Discourse of Religion on Politics in Israel: the Compatibility of Judaism and Democracy
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The Impact of Religion on Political Decision-Making in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
School of Sociology and Public Policy Department of History The impact of religion on political decision-making in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Debating Judaism and Zionism Ruth Esther Schwarz Thesis submitted as partial requirement for the conferral of Master in International Studies Thesis Advisor: PhD Giulia Daniele Invited Assistant Professor CEI - Center of International Studies ISCTE - Instituto Universitário de Lisboa June 2018 Acknowledgements First of all, I want to thank my thesis advisor Giulia Daniele for her very reliable guidance and the many helpful advices for my master thesis. Secondly, I thank my Palestinian friend Emad Zreneh, whose personal view regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict widened my horizon and inspired me to search for a deeper understanding of the nature of the conflict today. Furthermore, I want to express my gratitude towards my family for all their continuous support. Last but not least, I would like to thank my inspiring friends Annalisa Neher, Julia Burgdorff, and Dorit Kämpfer in Germany for their encouragement and presence, despite physical distance, as well as Danielle de Sotti Novais and Zanre Reed in Portugal. i Resumo Persiste até aos nossos dias uma grande confusão relativamente ao significado dos termos judaísmo e sionismo, tanto dentro como fora do Israel. A opinião popular que os termos são sinónimos implica a suposição falsa que antisionismo é igual a antissemitismo, o que permite ao regime de direita de Israel fazer uso desta falácia com o fim de justificar a colonização contínua da Palestina. Com base no trabalho dos chamados Novos Historiadores de Israel, esta dissertação de mestrado visa desconstruir o pensamento convencional a respeito dos termos judaísmo e sionismo, analisando a natureza dos principais fluxos ideológicos e suas interconexões complexas antes e depois de 1948. -
Theocracy in Nigeria: the Religious Gamble and National Cohesion
Ibrahim Musa Ahmadu BETH 10: 1998 69 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria: The Religious Gamble and National Cohesion By Ibrahim Musa Ahmadu Preamble Religion has been an important force for facilitating radical political and social change, providing' the motivation, ideology and justification for rebellion or revolt against established governments. Religiously inspired revolutionary movements have occurred throughout history in a bid to founding theocratic states in which Godor some conceived deity would direct the affairs of the society through human agents. Often led by a messianic figure, many of such revolutionary movements have produced significant political and social innovations that have been beneficial or detrimental to the well being of the society it was out to improve. The phenomenon of religio-political insurgence often began as a dream of re-enacting a past or creating a future "Golden Age" that would usher in an era of justice and bliss on earth. Undergirding such millenarian expectation was a general dissatisfaction with the existing political order believed to have been brought about as a result of human deviation from divine mandate. Embued with the conviction that the contemporary travail which had reduced human dignity and value was after all redeemable through some divine intervention, an ideological spirit of heroism would be infused on believers that could sustain their struggle against the forces of evil and decay that have engulfed the society. In the attempt to bring the anticipated new order in line with the mover's conception of justice, a necessary myth that would instil fear and hatred for the old system must be put in place to provide legitimacy for intervention. -
Paradigms Sometimes Fit: the Haredi Response to the Yom Kippur War
Paradigms Sometimes Fit: The Haredi Response to the Yom Kippur War CHARLES s. LIEBMAN This essay is an effort to understand Jewish ultra-orthodox Haredi reaction to the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Attention is confined to the large central segment of Haredi society represented in the political arena by Agudat Israel - the only Haredi political party which existed in the period covered here. The hypothesis which guided my research was that between 1973 and the elections of 1977, changes took place in Haredi conceptions of the state of Israel and the wider society which led Agudat Israel to join the government coalition. I have sought to explore this hypothe sis by comparing Haredi responses to the Yom Kippur War with their reactions to the Six Day War of June 1967. I assumed that the striking victory of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) in the Six Day War would pose serious problems for Haredim. The Six Day War superficially, at least, seemed to be a vindication of Zionism, of secular Israel and the capacity of human design. The Yom Kippur War, on the other hand, seemed to reflect the tentative and insecure status of Israel, its isolation from the world and the folly of Israel's leaders. It, more than any of Israel's wars, might help narrow the sense of alienation that Haredim heretofore have felt. The tragedy and trauma of the war and the deep scars it left in Israeli society would serve, so I anticipated, to evoke in Haredi eyes the age-old experience of the Jewish people since the destruction of the Temple. -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
Forming a Nucleus for the Jewish State
Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................... 3 Jewish Settlements 70 CE - 1882 ......................................................... 4 Forming a Nucleus for First Aliyah (1882-1903) ...................................................................... 5 Second Aliyah (1904-1914) .................................................................. 7 the Jewish State: Third Aliyah (1919-1923) ..................................................................... 9 First and Second Aliyot (1882-1914) ................................................ 11 First, Second, and Third Aliyot (1882-1923) ................................... 12 1882-1947 Fourth Aliyah (1924-1929) ................................................................ 13 Fifth Aliyah Phase I (1929-1936) ...................................................... 15 First to Fourth Aliyot (1882-1929) .................................................... 17 Dr. Kenneth W. Stein First to Fifth Aliyot Phase I (1882-1936) .......................................... 18 The Peel Partition Plan (1937) ........................................................... 19 Tower and Stockade Settlements (1936-1939) ................................. 21 The Second World War (1940-1945) ................................................ 23 Postwar (1946-1947) ........................................................................... 25 11 Settlements of October 5-6 (1947) ............................................... 27 First -
Orthodoxy in American Jewish Life1
ORTHODOXY IN AMERICAN JEWISH LIFE1 by CHARLES S. LIEBMAN INTRODUCTION • DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF ORTHODOXY • EARLY ORTHODOX COMMUNITY • UNCOMMITTED ORTHODOX • COM- MITTED ORTHODOX • MODERN ORTHODOX • SECTARIANS • LEAD- ERSHIP • DIRECTIONS AND TENDENCIES • APPENDLX: YESHIVOT PROVIDING INTENSIVE TALMUDIC STUDY A HIS ESSAY is an effort to describe the communal aspects and institutional forms of Orthodox Judaism in the United States. For the most part, it ignores the doctrines, faith, and practices of Orthodox Jews, and barely touches upon synagogue hie, which is the most meaningful expression of American Orthodoxy. It is hoped that the reader will find here some appreciation of the vitality of American Orthodoxy. Earlier predictions of the demise of 11 am indebted to many people who assisted me in making this essay possible. More than 40, active in a variety of Orthodox organizations, gave freely of their time for extended discussions and interviews and many lay leaders and rabbis throughout the United States responded to a mail questionnaire. A number of people read a draft of this paper. I would be remiss if I did not mention a few by name, at the same time exonerating them of any responsibility for errors of fact or for my own judgments and interpretations. The section on modern Orthodoxy was read by Rabbi Emanuel Rackman. The sections beginning with the sectarian Orthodox to the conclusion of the paper were read by Rabbi Nathan Bulman. Criticism and comments on the entire paper were forthcoming from Rabbi Aaron Lichtenstein, Dr. Marshall Ski are, and Victor Geller, without whose assistance the section on the number of Orthodox Jews could not have been written. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Britain's Broken Promises: the Roots of the Israeli and Palestinian
Britain’s Broken Promises: The Roots of the Israeli and Palestinian Conflict Overview Students will learn about British control over Palestine after World War I and how it influenced the Israel‐Palestine situation in the modern Middle East. The material will be introduced through a timeline activity and followed by a PowerPoint that covers many of the post‐WWI British policies. The lesson culminates in a letter‐writing project where students have to support a position based upon information learned. Grade 9 NC Essential Standards for World History • WH.1.1: Interpret data presented in time lines and create time lines • WH.1.3: Consider multiple perspectives of various peoples in the past • WH.5.3: Analyze colonization in terms of the desire for access to resources and markets as well as the consequences on indigenous cultures, population, and environment • WH.7.3: Analyze economic and political rivalries, ethnic and regional conflicts, and nationalism and imperialism as underlying causes of war Materials • “Steps Toward Peace in Israel and Palestine” Timeline (excerpt attached) • History of Israel/Palestine Timeline Questions and Answer Key, attached • Drawing paper or chart paper • Colored pencils or crayons (optional) • “Britain’s Broken Promises” PowerPoint, available in the Database of K‐12 Resources (in PDF format) o To view this PDF as a projectable presentation, save the file, click “View” in the top menu bar of the file, and select “Full Screen Mode” o To request an editable PPT version of this presentation, send a request to -
A Critique of Religion As Politics in the Public Sphere
DigitalCommons@NYLS Articles & Chapters Faculty Scholarship 1993 A Critique of Religion as Politics in the Public Sphere Ruti Teitel New York Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_articles_chapters Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation 78 Cornell L. Rev. 747 (1992-1993) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Chapters by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@NYLS. A CRITIQUE OF RELIGION AS POLITICS IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE Ruti Teitel t TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction . 7 48 I. THE CALL FROM POLITICS •••.••.•••••••••••..••••••••• 750 A. Epistemology and Lawmaking ...................... 750 B. Of Beliefs and Conversation . 752 C. Of Fragmentation and Consensus . 754 II. THE CALL FROM RELIGION •.••.•••••••.•••.•••••••••••• 756 A. The Original Separation Model . 7 56 B. Three Antinomies of Separation . 759 C. The New Engagement . 760 D. The Retreat from the Original Model . 762 E. Of Fragmentation and Consensus . 763 III. RELIGION, POLITICS, AND CONSTITUTIONAL LAW • • . • . • • • 766 A. The Original Neutrality Principle . 766 B. The New Neutrality: Religion as Politics ........... 768 1. In Legislative Decisionmaking . 768 2. In Individual Decisionmaking and Free Exercise Clause Doctrine......................................... 773 3. Employment Division v. Smith and Religion as Politics.......................................... 774 C. Religion as Politics and the Analogy to Political Speech ............................................ 777 IV. THE DISCOURSE MODEL • . • • . • • • . • • . • • . • • . • • . • • • • • • . 780 A. The Call to Conversation . 780 B. The Commitment to Conversation . 781 C. The Commitment to Equality of Access . 782 D. Of Duty and of Civility . 783 t Associate Professor of Law, New York Law School. -
Feminist Critiques of Rabbinic Law Through the Lens of Assisted Reproductive Technologies Andrea Pemberton
The ART of Producing Responsa: Feminist Critiques of Rabbinic Law through the Lens of Assisted Reproductive Technologies Andrea Pemberton Prior to the mid-twentieth century, when assisted reproductive technologies (ART) stepped on to the medical scene, supplications and prayers to God were the primary means for religious Jewish couples to cope with the issue of infertility. However, with the advent of artificial insemination techniques, fertility hormones, in vitro fertilization, and surrogacy, new medical technologies have successfully generated proactive methods for infertile individuals to have biological children of their own. Yet as these controversial technologies emerge, and prove to be of interest and use to Jewish persons, rabbis are compelled to contend with this new and challenging issue. In an effort to comply with halakha, or rabbinic law, modern rabbis have interpreted ART in various ways, putting restrictions on certain forms and implementing guidelines for their use in general. For religious Orthodox Jews, halakha is a prominent feature of everyday life that influences his or her actions and interactions in the most direct way. Because of this observance, Orthodox couples undergoing fertility treatment and utilizing ART take seriously the guidance of their rabbis, who are seen as authorities on halakha. Consequently, a potential problem that emerges from the halakhic discourse on assisted reproductive technologies is that this set of symbolically-loaded medical procedures takes place within the female body, yet is dictated by the tractates of a male-dominated religious legal system. The purpose of this paper, then, is to utilize feminist critiques of gender bias in legal systems to critically analyze Orthodox rabbinic discourse on assisted reproductive technologies. -
Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism
ANTI-ZIONISM AND ANTISEMITISM WHAT IS ANTI-ZIONISM? Zionism is derived from the word Zion, referring to the Biblical Land of Israel. In the late 19th century, Zionism emerged as a political movement to reestablish a Jewish state in Israel, the ancestral homeland of the Jewish People. Today, Zionism refers to support for the continued existence of Israel, in the face of regular calls for its destruction or dissolution. Anti-Zionism is opposition to Jews having a Jewish state in their ancestral homeland, and denies the Jewish people’s right to self-determination. HOW IS ANTI-ZIONISM ANTISEMITIC? The belief that the Jews, alone among the people of the world, do not have a right to self- determination — or that the Jewish people’s religious and historical connection to Israel is invalid — is inherently bigoted. When Jews are verbally or physically harassed or Jewish institutions and houses of worship are vandalized in response to actions of the State of Israel, it is antisemitism. When criticisms of Israel use antisemitic ideas about Jewish power or greed, utilize Holocaust denial or inversion (i.e. claims that Israelis are the “new Nazis”), or dabble in age-old xenophobic suspicion of the Jewish religion, otherwise legitimate critiques cross the line into antisemitism. Calling for a Palestinian nation-state, while simultaneously advocating for an end to the Jewish nation-state is hypocritical at best, and potentially antisemitic. IS ALL CRITICISM OF ISRAEL ANTISEMITIC? No. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s Working Definition of Antisemitism (“the IHRA Definition”) — employed by governments around the world — explicitly notes that legitimate criticism of Israel is not antisemitism: “Criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic.”1 When anti-Zionists call for the end of the Jewish state, however, that is no longer criticism of policy, but rather antisemitism.