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No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
Minsk II a Fragile Ceasefire
Briefing 16 July 2015 Ukraine: Follow-up of Minsk II A fragile ceasefire SUMMARY Four months after leaders from France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia reached a 13-point 'Package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements' ('Minsk II') on 12 February 2015, the ceasefire is crumbling. The pressure on Kyiv to contribute to a de-escalation and comply with Minsk II continues to grow. While Moscow still denies accusations that there are Russian soldiers in eastern Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly admitted in March 2015 to having invaded Crimea. There is mounting evidence that Moscow continues to play an active military role in eastern Ukraine. The multidimensional conflict is eroding the country's stability on all fronts. While the situation on both the military and the economic front is acute, the country is under pressure to conduct wide-reaching reforms to meet its international obligations. In addition, Russia is challenging Ukraine's identity as a sovereign nation state with a wide range of disinformation tools. Against this backdrop, the international community and the EU are under increasing pressure to react. In the following pages, the current status of the Minsk II agreement is assessed and other recent key developments in Ukraine and beyond examined. This briefing brings up to date that of 16 March 2015, 'Ukraine after Minsk II: the next level – Hybrid responses to hybrid threats?'. In this briefing: • Minsk II – still standing on the ground? • Security-related implications of the crisis • Russian disinformation -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Peace in Ukraine I: a European War
Peace in Ukraine I: A European War Europe Report N°256 | 28 April 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Think Globally, Act Locally: Russia, Ukraine and Western Powers ................................ 4 A. What is Russia Thinking? .......................................................................................... 4 B. Ukrainian Perspectives .............................................................................................. 7 C. Ukraine’s Western Saviours? ..................................................................................... 9 D. A Prolonged Paralysis ................................................................................................ 11 III. European Security: Necessary if Not Sufficient for Peace in Ukraine ............................. 13 IV. The Local Still Matters: Components of Ukraine’s Peace ............................................... 16 V. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 18 APPENDICES A. About the International Crisis Group ............................................................................. -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
Ukraine | Freedom House Page 1 of 5
Ukraine | Freedom House Page 1 of 5 Ukraine freedomhouse.org Україна Note: The scores and narrative for Ukraine do not reflect conditions in Russian-occupied Crimea, which is assessed in a separate report. Status change explanation: Ukraine’s status improved from Not Free to Partly Free due to profound changes in the media environment after the fall of President Viktor Yanukovych’s government in February, despite a rise in attacks on journalists during the Euromaidan protests of early 2014 and the subsequent conflict in eastern Ukraine. The level of government hostility and legal pressure faced by journalists decreased, as did political pressure on state-owned outlets. The media also benefited from improvements to the law on access to information and the increased independence of the broadcasting regulator. Conditions for press freedom in Ukraine were affected by tumultuous political events in 2014. During the first two months of the year, a protest movement known as Euromaidan occupied central Kyiv and withstood waves of attacks by security forces loyal to President Viktor Yanukovych, who ultimately fled the country in late February. Russian forces then occupied Crimea and actively supported separatist militants in Ukraine’s two easternmost regions, Donetsk and Luhansk. Even as fighting escalated in the east, the country held democratic elections for the presidency and parliament in May and October, respectively. These events led to an overall improvement in the media environment, although concerns remain, especially regarding the government’s handling of pro-Russian propaganda, the concentration of ownership of private outlets in the hands of a small group of wealthy businessmen, and the high levels of violence against journalists in the country, especially in the east. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
Foreign Policy Audit: Ukraine-Latvia
Kateryna Zarembo Elizabete Vizgunova FOREIGN POLICY AUDIT: Ukraine– LATVIA DISCUSSION PAPER Кyiv 2018 The report was produced with the financial support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia. The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia. Photos: Administration of the President of Ukraine, Verkhovna Rada, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine Authors: Kateryna Zarembo, Elizabete Vizgunova CONTENTS 1. Introduction 4 2. Ukraine’s interest in Latvia and Latvia’s interest in Ukraine: points of intersection 7 2.1. Russia’s aggression in Ukraine: impact on Latvia’s Euro-Atlantic identity 7 2.2. Development cooperation: Partner to partner, not teacher to pupil 14 2.3. A common past as a bridge between two countries 19 2.4. Trade and investment: room for improvement 22 3. Who’s who: key stakeholders and pressure groups 25 3.1. Political elites 25 3.2. Latvian civil society and culture space 28 3.3. Media and the information space 32 3.4. The Ukrainian community in Latvia 33 4. Existing and potential risks and conflicts 35 4.1. Change in Latvian policy towards Ukraine after the October 2018 elections 35 4.2. Deterioration in relations over poor business conditions in Ukraine 36 4.3. Susceptibility of public opinion in Latvia to Russian disinformation 37 5. Recommendations 39 6. Acknowledgements 41 3 Foreign Policy Audit: Ukraine-Latvia 1. INTRODUCTION Relations between Ukraine and Latvia make an interesting and a rare example of bilateral relations. -
Russian Aggression in Eastern Europe: Where Does Putin Go Next After Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova?
S. HRG. 114–130 RUSSIAN AGGRESSION IN EASTERN EUROPE: WHERE DOES PUTIN GO NEXT AFTER UKRAINE, GEORGIA, AND MOLDOVA? HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE AND REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 4, 2015 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 97–882 PDF WASHINGTON : 2015 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Nov 24 2008 14:59 Dec 15, 2015 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\114FIRST\2015 ISSUE HEARINGS GONE TO PRE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, TENNESSEE, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey MARCO RUBIO, Florida BARBARA BOXER, California RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JEFF FLAKE, Arizona JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire CORY GARDNER, Colorado CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware DAVID PERDUE, Georgia TOM UDALL, New Mexico JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut RAND PAUL, Kentucky TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts LESTER E. MUNSON III, Staff Director JODI B. HERMAN, Democratic Staff Director —————— SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE AND REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin, Chairman RAND PAUL, Kentucky JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut CORY GARDNER, Colorado TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming EDWARD J. -
M&A in Ukraine Catching the Rebound
M&A IN UKRAINE CATCHING THE REBOUND CONTENTS 03 Foreword 04 Key findings 05 M&A overview 09 Sector watch 17 An eye on private equity 18 The tech sector in Ukraine 20 Spotlight interviews 23 The long-term outlook 25 Conclusion DEAL METHODOLOGY Deals within regular Mergermarket criteria have a transaction value greater than or equal to US$5 million, except for some minority stake acquisitions where a higher threshold applies. If the consideration is undisclosed, deals are included on the basis of a reported or estimated deal value greater than or equal to US$5 million. If the deal value is not disclosed and cannot be confirmed to be greater than or equal to US$5 million, the deal is included if the target’s turnover/revenue is greater than or equal to US$10 million. If neither the deal value nor the target revenue is disclosed, Mergermarket will use other indicators to determine inclusion, including but not limited to number of employees of the target company, assets under management exceeding US$200 million for the asset management firms, and value of assets/deposits exceeding US$50 million for banks. To capture a wider scope of the Ukrainian M&A market, for this report, some deals outside of the regular deal criteria have been included. CATCHING THE REBOUND 2 FOREWORD The coronavirus crisis brought mass disruption to global M&A, including the Ukrainian market. Having navigated significant headwinds, signs point to an economic and dealmaking recovery for the country in 2021 Like virtually all other economies, Ukraine’s gross domestic product (GDP) fell in 2020 – an inevitable consequence of the Covid-19 pandemic. -
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CONSTRUCTING A POLITICAL NATION CONSTRUCTING A POLITICAL NATION Changes in the Attitudes of Ukrainians during the War in the Donbas Olexiy Haran and Maksym Yakovlyev, editors Kyiv Stylos Publishing 2017 УДК 323:327.5(477.62)-042.3 К64 Publication is based on research enabled by grant support from the State Fund for Fundamental Research (Project No. Ф72/25-2017), and by: Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars International Renaissance Foundation Fulbright Program in Ukraine, Institute of International Education Ukrainian Fulbright Circle Constructing a Political Nation: Changes in the Attitudes of Ukrainians К64 during the War in the Donbas / Edited by Olexiy Haran and Maksym Yakovlyev. Kyiv: Stylos Publishing, 2017. – xvi, 223 p. ISBN 978-966-2399-49-3 What effect did Russia’s attack have on Ukrainian society and on public opinion? And how, in turn, did changes in public opinion and in society influence Ukrainian identity and politics? This book, prepared by the School for Policy Analysis, National University of Kyiv–Mohyla Academy with the participation of the Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation, shows that contrary to the Kremlin’s expectations, Russian aggression has in fact led to a strengthening of the Ukrainian political nation. The book covers national and regional dimensions of changes in the attitudes of Ukrainians during the war in the Donbas: identity issues, political and party preferences, approaches to decentralization and the conflict in the Donbas, economic sentiments, changes in foreign policy attitudes toward the EU, NATO, and Russia. First edition March 2017 (in Ukrainian) Second edition (first English-language edition) December 2017 © Editors: Olexiy Haran and Maksym Yakovlyev ©Translation: Jarema Hawrylyshyn, Olha Nikolska © English-language editor: Marjorie Pannell © Stylos Publishing, 2017 © Layout: Halyna Shalashenko ISBN 978-966-2399-49-3 © Book cover: Alyona Kaminska CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgments xiii 1. -
Eu4digital Market Assessment for Digital Innovation and Scale Up
EU4Digital: supporting digital economy and society in the Eastern Partnership Market assessment for Digital Innovation and Scale-up Initiative in Eastern partner countries Final report June 2020 1 About this study In early 2020, EU4Digital Facility launched activity ‘Market Assessment for Digital Innovation and Scale-up Initiative (DISC) in Eastern Partner Countries’ (hereinafter – study / research) The goal is to analyse the investment landscape for digital high tech companies in these countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. The activity was inspired by Digital Innovation and Scale-up initiative (DISC) in Central, Eastern and South Eastern Europe region (European Commission Factsheet). Based on the findings of this study, the European Commission will be able to adjust its plans to better serve the needs of the local markets, developing adapted financial support instruments. Based on the Terms of Reference (TOR) (see Appendix I), this research aims to: 1. Understand digital innovation and high-tech start-ups investment landscape and identify existing gaps on investment in Eastern partner countries. 2. Map the main private & corporate equity investors that provide financing to digital start-ups and fast growth companies in Eastern partner countries. 3. Map the main public sector investment programs in start-up / tech-oriented companies at the country-level. 4. Analyse micro-level data on private investments in start-up / tech-oriented companies in the region. 5. Provide recommendations to develop and use financial instruments for digital innovation and the scale-up of high-tech start-ups. The research focuses on start-ups at the creation and scale-up phases, rather than traditional SMEs on their path to digitalisation.