Deaths and Disappearances in the Pinochet Regime: a New Dataset∗
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Verrat in Den Eigenen Reihen?
Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen RLK 11 Katharina E. Schefner Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als Kritik an der chilenischen Linken im Kalten Krieg 11 Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen hrsg. von Dina De Rentiis, Kai Nonnenmacher und Enrique Rodrigues-Moura Band 11 2020 Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als Kritik an der chilenischen Linken im Kalten Krieg Katharina E. Schefner 2020 Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Informationen sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de/ abrufbar. Diese Arbeit hat der Fakultät Geistes- und Kulturwissenschaften der Otto-Fried- rich-Universität Bamberg unter dem Titel »Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als eine (unmögliche) diferenzierte Kritik an der chileni- schen Linken im Kalten Krieg« als Dissertation vorgelegen. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Enrique Rodrigues-Moura Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Kai Nonnenmacher Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 07.11.2018 Diese Forschungsarbeit entstand innerhalb des von Prof. Dr. Enrique Rodrigues- Moura geleiteten Projekts »Schmerz und Empathie nach den Iberoromanischen Diktaturen: Narrationen, Filme und andere Kunstformen« an der Professur für Romanische Literatur/Hispanistik der Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg. Dieses Werk ist als freie Onlineversion über das Forschungs- informationssystem (FIS; https://fis.uni-bamberg.de) der Universität Bamberg erreichbar. Das Werk – ausgenommen Cover und Zitate – steht unter der CC-Lizenz CC-BY. Lizenzvertrag: Creative Commons Namensnennung 4.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0. Herstellung und Druck: Digital Print Group, Nürnberg Umschlaggestaltung: University of Bamberg Press Umschlagbild: Typoskript von A partir del fn von Hernán Valdés (ca. -
The United States' Janus-Faced Approach to Operation Condor: Implications for the Southern Cone in 1976
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Spring 5-2008 The United States' Janus-Faced Approach to Operation Condor: Implications for the Southern Cone in 1976 Emily R. Steffan University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Steffan, Emily R., "The United States' Janus-Faced Approach to Operation Condor: Implications for the Southern Cone in 1976" (2008). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/1235 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Emily Steffan The United States' Janus-Faced Approach To Operation Condor: Implications For The Southern Cone in 1976 Emily Steffan Honors Senior Project 5 May 2008 1 Martin Almada, a prominent educator and outspoken critic of the repressive regime of President Alfredo Stroessner in Paraguay, was arrested at his home in 1974 by the Paraguayan secret police and disappeared for the next three years. He was charged with being a "terrorist" and a communist sympathizer and was brutally tortured and imprisoned in a concentration camp.l During one of his most brutal torture sessions, his torturers telephoned his 33-year-old wife and made her listen to her husband's agonizing screams. -
Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy. -
The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and The
The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970 A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Sebastian Hurtado-Torres December 2016 © 2016 Sebastian Hurtado-Torres. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty, and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970 by SEBASTIAN HURTADO-TORRES has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick Barr-Melej Associate Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT HURTADO-TORRES, SEBASTIAN, Ph.D., December 2016, History The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei’s Revolution in Liberty, and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970 Director of Dissertation: Patrick Barr-Melej This dissertation explores the involvement of the United States in Chilean politics between the presidential campaign of 1964 and Salvador Allende’s accession to the presidency in 1970. The main argument of this work is that the partnership between the Christian Democratic Party of Chile (PDC) and the United States in this period played a significant role in shaping Chilean politics and thus contributed to its growing polarization. The alliance between the PDC and the United States was based as much on their common views on communism as on their shared ideas about modernization and economic development. Furthermore, the U.S. Embassy in Santiago, headed by men strongly committed to the success of the Christian Democratic project, involved itself heavily in the inner workings of Chilean politics as an informal actor, unable to dictate terms but capable of exerting influence on local actors whose interests converged with those of the United States. -
Waiting for Cincinnatus: the Role of Pinochet in Post-Authoritarian Chile
Third WorldQuarterly, Vol21, No 5, pp 7 25 – 738, 2000 Waitingf orCincinnatus: the role o f Pinochetin post-authoritarian Chile GREGORYWEEKS ABSTRACT This article explains the persistent inuence of GeneralAugusto Pinochetin Chileanpolitics. After leavingthe presidency in 1990,hemanaged to fuse his personalposition with that notonly of the institution of the armybut of the armedforces as awhole,making Pinochet and the military almost indistinguishable.By doingso Pinochetsought to equateany attack onhimwith anattack onthe institution. Themilitary, in turn,accepted him as its spokesman anddefender. He viewed his role asthat of Cincinnatus,an emperortwice called to save ancientRome. Throughout the 1990sPinochetrepresented aserious obstacle to democratisation.With his intimate ties to the military institution, his inuence— perhaps even after death—can never bediscounted. InChile the transition frommilitary to civilian rule in March1990 did not erase the presenceof the armedforces in political life.The Commander in Chief of the army,General Augusto Pinochet, who had quickly taken control of the military junta installed on11 September 1973 ,becamethe self-proclaimed President ofthe Republicthe followingyear and remained in that position until hehanded the presidential sash to newlyelected Patricio Aylwin.Pinochet remainedthe headof the army,a position grantedhim foreight moreyears by laws passed in the last daysof the dictatorship. Whenhis retirement fromthe armedforces nally came to pass on10March 1998 Pinochet’ s national role still didnot end. He becamea ‘senator forli fe’( senadorvitalicio )in accordwith the 1980Constitution. Article 45provided any ex-president who had served for at least six years the right to alifetime seat in the senate. Pinochet’s presenceas armychief hada tremendousimpact oncivil – military relations in the 1990s, as at times heresorted to showsof force to extract concessions fromcivilian policymakers andto protect ‘his men’f romjudgment onhumanrights abuses. -
CASE of GARCÍA LUCERO ET AL. V. CHILE
INTER-AMERICAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS CASE OF GARCÍA LUCERO ET AL. v. CHILE JUDGMENT OF AUGUST 28, 2013 (Preliminary objection, merits and reparations) In the case of García Lucero et al., the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (hereinafter “the Inter-American Court” or “the Court”), composed of the following judges:∗ Diego García-Sayán, President Manuel E. Ventura Robles, Vice President Alberto Pérez Pérez, Judge Roberto F. Caldas, Judge Humberto Antonio Sierra Porto, Judge, and Eduardo Ferrer Mac-Gregor Poisot, Judge; also present, Pablo Saavedra Alessandri, Secretary, and Emilia Segares Rodríguez, Deputy Secretary, pursuant to Articles 62(3) and 63(1) of the American Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter “the Convention” or “the American Convention”) and Articles 31, 32, 42, 65 and 67 of the Rules of Procedure of the Court (hereinafter “the Rules of Procedure”), delivers this Judgment structured as follows: ∗ Under Article 19(1) of the Rules of Procedure of the Inter-American Court applicable to this case, which establishes that “[i]n the cases referred to in Article 45 of the Convention, national Judges will be unable to participate in the hearing and deliberation of the case,” Judge Eduardo Vio Grossi, a Chilean national, did not take part in the processing of this case or in the deliberation and signature of this Judgment. TABLE OF CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION OF THE CASE AND SUBJECT OF THE DISPUTE 4 II PROCEEDINGS BEFORE THE COURT 6 III COMPETENCE 8 IV PRELIMINARY OBJECTION: LACK OF TEMPORAL AND MATERIAL COMPETENCE 8 A. ARGUMENTS OF THE PARTIES AND OF THE COMMISSION 8 B. -
Truth Without Reconciliation in Chile: Testimonies of The
TRUTH WITHOUT RECONCILIATION IN CHILE: TESTIMONIES OF THE TORTURED AND THE CASE AGAINST AUGUSTO PINOCHET Temma Kaplan The State University of New York at Stony Brook "Fear" and "terror" are the words that are used most often to describe the 17-year-long military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet in Chile. There between 1C73 and 1990 and elsewhere where people have been brutalized by the use of torture for defending themselves and their communities against the arbitrary use of power, shaming rituals, designed to cleanse the body politic in order to achieve something akin to justice, have become an essential part of creating the possibility for a lasting democracy. The movements to overcome fear and shame and to enable former enemies to live together in peace remains a subject of some urgency for the governments that succeed states which ruled by fear. And nothing terrifies people more than the seemingly arbitrary use of power. When Cesare Beccaria and other figures of the Enlightenment in Europe argued for natural law and a system of inalienable rights, they castigated the use of torture as atavistic and barbaric. The reformers attacked monarchies and religious authorities who employed brute force, the antithesis of reason, to create political authority through terror. Although Michel Foucault and his followers have made important strides in showing how subsequent systems have depended upon discipline and subtle forms of power that permeate all relationships, most would agree that this form of domination represents an advance over the use of torture. Beginning with the French Revolution countries all over the world banned the use of torture as a means of exacting information or of punishing prisoners. -
Truth Commissions and Reparations: a Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Honors Theses (PPE) Philosophy, Politics and Economics 5-2021 Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Anthony Chen Student Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Political History Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Chen, Anthony, "Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru" (2021). Honors Theses (PPE). Paper 43. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors/43 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Abstract This paper seeks to gauge the effectiveness of truth commissions and their links to creating material reparations programs through two central questions. First, are truth commissions an effective way to achieve justice after periods of conflict marked by mass or systemic human rights abuses by the government or guerilla groups? Second, do truth commissions provide a pathway to material reparations programs for victims of these abuses? It will outline the conceptual basis behind truth commissions, material reparations, and transitional justice. It will then engage in case studies and a comparative analysis of truth commissions and material reparations programs in four countries: Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Peru. -
The Voices of the Disappeared: Politicide in Argentina and Chile
THE VOICES OF THE DISAPPEARED: POLITICIDE IN ARGENTINA AND CHILE A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Evin Hessel December, 2019 i ii ii Thesis written by Evin Hessel Approved by _____________________________________________________________________, Advisor ________________________________________, Chair, Department of Anthropology Accepted by ___________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………...…….....iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………….vi CHAPTERS I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...………1 i. Chile……………………………………………………...………..2 ii. Argentina…………………………………………………………..6 iii. Genocide or Politicide?..................................................................10 iv. Morality…………………………………………………………..12 II. THE ABDUCTED………………………………………………………….…....16 i. Secret Detention Centers……………………..…………….…….19 III. TORTURE……………………………………………………………………….24 i. Medical Involvement…………………………………………….28 ii. Anti-Semitism…………………………………………...……….30 IV. EXECUTION ……………………………………………………………………32 V. DISPOSAL………………………………………………………………………39 i. Mass Graves……………………………………………………...41 ii. Death Flights……………………………………………………..44 iii. Other Methods…………………………………………...………45 VI. THE AFTERMATH……………………………………………………………..48 i. The Fall of Pinochet……………………………………………..48 ii. Videla Steps Down………………………………………………51 iii. Excavations………………………………………………………53 VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………..56 i. Politicide -
The Perfect Dictatorship? Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico1
The Perfect Dictatorship? Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico1 Jorge I. Domínguez Harvard University Abstract The Perfect Dictatorship: Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico What is a “perfect dictatorship”? Such a regime provokes little societal resistance at installation. Its leaders act jointly to consolidate the regime and to broaden the support coalition by agreeing upon succession rules to rotate the presidency within the authoritarian regime. They delegate policy-making authority to civilians in areas of their competence. They emphasize consultation, not open contestation, prefer cooptation to repression, eschew ideological appeals, compel social actors into regime-licensed organizations, and deactivate civil society. South Korea under Park Chung Hee is compared on these dimensions to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, all at a time when authoritarian regimes governed them. Prepared for delivery at the 2002 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 29-September 1, 2002, Boston. Panel 11-25. Copyright by the American Political Science Association. Authoritarian rule established through an act of force, such as a military coup, poses several distinct challenges to the authoritarian ruler. The first is how to install the regime, that is, how to survive past the initial moments of the overthrow of the old regime in order to establish a pattern of rule that will last. This requires reducing the need for initial repression, consolidating unity within the coup leadership group, and arranging for succession rules in order to stabilize and broaden the support coalition for the new dictator. -
The Failed Coup in Politically Polarized Venezuela Was the Most Dramatic
AMERICAS OVERVIEW he failed coup in politically polarized Venezuela was the most dramatic Tsign of problems that were increasingly apparent across Latin America and the Caribbean: the fragility of electoral democracy and the weakness of the rule of law. Even though, with the glaring exception of Cuba, the formal trappings of dem- ocracy were in place throughout the region, voters seemed to be losing confidence in the ability of elected governments to cope effectively with the challenges of the day. With poverty and inequality on the rise, widespread popular disenchantment with the region’s shallow democracies raised serious concern. Argentina was another extreme case, with three presidents shuffling through the office during a single ten-day period in December 2001, a crisis provoked by the country’s near-total economic collapse. Haiti, whose government’s democratic cre- dentials were already subject to question, saw increasing political turmoil. Street protests and rioting erupted in both countries, as well as in Venezuela, Paraguay, and Bolivia. The violence and brutality of the police response to such incidents brought deserved attention to the deeply ingrained failings of the region’s criminal justice systems. Unable to bring prosperity to the electorate, some political leaders seemed all too capable of securing financial benefits for themselves. In certain cases, as a com- mentator observed with regard to Argentina, government officials treated public money as “the spoils of war.” For all the talk of anti-corruption efforts, little con- crete progress was made in stemming the practice. And it was official corruption that—perhaps more than any other single factor—eroded public trust in govern- ment. -
Chilean Media and Discourses of Human Rights
Kristin Sorensen Department of Communication and Culture Indiana University Chilean Television and Human Rights Discourse: The Case of Chilevisión In this paper, I am looking at the manner in which Chilean television discusses human rights violations committed during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet from 1973 to 1990. During Pinochet’s regime an estimated 3,500 Chileans were “disappeared,” assassinated, or executed, and approximately 300,000 Chileans were detained, tortured, and exiled. This dictatorship constituted a rupture in the nation’s history, which has needed in some way to be addressed by families who suffered the trauma of torture, disappearances, executions, and exile. This historical rupture has needed to be addressed by the nation as well, as it struggles to move from a repressive totalitarian regime to a democracy. Through an intricate interplay of censorship, remembrance, and protest, television has played a key role in structuring how Chileans today conceive of this moment. It is with television’s role in alternately silencing and re-presenting trauma during times of social upheaval and flux, as well as with how audiences respond to these re-presentations, that my paper is expressly concerned. In October of 1998, Pinochet was placed under house arrest in London. Spanish Judge Baltazar Garzón wished to extradite Pinochet to Spain to be tried for human rights violations. This incident opened the floodgates to an international dialogue regarding the role of the international community in holding human rights violators accountable when they cannot be properly judged and punished within their own nations. This event also revived the global community’s awareness of the legacy of Chile’s dictatorship and the lack of progress the country has made in dealing with its recent past.