THE FLOERSHEIMER INSTITUTE FOR POLICY STUDIES The Struggle for Hegemony in Jerusalem Secular and Ultra-Orthodox Urban Politics Shlomo Hasson Jerusalem, October 2002 Translator: Yoram Navon Principal Editor: Shunamith Carin Preparation for Print: Ruth Lerner Printed by: Ahva Press, Ltd. ISSN 0792-6251 Publication No. 4/12e © 2002, The Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies, Ltd. 9A Diskin Street, Jerusalem 96440 Israel Tel. 972-2-5666243; Fax. 972-2-5666252 [email protected] www.fips.org.il 2 About the Author Shlomo Hasson - Professor of Geography at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and deputy director of The Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies. About the Research This book reviews the struggle for hegemony in Jerusalem between secular and ultra-orthodox (haredi) Jews. It examines the democratic deficit in urban politics formed by the rise of the haredi minority to power, and proposes ways to rectify this deficit. The study addresses the following questions: What are the characteristics of the urban democratic deficit? How did the haredi minority become a leading political force in the city? What are the implications of the democratic deficit from the perspective of the various cultural groups? What can be done in view of the fact that the non-haredi population is not only under-represented but also feels threatened and prejudiced by urban politics initiated by the city council? About the Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies In recent years the importance of policy-oriented research has been increasingly acknowledged. Dr. Stephen H. Floersheimer initiated the establishment of a research institute that would concentrate on studies of long- range policy issues. The purpose of the Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies is to research fundamental processes likely to be major issues for policy-makers in years to come, analyze the long-range trends and implications of such problems, and propose to the policy-makers alternative options and strategies. The members of the Board of Directors are Dr. Stephen H. Floersheimer (chairman); I. Amihud Ben-Porath, advocate (vice-chairman); David Brodet, former Director General of the Ministry of Finance; and Hirsh Goodman, founding editor of the Jerusalem Report. The Director of the Floersheimer Institute is Amiram Gonen, Professor of Geography at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The Deputy-Director is Shlomo Hasson, Professor of Geography at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. 3 Publications in English on: Religion, Society, and State in Israel The Cultural Struggle over Jerusalem: Accommodations, Scenarios and Lessons, Shlomo Hasson, 1996. The Cultural Tension Within Jerusalem’s Jewish Population, Shlomo Hasson and Amiram Gonen, 1997. Religion and Democracy in Israel, Benyamin Neuberger, 1997. Ultra-Orthodoxy in Urban Governance in Israel, Yosseph Shilhav, 1998. Religion and Political Accommodation in Israel, Eliezer Don-Yehiya, 1999. The Haredi Educational System: Allocation, Regulation, and Control, Varda Schiffer, 1999. Haredi and Secular Jews in Jerusalem in the Future: Scenarios and Strategies, Shlomo Hasson, 1999. From Yeshiva to Work: The American Experience and Lessons for Israel, Amiram Gonen, 2001. Between Three Branches of Government: The Balance of Rights in Matters of Religion in Israel, Shimon Shetreet, 2001. The Religious-Secular Divide in the Eyes of Israel’s Leaders and Opinion Makers, Laura Zarembski, 2002. The Struggle for Hegemony in Jerusalem: Secular and Ultra-Orthodox Urban Politics, Shlomo Hasson, 2002. 4 Table of Contents Introduction 7 1 The Local Democratic Deficit 9 The Loss of the Secular Hegemony in the Municipal Elections of 1993 9 The Main Questions 10 Urban Democracy 11 Representation: 13 Decision-Making Processes 26 Tax Collection and Services 31 The Criticism of the Municipal Democratic Deficit Thesis and the Rebuttal 41 2 Urban politics in Jerusalem in the Period 1950-1998 46 The Jerusalem Paradox: A Left-Wing City Council in a Right-Wing and Religious City 46 A Slow Increase in the Ashkenazic-Haredi Representation 48 The Shas Movement as a Crucial Factor in the Political Overturn in Jerusalem 50 3 The Political System in Jerusalem in the 1950s 53 A Short-Lived Coalition Between the Right and the Religious in the Early 1950s 53 Mapai at the Head of the Local Government 58 4 The Political System in Jerusalem in Teddy Kollek’s Period, 1965-1993 62 Teddy Kollek’s Days of Glory: 1965-1989 62 The Rise of the Shas Movement in Urban politics 67 The End of Teddy Kollek’s Rule 1989-1993 71 5 5 The Rise of the Political Power of the Haredim from 1993 75 The Political Deal Between Ehud Olmert and the Haredim on the Eve of the 1993 Elections 77 6 The Political System in Jerusalem in the Era of Ehud Olmert 79 The Change in the Political Power Structure After 1993 79 Representation in the City Council: The Haredi View 79 The 1998 Elections and the Further Strengthening of the Haredim 80 Criticism of the Media and of the Courts 83 Characteristics of the 1998 Election 84 The Process of Forming the Coalition After the 1998 Elections 86 The Period After the 1998 Elections 88 7 The Elections as Seen by Culture Groups 90 The Ashkenazic Haredi Press 90 The Sephardic Haredi Press 94 The National Religious Press 97 The Secular Press: From Fear to Defensive Coping 98 8 Ways of Strengthening Democracy in Jerusalem 102 Dissolution of the Council and Setting Up a Nominative Committee 102 Political Resignation and Outward Migration 103 Division of Power 103 Regional Elections on the Model of the Ward System in the US and Britain 103 Autonomy: The Decentralization of Powers to the Neighborhood Administrations by Legislation 104 Participatory Democracy 105 Conclusion 106 References 114 6 Introduction The year 1993 marked the end of an era in Jerusalem's urban politics. The representatives of the secular population, who, for close to 40 years, had led the municipal system and shaped the character of the city, lost their hegemony. The representatives of the Haredi and religious parties ascended to the central positions of power that gained them influence and control in important areas of municipal life. The purpose of this book is to describe the process of this political change as well as its consequence: a deficit in urban democracy. The study focuses on the Jewish population of Jerusalem and on the democratic deficit resulting from political and cultural processes associated with the Haredi-secular relations in the city. The issue of local democracy in view of the relations between Arabs and Jews, which is not dealt with in this inquiry, merits separate examination. The deficit in local democracy is reflected in the following ways: composition of the City Council, which does not represent the cultural make-up of the city; in the decision processes of the City Council in central issues such as the allocation of public land and the reductions in municipal taxes, procedures favoring one group over others; in the absence of genuine dialogue between elected representatives and organizations which represent the public; in the lack of transparency and accountability; and in the feelings of dissatisfaction of traditionalist and secular groups with municipal policy and services. This book reviews the unfolding of the political relations between the Haredi and secular communities in Jerusalem, examines the municipal democratic deficit and suggests ways of dealing with this deficit. The purpose is to paint a broad picture of the local democratic deficit and of the political processes that brought it about. The book attempts to answer the following questions: What 7 are the characteristics of a local democratic deficit? How did the political change in Jerusalem come about wherein the Haredim became the leading force? What is the meaning of the local democratic deficit from the viewpoint of the various cultural groups in the city? What can be done in view of the fact that the non-Haredi population is not represented on the City Council according to its weight, and, furthermore, that this population feels threatened and discriminated against because of the municipal policy determined by the Council? The book comprises four parts. The first chapter describes and analyzes the nature of the local democratic deficit. This part is based on data from the Central Bureau of Statistics, as well as on various polls, on decisions of the High Court of Justice, and on reports of the municipal comptroller. The second part (Chapters 2-6) describes and explains the political change that took place in Jerusalem. This part rests on the analyses of archival documents, the press, data of the Central Bureau of Statistics, and of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, and on academic research. The third part (Chapter 7) presents the way different groups of the population interpret the political change. This part of the study relies on the press, on interviews and on publications by policy makers. The fourth part (Chapter 8) proposes several recommendations for dealing with the problems created in Jerusalem and in particular with the democratic deficit that characterizes the municipal system in the city, as these pages are being written. 8 1 The Local Democratic Deficit The Loss of the Secular Hegemony in the Municipal Elections of 1993 The municipal elections of 1993 brought about a substantial change in the local political system. Teddy Kollek, the city mayor for 28 years, and his coalition of center and leftist parties lost the elections. Ehud Olmert, a Likud member of Knesset (Parliament), who had served as Minister of Health, came to power leaning on a right-wing coalition and supported to an unprecedented extent by the Haredi population. Following these changes, the representatives of the Haredi population moved to the center of the political stage and received key positions in municipal politics. The United Torah Judaism Party (UTJ) and the National Religious Party (NRP) attained senior positions in the municipality which granted them far-reaching control over the municipal system.