Profile of Internal Displacement : Lebanon
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Hizballah's Vision of the Lebanon-Israel Border by Avi Jorisch
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 368 Hizballah's Vision of the Lebanon-Israel Border by Avi Jorisch Mar 4, 2002 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Avi Jorisch Avi Jorisch is an adjunct scholar of The Washington Institute and author of its new monograph and CD-ROM Beacon of Hatred: Inside Hizballah's al-Manar Television (2004). As the Institute's Soref fellow from 2001 to 2003, he specialized in Arab and Islamic politics. More recently, he served as an Brief Analysis n February 28, Hizballah fired 57mm antiaircraft missiles at Israeli planes flying over the Shebaa Farms O area. According to Hizballah information officer Hassan Azzedin, "the current line of Israeli withdrawal ('blue line') is not consistent with the international boundary and not recognized by the Lebanese government. That's why we're pursuing the path of resistance." Indeed, Hizballah claims that Israel continues to occupy sovereign Lebanese territory, and the organization makes this claim the basis for what it considers legitimate resistance. What, then, is Hizballah's vision of where the Lebanon-Israel border should lie? Background Between 1920 and 1924, French and British negotiators delineated the border between Le Grand Liban and Mandatory Palestine. After the 1948 war, the Lebanese and Israelis established the Armistice Demarcation Line (ADL), which coincided with the 1924 international border. From 1982 to 2000, Israel occupied a section of southern Lebanon, and, upon his election in July 1999, then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak announced his intention to withdraw the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from Lebanon, which he did on May 25, 2000. Before the Israeli withdrawal, Hizballah maintained that if Israel were to retain even "one inch of Lebanese land," resistance operations would continue. -
The Wazzani Water Dispute: More Tension Along the Israel-Lebanon Border | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 397 The Wazzani Water Dispute: More Tension along the Israel-Lebanon Border Sep 20, 2002 Brief Analysis ccording to the September 17, 2002, issue of Ha'aretz, a delegation of American water experts toured the A Wazzani River in southern Lebanon on September 16 to review Lebanese government projects aimed at directing water to nearby villages. Ever since the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) unilaterally withdrew from southern Lebanon in May 2000, relations between Israel and Lebanon have been tense, a result of the Lebanese government's tolerance of Hizballah attacks on Israeli targets along the border. Hizballah's provocations have so far elicited limited, proportional Israeli military responses due to Israel's reluctance to open a second front alongside its ongoing conflict with the Palestinians. Yet, the new Lebanese initiative to divert water from the Wazzani River—the main source of the Hatzbani, which contributes approximately 25 percent of the Jordan River's water—is deepening the rift between Israel and Lebanon. The project—carried out by the Council of the South, a government body affiliated with the Shi'i movement Amal— will divert by pipeline as much as 9,000 cubic meters of water daily to dozens of villages. This portion of the project is expected to be complete by the end of the year, after which the Lebanese plan to construct a pumping station and a reservoir from which the water will be channeled. The amount of water that such a project could divert from Israel would be enough to lower the level of the Sea of Galilee by almost an inch. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR and ITS CONSEQUENCES for HEZBOLLAH by Benedetta Berti
DECEMBER 2015 THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR HEZBOLLAH By Benedetta Berti Benedetta Berti is a TED Senior Fellow, a Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and an independent human security consultant. Her work focuses on human security and internal conflicts, as well as on post-conflict stabilization and peacebuilding. Dr. Berti is the author of three books, including Armed Political Organizations. From Conflict to Integration (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013) and her work has appeared, among others, in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and Al- Jazeera. In 2015 the Italian government awarded her the Order of the Star of Italy (order of Knighthood). Beginning as a largely non-violent, non-sectarian political mobilization, the Syrian revolution gradually morphed into a protracted and bloody civil war as well as into a regional proxy conflict that has directly involved both regional states and non-state actors alike. Today, the Syrian conflict remains deeply internationalized, militarized and fractionalized. The domestic battlefield is characterized by a crucible of different political and armed movements. But while the fragmentation and proliferation of armed groups within the anti-Assad camp is well known, the Syrian regime has also been relying on a number of non-state allies. These include Syrian local ‘community-defense’ groups and other pro-regime paramilitary organizations; Shiite militia groups (mostly from Iraq) and, most notably, the Lebanese Hezbollah. Indeed since the very beginning of the Syrian revolution, Hezbollah clearly sided with the Bashar-al Assad regime, shifting from offering political support and solidarity to becoming one of the warring parties. -
Avoiding Another War Between Israel and Hezbollah
COUNTING THE COST Avoiding Another War between Israel and Hezbollah By Nicholas Blanford and Assaf Orion “He who wishes to fight must first count the cost.” Sun Tzu, The Art of War ABOUT THE SCOWCROFT MIDDLE EAST SECURITY INITIATIVE The Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative honors the legacy of Brent Scowcroft and his tireless efforts to build a new security architecture for the region. Our work in this area addresses the full range of security threats and challenges including the danger of interstate warfare, the role of terrorist groups and other nonstate actors, and the underlying security threats facing countries in the region. Through all of the Council’s Middle East programming, we work with allies and partners in Europe and the wider Middle East to protect US interests, build peace and security, and unlock the human potential of the region. You can read more about our programs at www.atlanticcouncil.org/ programs/middle-east-programs/. May 2020 ISBN-13: 978-1-61977-099-7 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. This report is made possible by general support to the Atlantic Council’s Middle East Programs. COUNTING THE COST Avoiding Another War between Israel and Hezbollah CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................2 -
Understanding the Rise of the Lebanese Hezbollah
A report on recent developments in the Middle East and the Muslim world nderstanding the Rise of the Lebanese UHezbollah The 1985–2000 South Lebanon Security Zone Conflict Introduction The fruit of foreign interference in Lebanon: Hezbollah emerges The “Party of God” navigates troubled domestic waters Hezbollah’s military performance in south Lebanon: Resilience and hybrid warfare Conclusion Jumada I - II, 1437 23 February - March, 2016 © KFCRIS, 2016 This edition of Masarat is the latest publication of the King Faisal Research Center's new initiative: The Middle East Strategy Project. The aim of this project is to conduct in-depth research and analysis that falls within the scope of regional grand strategy of security and defense. In light of the recent ISSN: 1658-6972 events in the Syrian Arab Republic, the study will focus on Issue No. 23 - 07/04/2016 examining the ongoing turmoil, study the resulting regional L.D. No: 1437/2868 repercussions unfolding across the Levant, and analyze the policy objectives of the local, sub-state, and international actors. February - March, 2016 - Jumada I - II, 1437 3 hile pundits attribute the Damascene Wregime’s resilience in the ongoing Syrian conflict largely to the Russian intervention since September 2015, the sudden emergence of the Lebanese Hezbollah on Syrian turf since 2013 has arguably proven to be no less valuable for Bashar al-Assad’s continuous grip on power. This report showcases, by virtue of a case study, a detailed account of Hezbollah’s internal adaptability in transforming from a loose Khomeinist guerilla movement in its early stages into a “state within a state” in Lebanon. -
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah's Communication
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah’s Communication Strategies in the Syrian Civil War Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in International Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Maxwell Scurlock The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Jeffrey Lewis, International Studies Table of Contents Part 1 – Background Information and Historical Context Introduction – 1 1. Historical and Contextual Background – 6 a. Shi‘ism in Historical Context – 9 b. French Mandatory Period, 1920-1945 – 10 c. Independence to Black September, 1945-1970 – 14 d. The Early Years of the Lebanese Civil War and the Emergence of Hezbollah, 1970-1982 – 17 e. Hezbollah’s Formation – 21 f. Hezbollah’s Early Ideological Framework – 23 g. Syrian and Israeli Occupations of Lebanon, 1982-2005 – 24 h. Political Turmoil, 2006 Lebanon War, and 2008 Lebanese Political Crisis – 29 i. Hezbollah’s 2009 Manifesto – 31 j. The Syrian Civil War – 32 k. Sunni Islamists in Lebanon and Syria – 34 l. Lebanese Christians – 37 Part 2 – Analysis of Hezbollah’s Communications 2. Theoretical Approach to Hezbollah’s Communications – 40 3. Hezbollah in Syria – 44 a. Hezbollah’s Participation in Syria – April 30th, 2013 – 44 b. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part One – May 9th, 2013 – 48 c. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part Two – May 25th, 2013 – 50 4. Hezbollah’s Responses to Terrorism – 54 a. An Attack in al-Dahieh – August 16th, 2013 – 54 b. The Bombing of Iran’s Embassy – November 19th, 2013 – 56 5. Further Crises – 62 a. The Assassination of Hezbollah Commander Hassan al-Laqqis – December 3rd, 2013 – 62 b. -
Hezbollah Leader Hassan Nasrallah Boasts of the Organization's Ability
May 28, 2006 Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Center for Special Studies (C.S.S) Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah boasts of the organization’s ability to maintain a balance of deterrence with Israel. By doing that he justifies, in the internal Lebanese arena, its refusal to disarm and repels the demands of his opponents, the supporters of the “New Order” in Lebanon. Nasrallah speaking at a meeting of The Resistance Culture [i.e., terrorism] Committee: “The resistance [i.e., Hezbollah] has more than 12,000 rockets… All of northern occupied Palestine [i.e., Israel] is within range of the rockets of the resistance…” (Al- Manar TV, May 23). Overview aaa In a fiery speech on the sixth anniversary of the IDF’s withdrawal from Lebanon, Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nassrallah boasted of the organization’s ability maintain a balance of deterrence with Israel. It has, he said, more than 12,000 rockets in its possession, posing a serious threat to Israel’s northern regions. He also spoke of his commitment to free Lebanese prisoners (terrorists) held in Israel and to liberate the Shebaa Farms in the near future. He thus presented himself as Lebanon’s protector and rejected demands from home and abroad that Hezbollah disarm. In an equally fiery speech he encouraged the Palestinians to continue their terrorist campaign against Israel, boasting that Hezbollah was the first to use suicide bombing attacks in the conflict with Israel. TTThhheee bbbaaaccckkkgggrrrooouuunnnddd ooofff ttthhheee tttwwwooo ssspppeeeeeeccchhheeess aaannnddd ttthhheeeiiirrr gggoooaaalllsss aaa Every year on May 25 Hezbollah celebrates Resistance [i.e., terrorism] and Liberation Day to mark the anniversary of the IDF’s withdrawal from the security zone in southern Lebanon. -
Israel and Lebanon: the Risk of New Conlficts
CSIS_______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3270 Web: CSIS.ORG Contact: [email protected] Israel and Lebanon: The Risk of New Conlficts Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Center for Strategic and International Studies Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. No quotation, reference, or further reproduction is permitted without the author’s express written permission in each single case. Israel and Lebanon: The New Military and Strategic Realities 10/23/00 Page ii October 23, 2000 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. No quotation, reference, or further reproduction is permitted without the author’s express written permission in each single case. Israel and Lebanon: The New Military and Strategic Realities 10/23/00 Page iii Note: This analysis is a draft section of a book on the Arab-Israeli balance to be published by Praeger in late 2000. It is being circulated for comment and further revision. It may be quoted or referenced, but only as a “rough draft.” Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. No quotation, reference, or further reproduction is permitted without the author’s express written permission in each single case. Israel and Lebanon: The New Military and Strategic Realities 10/23/00 Page iv Table of Contents A HISTORY OF CIVIL WAR .................................................................................................................................. 1 THE LEBANESE MILITARY -
THE NEXT WAR: How Another Conflict Between Hizballah and Israel Could Look and How Both Sides Are Preparing for It
ANALYSIS PAPER Number 24, August 2011 THE NEXT WAR: How Another Conflict between Hizballah and Israel Could Look and How Both Sides are Preparing for It Bilal Y. Saab Nicholas Blanford The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Copyright © 2011 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu ANALYSIS PAPER Number 24, August 2011 THE NEXT WAR: How Another Conflict between Hizballah and Israel Could Look and How Both Sides are Preparing for It Bilal Y. Saab Nicholas Blanford Table of Contents Executive Summary . iii Acknowledgements . vi The Authors . vii Introduction . 1 Potential Return to Arms . 3 Hizballah Prepares for War . 6 Israel Prepares for War . 14 Conclusion . 20 THE NEXT WAR The Saban Center at BROOKINGS ii Executive Summary ebanon and Israel have enjoyed a rare calm waged between them, and both sides have been in the five years since the August 14, 2006 feverishly preparing for the next war ever since the ceasefire that brought an end to that sum- last one ended. Lmer’s month-long war, the fiercest ever action waged between Hizballah and the Israel Defense Hizballah’s Posture Forces (IDF). Since the end of the 2006 war, Hizballah has under- Both sides drew sharp lessons from the 2006 conflict. -
Why They Died Civilian Casualties in Lebanon During the 2006 War
September 2007 Volume 19, No. 5(E) Why They Died Civilian Casualties in Lebanon during the 2006 War Map: Administrative Divisions of Lebanon .............................................................................1 Map: Southern Lebanon ....................................................................................................... 2 Map: Northern Lebanon ........................................................................................................ 3 I. Executive Summary ........................................................................................................... 4 Israeli Policies Contributing to the Civilian Death Toll ....................................................... 6 Hezbollah Conduct During the War .................................................................................. 14 Summary of Methodology and Errors Corrected ............................................................... 17 II. Recommendations........................................................................................................ 20 III. Methodology................................................................................................................ 23 IV. Legal Standards Applicable to the Conflict......................................................................31 A. Applicable International Law ....................................................................................... 31 B. Protections for Civilians and Civilian Objects ...............................................................33 -
United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)
CASE STUDY DR. ROBERT U. NAGEL, MS. KATE FIN, MS. JULIA MAENZA MAY 2021 United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) Conflict history Israel supported the Maronites to establish a friend- Following the events of Black September in 1970, in ly Christian government and destroy the PLO, which which Jordan expelled members of the Palestinian carried out attacks against Israel from Lebanon. Liberation Organization (PLO), the PLO established a state within a state in the south of Lebanon. A full- One of these attacks, the Coastal Road Massacre, scale civil war began in Lebanon in 1975, with Ma- killed 38 Israeli civilians and wounded over 70 on March ronite Christians fighting Muslim militias and the PLO. 9, 1978.1 On March 14, 1978, Israeli forces invaded UNIFIL peacekeepers from the Mission’s Female Assessment/Analysis and Support Team (FAST) carry out a community engage- ment walk in the Tyre souk, south Lebanon. FAST activities vary from operational activities to community outreach, including foot and market patrols, school visits, as well as community engagements such as this one. Tyre, 6 November 2019. / Photo by: Pasqual Gorriz/UN Lebanon. In response, the UN Security Council passed withdrew to the “security zone,” an 850 km area of Resolutions 425 and 426, calling for Israel to withdraw Lebanese territory made up of checkpoints operated and creating the United Nations Interim Force in Leba- mainly by members of the SLA, due to the increasing non (UNIFIL). Israel’s withdrawal was to take place over Hezbollah attacks on IDF troops in 1985. As Israeli four stages, though they maintained a presence in the scholar Nitza Nachmias put it, “Israel assumed wrong- area by ceding the final zone to the South Lebanon ly that Operation Peace for Galilee would eliminate the Army (SLA), a militia they created and armed.