting 1, 12, 64, 70, 75 17, 19, 24, 27, 29, 39–40, St Phalle, N. de 11 42–4, 46–59, 60, 62, 66–8, Stalinism 9, 236–41, 244–5 74–9, 81–2, 88, 92, 99–116, sterilisation 42, 48–9, 96 121–2, 128–33, 136, 141, 151, Stonewall Inn 1, 191–2, 195 156–9, 169, 173, 178, 184, Strauss, F.J. 111 188–9, 203–8, 211, 213, 219, Suenens, L. 86–7, 89–91 221, 227, 231–3, 236, 239–40, 4 244–6, 249, 251, 259, 260–1, Susanne, J. 211 264–6, 275 Suvics, M. 220 sexual survey 6, 13–14, 42, 63, 103, Sviadosch, A.M. 244 125, 127, 131, 145, 159, 204–7, Sweden 1, 10, 12, 25–45, 57, 107 237–40, 251 ‘Swedish Sin’ 29 sexualisation 11–12, 16, 36, 99–100, Swedish Association for Sexuality 103, 105–6, 115–16, 189, 225 Education (RFSU) 27, 31, 37, 42 sexuality Switzerland 249, 252, 255–6 coital 65, 107, 204–5 extramarital 46, 60, 99, 101, 240 taboo 61–2, 65, 67, 69, 127, 129, heterosexual 70–1, 102, 105, 189–90, 215, 264 111–12, 151–2, 163, 204, 213–14, Tadzhikistan 245 219, 224, 228, 236 Tamagne, F. 178 men 13, 114, 206, 214, 228 Taylor, C. 83 women 14, 18, 22, 60, 114, 206, 29 222, 245, 249, 259–60 television 61, 121 youngsters 7, 11, 14, 63, 70–1, 76, Temkina, A. 245 116, 158, 161, 266–7, 270, 272–4 Terman, L. 205 see also age of sexual consent, Tingsten, H. 37 teenage pregnancy and virgin Tolsma, F.J. 62 Sheffield 122 Toulouse, E. 142 Shephard, S. 220 transgender 20, 246 Silbersky, L. 35 trans-sexuality 11 Simon, W. 183, 207–8 Trimbos, C. 62 Situationism 4, 8, 157, 160, 168 Tritten, J. 265 Sjoman, V. 35–6 Trotsky, L. 173 Sloan, S. 220–1 Turner, C.F. 206 Smit, J. 74 Smith, D.S. 204–5 Uhse, B. 100–1, 106–7, 109 Smith, T. 205 Ullerstam, L. 25, 31–4, 39 socialism 5, 7, 173, 176–7, 180–1, Union des Travailleurs Communistes 183–5, 194–5, 236, 238 Libertaires (UTCL) 181

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USA 17, 144, 161, 168–9, 191, Warhol, A. 8 195, 208, 220–1, 224, 250, Weeks, J. 125, 128, 189, 267 269–71, 273 Weerlee, D. van 64 Ussel, J. van 158–9 w elfare state 26, 30, 32, 37, 107, utopia 2, 155, 194, 243 123, 125 Whittier, N. 273 Vachet, P. 142 Wicker, R. 221 Valensin, G. 148, 151 Williams, T. 69 Van Vogt, A.E. 164 Wittig, M. 9 Vatican 11, 61–2, 87, 89, 91, 112 Wolfenden Commission 15, 125 Veil, S. 251–2 Wolverhampton 122 Velde, T. van de 108 Woodstock 1, 12 venereal diseases 5, 7, 142, 219 World League for Sexual Reform Verdoux, C. 151 (WLSR) 5, 141–2 Verdrager. P. 265 Vianson-Ponté, P. 156–7 Yeltsin, B. 246 Vienna 142, 162 Young, E. 8 Vietnam war 1, 10 virgin 10, 27, 70–1, 79, Zappa, F. 12 134, 240 Zeldenrust-Noordanus, M. 66, 74, Visconti, L. 12 78–9 215, 225–6, 230 Zwang, G. 148–9

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