Hezbollah Leader Hassan Nasrallah Boasts of the Organization's Ability
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Israel: Background and U.S
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 14, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33476 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary On May 14, 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence and was immediately engaged in a war with all of its neighbors. Armed conflict has marked every decade of Israel’s existence. Despite its unstable regional environment, Israel has developed a vibrant parliamentary democracy, albeit with relatively fragile governments. The most recent national elections were held on February 10, 2009, ahead of schedule. Although the Kadima Party placed first, parties holding 65 seats in the 120-seat Knesset supported opposition Likud party leader Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu, who was designated to form a government. Netanyahu’s coalition includes his own Likud, Yisrael Beiteinu (Israel Our Home), Shas, Habayet Hayehudi (Jewish Home), the United Torah Judaism (UTJ), and the new Ha’atzmout (Independence) party. The coalition controls 66 of 120 Knesset seats. Israel has an advanced industrial, market economy with a large government role. Israel’s foreign policy is focused largely on its region, Europe, and the United States. Israel’s foreign policy agenda begins with Iran, which it views as an existential threat due to Tehran’s nuclear ambitions and support for terrorism. Achieving peace with its neighbors is next. Israel concluded peace treaties with Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, but not with Syria and Lebanon. Recent unrest in Egypt is rekindling latent anxiety in Israel about the durability of the peace treaty Egypt and Israel have relied upon for 30 years. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR and ITS CONSEQUENCES for HEZBOLLAH by Benedetta Berti
DECEMBER 2015 THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR HEZBOLLAH By Benedetta Berti Benedetta Berti is a TED Senior Fellow, a Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and an independent human security consultant. Her work focuses on human security and internal conflicts, as well as on post-conflict stabilization and peacebuilding. Dr. Berti is the author of three books, including Armed Political Organizations. From Conflict to Integration (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013) and her work has appeared, among others, in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and Al- Jazeera. In 2015 the Italian government awarded her the Order of the Star of Italy (order of Knighthood). Beginning as a largely non-violent, non-sectarian political mobilization, the Syrian revolution gradually morphed into a protracted and bloody civil war as well as into a regional proxy conflict that has directly involved both regional states and non-state actors alike. Today, the Syrian conflict remains deeply internationalized, militarized and fractionalized. The domestic battlefield is characterized by a crucible of different political and armed movements. But while the fragmentation and proliferation of armed groups within the anti-Assad camp is well known, the Syrian regime has also been relying on a number of non-state allies. These include Syrian local ‘community-defense’ groups and other pro-regime paramilitary organizations; Shiite militia groups (mostly from Iraq) and, most notably, the Lebanese Hezbollah. Indeed since the very beginning of the Syrian revolution, Hezbollah clearly sided with the Bashar-al Assad regime, shifting from offering political support and solidarity to becoming one of the warring parties. -
Hizbullah Under Fire in Syria | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Hizbullah Under Fire in Syria by Matthew Levitt, Nadav Pollak Jun 9, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Nadav Pollak Nadav Pollak is a former Diane and Guilford Glazer Foundation fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony Last month's assassination of a senior Hizbullah commander, apparently by Syrian rebel groups, demonstrates the growing threat the organization faces from fellow Arabs and Muslims. he death of senior Hizbullah commander Mustafa Badreddine in Syria in May left the group reeling, but not for T the reason most people think. True, it lost an especially qualified commander with a unique pedigree as the brother-in-law of Imad Mughniyeh, with whom Badreddine plotted devastating terror attacks going back to the Beirut bombings in the 1980s. And, at the time of his death, Badreddine was dual-hatted as the commander of both the group's international terrorist network (the Islamic Jihad Organisation or External Security Organisation) and its significant military deployment in Syria. The loss of such a senior and seasoned commander is no small setback for Hizbullah. But the real reason Badreddine's death has Hizbullah on edge is not the loss of the man, per se, but the fact that the group's arch enemy, Israel, was seemingly not responsible. Hizbullah, it appears, now has more immediate enemies than Israel -- and that has the self-described "resistance" organisation tied up in knots. -
Countering Iran in the Gray Zone What the United States Should Learn from Israel’S Operations in Syria
APRIL 2020 Countering Iran in the Gray Zone What the United States Should Learn from Israel’s Operations in Syria Ilan Goldenberg, Nicholas A. Heras, Kaleigh Thomas, and Jennie Matuschak About the Authors Acknowledgments Ilan Goldenberg is a Senior Fellow and The authors would like to thank Sarit Zehavi and Tal Beeri Director of the Middle East Security at the Alma Institute for their input into this report and their Program at the Center for a New feedback, as well as for spending a day with the authors American Security (CNAS). He previously visiting Israel’s northern border. They would also like to served at the State Department as a chief thank Israeli government and defense officials who engaged of staff for the small team supporting with them on this project and they are grateful to Norman then–Secretary of State John Kerry’s Roule, Lt Col Stewart Parker, and Loren DeJonge Schulman initiative to conduct permanent-status for reviewing drafts and offering helpful comments; and to negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. Formerly Melody Cook and Maura McCarthy, who assisted with the a senior professional staff member on the Senate Foreign production of this report. Relations Committee, he focused on the Middle East. Prior to that, he served as a special advisor on the Middle East About the Middle East Security and then as the Iran team chief in the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy. Program The Middle East Security Program conducts cutting-edge Nicholas A. Heras is the Middle East research on the most pressing issues in this turbulent Portfolio Manager at the Institute for region. -
Profile of Internal Displacement : Lebanon
PROFILE OF INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT : LEBANON Compilation of the information available in the Global IDP Database of the Norwegian Refugee Council (as of 12 June, 2001) Also available at http://www.idpproject.org Users of this document are welcome to credit the Global IDP Database for the collection of information. The opinions expressed here are those of the sources and are not necessarily shared by the Global IDP Project or NRC Norwegian Refugee Council/Global IDP Project Chemin Moïse Duboule, 59 1209 Geneva - Switzerland Tel: + 41 22 788 80 85 Fax: + 41 22 788 80 86 E-mail : [email protected] CONTENTS CONTENTS 1 PROFILE SUMMARY 4 SUMMARY 4 SUMMARY 4 CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF DISPLACEMENT 6 BACKGROUND OF THE CONFLICT 6 FROM THE INDEPENDENCE OF LEBANON TO THE AFTERMATH OF THE 1967 ISRAELI-ARAB WAR (1920-1973) 6 BEGINNING OF LEBANESE CIVIL WAR AND INTERVENTION OF SYRIA AND ISRAEL (1975-1982) 7 COUNTRY PLAGUED BY VIOLENCE AND INSTABILITY UNTIL THE FORMATION OF A NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT (1983-1991) 8 ISRAELI TROOPS PULLED OUT OF SOUTH LEBANON AFTER YEARS OF FIGHTING AGAINST GUERRILLA GROUPS IN LEBANON (1992-2000) 9 RENEWED VIOLENCE IN SOUTH LEBANON DESPITE WITHDRAWAL OF ISRAELI ARMY (2001) 11 BACKGROUND ON DIFFERENT ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS GROUPS (2001) 13 CAUSES OF DISPLACEMENT 13 DISPLACEMENT DUE TO CIVIL WAR AND ISRAELI INTERVENTIONS (1975-1990) 13 ISRAELI INTERVENTION CAUSED MASSIVE TEMPORARY DISPLACEMENT IN 1996 15 POPULATION PROFILE AND FIGURES 16 GLOBAL FIGURES 16 350,000 - 400,000 PERSONS ARE STILL DISPLACED WITHIN LEBANON (2000) 16 DISPLACEMENT -
Hezbollah's Concept of Deterrence Vis-À-Vis Israel According to Nasrallah
Hezbollah’s Concept of Deterrence vis-à-vis Israel according to Nasrallah: From the Second Lebanon War to the Present Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer “Lebanon must have a deterrent military strength…then we will tell the Israelis to be careful. If you want to attack Lebanon to achieve goals, you will not be able to, because we are no longer a weak country. If we present the Israelis with such logic, they will think a million times.” Hassan Nasrallah, August 17, 2009 This essay deals with Hezbollah’s concept of deterrence against Israel as it developed over the ten years since the Second Lebanon War. The essay looks at the most important speeches by Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah during this period to examine the evolution and development of the concept of deterrence at four points in time that reflect Hezbollah’s internal and regional milieu (2000, 2006, 2008, and 2011). Over the years, Nasrallah has frequently utilized the media to deliver his messages and promote the organization’s agenda to key target audiences – Israel and the internal Lebanese audience. His speeches therefore constitute an opportunity for understanding the organization’s stances in general and its concept of deterrence in particular. The Quiet Decade: In the Aftermath of the Second Lebanon War, 2006-2016 I 115 Edited by Udi Dekel, Gabi Siboni, and Omer Einav 116 I Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer Principal Messages An analysis of Nasrallah’s speeches, especially since 2011, shows that he has devoted them primarily to the war in Syria and internal Lebanese politics. -
Israel: If Only They Knew Rabbi Stuart Weinblatt
Israel: If Only They Knew Rabbi Stuart Weinblatt Rosh Hashana September 24, 2006 /5767 Fueled by a media that more often than not portrays Israel in a negative light, efforts to delegitimize the state of Israel occur regularly in the halls of the United Nations, as evidenced by this past week’s proceedings. Humorist Jake Novak speculated what news headlines would be like if reporters covered other news stories and events the same way that Israel is presented in most newspapers. The article about the World Cup Match would read – HARMLESS SOOCER BALL BOOTED MERCILESSLY JEWISH BAGEL MERCHANTS CHARGE FULL PRICE FOR BREAD WITH HOLES DEFENSELESS GAS STATION SIGN ADJUSTERS EXHAUSTED BY FREQUENT PRICE HIKES “PIRATES OF THE CARIBBEAN” BRUTALLY OCCUPIES TOP SPOT AT THE BOX OFFICE. FAMILY OF CONVICTED SERIAL KILLER MISSES HIM; DEMANDS HIS RELEASE SANTA CLAUS RUDELY TURNED AWAY FROM JEWISH HOMES ON CHRISTMAS AIRPLANE HIJACKERS PROVOKED BY LEGITIMATE COMPLAINT OF INSUFFICIENT LEGROOM ROBERT DOWNEY JR ARREST SPELLS DISASTER FOR HARD-WORKING COCAINE FARMERS The constant demonization of Israel, portraying it as an aggressor or occupier, and as the source of all the ills in the Middle East and world, inevitably distorts and affects people’s perceptions despite the truth and justness of its cause. Academics and academic institutions are not immune to the influence of Israel hate mongers. In fact, they are the locale and source of much of the activity most damaging to Israel. Two professors, John Mearsheimer, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, and Stephen Walt of the Kennedy School of Government of Harvard University, caused a stir in March of this year when they came out with an article entitled, “The Israel Lobby.” Their thesis is that a small cabal determines American foreign policy on the basis of what is good for Israel. -
Ecfg Lebanon 2020Edr.Pdf
About this Guide This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The fundamental information contained within will help you understand the cultural dimension of your ECFG assigned location and gain skills necessary for success. The guide consists of two ECFG:The Levant parts: Republicof Lebanon Part 1 is the “Culture General” section, which provides the foundational knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global environment with a focus on the Levant (Photo: Rock formations near Beirut, Lebanon). Part 2 is the “Culture Specific” section, which describes unique cultural features of Lebanese society. It applies culture-general concepts to help increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment location. This section is designed to complement other pre- deployment training (Photo: US Coast Guard and Lebanese military members during a staff exchange). For further information, contact the AFCLC Region Team at [email protected] or visit the AFCLC website at https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/AFCLC/. Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be reproduced in its current format with the express permission of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the US government, Wikimedia, and other sources. GENERAL CULTURE PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL What is Culture? Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that have meaning for a society. -
Hizbullah's Shaping Lebanon Statehood
Hizbullah’s Shaping Lebanon Statehood Daniel Meier To cite this version: Daniel Meier. Hizbullah’s Shaping Lebanon Statehood. Small Wars and Insurgencies, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2018, 29 (3), pp.515-536. halshs-01947513 HAL Id: halshs-01947513 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01947513 Submitted on 18 Dec 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Hizbullah’s Shaping Lebanon Statehood Daniel Meier (PACTE/Sciences Po Grenoble) Abstract: Since the end of the civil war in 1990, the Lebanese second Republic has experienced a dual security governance in the southern borderland region. While the State’s new legitimacy stems from the 1989 Taïf Agreement -which put an end to the civil war-, the Shia militia of Hizbullah emerged from the war with a sociopolitical and sectarian legitimacy among the Shia constituency of South Lebanon and southern suburb of Beirut. Soon after an agreement between Syria and Iran by the end of 1990, Hizbullah was granted a national duty to secure the southern part of the country – as expressed by the ideological notion of ‘resistance’ – in combating the Israeli occupation of a 850sq/km strip of land along the border. -
Ellis and Guckenberg
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES IN THE NAME OF MUQAWAMA: THE DOMESTIC POLITICAL RAMIFICATIONS OF HEZBOLLAH’S SUPPORT FOR THE ASSAD REGIME CORY ELLIS MATTHEW GUCKENBERG MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 1 The landscape of the Middle East changed in December 2010 as Tunisians rose up in protest against the dictatorial Ben Ali regime. Protests quickly spread throughout the Middle East, rising up against regimes in Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. Beginning in March 2011, the Syrian protesters engaged in conflict with the violent and brutal Assad regime. Although protests did not spread to Lebanon, the ongoing conflict in Syria affected its neighbor. As the protests became protracted it was clear that Hezbollah would have to publicly address the issue of the Syrian conflict. On May 25th 2011, nearly four months after the Syrian uprising began, Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah gave a speech on the regional unrest in the Middle East, in which he backed the Syrian regime over the fledgling opposition.1, 2 Many within Lebanon and throughout the region found Hezbollah‟s stance on the Syrian uprising hypocritical when compared to the party‟s support for the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, and Libya.3 Nasrallah responded to the accusations of hypocrisy by providing four primary reasons for Hezbollah‟s continued support for the government of Syria; Syria is a regime of resistance against western imperialism, Syria has always supported, not just Hezbollah, but Lebanon as a whole, Syria‟s resistance towards US Middle East peace plans imperial adventures in the regions, and finally, Syrian leadership‟s demonstrated genuine determination for 1 Hezbollah Media Relations. -
Understanding Iran's Role in the Syrian Conflict
Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies Occasional Paper Understanding Iran’s Role in the Syrian Conflict Edited by Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi and Raffaello Pantucci Understanding Iran’s Role in the Syrian Conflict Edited by Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi and Raffaello Pantucci Occasional Paper, August 2016 Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies ii Understanding Iran’s Role in the Syrian Conflict Over 180 years of independent defence and security thinking The Royal United Services Institute is the UK’s leading independent think tank on international defence and security. Its mission is to be an analytical, research-led global forum for informing, influencing and enhancing public debate on a safer and more stable world. Since its foundation in 1831, RUSI has relied on its members to support its activities, sustaining its political independence for over 180 years. London | Brussels | Nairobi | Doha | Tokyo | Washington, DC The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s), and do not reflect the views of RUSI or any other institution. Published in 2016 by the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution – Non-Commercial – No-Derivatives 4.0 International Licence. For more information, see <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/>. RUSI Occasional Paper, August 2016. ISSN 2397-0286 (Online); ISSN 2397-0278 (Print). Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies Whitehall London SW1A 2ET United Kingdom +44 (0)20 7747 2600 www.rusi.org RUSI is a registered charity (No. 210639) Contents Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi I.