Ibrahim Musa Ahmadu BETH 10: 1998 69

The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria: The Religious Gamble and National Cohesion

By

Ibrahim Musa Ahmadu

Preamble has been an important force for facilitating radical political and social change, providing' the motivation, and justification for rebellion or revolt against established . Religiously inspired revolutionary movements have occurred throughout history in a bid to founding theocratic states in which Godor some conceived would direct the affairs of the society through human agents. Often led by a messianic figure, many of such revolutionary movements have produced significant political and social innovations that have been beneficial or detrimental to the well being of the society it was out to improve. The phenomenon of religio-political insurgence often began as a dream of re-enacting a past or creating a future "Golden Age" that would usher in an era of justice and bliss on earth. Undergirding such millenarian expectation was a general dissatisfaction with the existing political order believed to have been brought about as a result of human deviation from divine mandate. Embued with the conviction that the contemporary travail which had reduced human dignity and value was after all redeemable through some divine intervention, an ideological spirit of heroism would be infused on believers that could sustain their struggle against the forces of evil and decay that have engulfed the society. In the attempt to bring the anticipated new order in line with the mover's conception of justice, a necessary myth that would instil fear and hatred for the old system must be put in place to provide for intervention. Sometimes the regime that must be toppled could be a foreign occupationist power. At other times the wrath is directed against domestic elitist class that seemed to be 70 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria playing the role of mercenary collaborators with external forces of exploitation which are inimical to the collective interest of the people. This inquiry is not so much a systematic study of either or religion per se, but a synopsis of the interplay between the two phenomena that generate socio-political upheavals in which religion is the causal variable. In the pursuit We snaIl attempt to discover the conditions under which religion could promote national disintegration than cohesion and identify the general concepts and attitudes that could easily precipitate revolutionary sentiments. Notice will also be taken of the decisive roles of charismatic figures in abating religio-political conflicts and the extent to which the central objectives of such theocratic milleniarism have been accomplished here on earth.

Definition: It is pertinent to attempt a working definition of the concepts around which our discussion would revolve. Religion according to Guenter Lewy is a cultural institution, a complex of symbols, articles of and practices adhered to by a group of believers who are related to and commonly invoke the aid of a superhuman power to provide solutions to questions of ultimate meaning.' The superhuman power under reference belongs to the realm of the because it stands outside the regularities of common experience by being invisible, immortal and the like. To Emile Durkheim, religion is a social phenomenon, which embodies a corporate participation of in the activities, institutions and beliefs of any given group, not simply from the sense of a joiner but of finding one's own identity in the structures of the religious traditions.i John S. Mbiti sees religion as the in and the of a supreme self-existing being who is the source of all other things. This being IS self-dependent even though all other things, both animate and inanimate depend on him for sustenance. The Supreme Being has a moral will whose imperatives his votaries are expected to respect. That this Supreme Being makes a moral The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 71

demand on humans is what gives religion its force and sway on 3 them. In his encyclopaedic dictionary, volume two, Noah Webster describes religion as the recognition by human beings of the existence of a controlling superhuman power who is entitled to obedience, reverence and worship. It is a feeling of devotion towards a divine object or being which manifests in faith, worship and the conscious observance of sacred rites that would put the devotee in the right relationship with the deity." The cognisance of the overwhelming power of a transcendent being whose immutable one cannot comfortably challenge has left humans in an awful dread of the deity. Moreover that such supernatural being has decidedly hidden his physical appearance from humans -and has chosen to disclose only his moral will with a demand for absolute conformity has left humans in a serious dilemma as to how to relate to the supernatural. Human efforts to interpret the divine will and its intricate imperatives have constituted the main burden of religious differences and their attendant misunderstandings. Politics on the other hand is the science or arts of administration. Derived from the Greek root "politikos", literally meaning city organisation, politics has been generally defined as a fixed or regular system designed and accepted by a group of people for administering the affairs of their state or nation. Politics is the institutionalisation process of a and its powers and authority to control or regulate the life patterns of the community and the behaviours of its members. It could also be seen as a methodical plotting or scheming by persons connected by similar ideological viewpoints to gain administrative control or power over a people and to organise them under a particular form of government. Webster's encyclopaedic dictionary sees politics as the procedure adopted by a community under defined geographical boundaries to govern themselves by well-defined administrative principles. Such principles involve an acceptable process for the acquisition, control and deployment of power for the maintenance of territorial The Search for Theocracy-in Nigeria

delimitation, protection from external aggression and/or internal insurgence and threats to peace.' Whether ·the said power to control peoples' destiny and have direct influence over their thoughts and actions is derived through consensus or by forceful incursion of a militant or clique, the ultimate goal would be to channel people's energies to higher ideals of life, the promise of better self­ realisation and the survival of the state.

- The credibility of any political claim is usually skated on two dimensional mandates, namely, the ability of the institutionalized political body to foster the social rights and religious liberty of the subjects vis-a-vis the oppression of the hostile majority and the defence of the citizenry from the corrupt assault of the government in power.

Theocracy. The term theocracy was coined by (Contra Apion II: 16, 165) upon the analogy of and to denote the kind of national polity of a state that claims to be governed by or . Being a combination of two Greek words, Theos [God] and kratein [rule], theocracy is therefore the rule of God. Theocracy is a where the basis of is God whose will is regarded as supreme. It is a form of government that acknowledges God alone as the highest , whether or not a human ruler like a king or some aristocratic body such as represents him. The belief that God rules a nation is of historical antiquity. The gods of the ancient orient were national gods who were believed to be directly involved in the political affairs of their votaries. A kind of henotheistic theocracy arose among the Moabites who were believed to be ruled by Chemosli.ithe Ammorites by Milcom and the Canaanites by El. Later the same concept was exploited among the and Arabs who saw and Allah respectively as the 6 : only King worthy of adoration. In ancient India the priesthood attained some independence of the king. In presenting a king the would way, "here is your king, not ours, for our king is the god soma". Occasionally the The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 73

over the and maintained him priesthood acquired ascendancy king - 7 more or less as a ceremonial puppet. The ancient kings used religion as an engine to further the purpose of the state. Ennatum of Lagas (c. 2800 BC) secured his conquest of Kis by declaring himself the "beloved spouse" of the highly venerated of that community. Hammurabi unified Mesopotamia and established Babylon, as its capital by elevating is city-god to a position of primacy over the previous reigning gods."

The Hebrew Theocracy Theocracy is best exemplified among the Hebrews. It was with them that the prophets and priests preceded the kings. A fundamental theological conception of being "sons of God" developed from Egypt enroute Canaan. They came to believe that Yahweh, their special God, cared enough about their plight to become personally involved in redeeming them from slavery and establishing them in freedom from all earthly rulers. This salvation by God gave legitimacy to his claim as king over Israel. (Deut. 33.35). Both legislative and judicial powers lay in the hands of Yahweh. Human leaders like , Joshua and the judges who followed them were merely 'men of God' who mediated between Him and the people. Under God's guidance these men determined when the people should travel and when they should pitch camp, when to make war and when to secure peace. In their capacities as theocratic deputies they had to fight the battles initiated by Yahweh 9 and to promote the faith. While it was incumbent upon the human vicegerents of God to fight on behalf of Yahweh, destroy his enemies and carry out major reforms in the state, it remained that they were still subject and accountable to him for divine direction. Activities of the judges and kings were under constant scrutiny. Great seers like Samuel, Nathan and Abijah relentlessly stalked the monarchs to remind them that Yahweh was their judge, Yahweh was their ruler, and Yahweh was their king and their saviour. (Is. 33.22). 74 The Search for theocracy in Nigeria

The Hebrew concept of theocracy was closely bound up with two fundamental principles. First was the covenant between Yahweh and Israel, '''I shall be your God and you shall be my people". That was the fact that brought Israel face to face with God and marked them out for His special favour. Secondly, theocracy had an eschatological benefit. God would establish His rule among the contemporary Israel and the new Israel He would constitute from the remnant.

Christian Concept of Theocracy. It is against this background that the New Testament community sees itself as the new Israel, possessing all essential characteristics of the old. (1 Peter 2.9). The Church in essence is a theocracy, with Christ as the head and the source of all authority (Eph, 5.23.) As with the Old Israelites, discipline is exercised only in the name of Jesus and in his presence (I Cor. 5:4). The church has leaders that are accountable to the Lord Jesus and the charismata by which they operate were his special gifts. His will is binding for the new Israel as Yahweh was for the old. The medieval Catholicism, which dominated the society, was an example of a theocracy. Theocracy therefore assumed responsibility to God in terms of the secular and ecclesiastical authority. All effectively 10 operate the will of God in the life of the people. The hope of a Christian had already been nursed by Christian thinkers of the second and third centuries after Christ' s exit. It was then believed that the imperial rulers themselves would accept , and thereupon the whole imperial government would become Christian. However, the actualisation of this dream became more prominent in the days of Gregory the Great who initiated the "Holy ". It is pertinent to note that the theocratic experiment under the Catholic spanned from 590 AD, when Gregory the Great took over the , to the ascension of Pope Leo XIII in 1878. There is no doubt that there were power tussles between the imperial and papal hierarchies as to whether the profane or the sacred should wear the crown. All the same, theocracy throve to the point when it became obvious that no The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 75

matter what forces it could muster, the secular authority could not completely destroy the sacred. The Vatican is a case in point. Even so the lifestyles of the in politics left so much to be desired that devout men wondered whether politics and religion should not be permanently separated. The resurfacing of and convents soon after the emergence of the Holy Roman Empire was a reaction against compromising the faith with worldliness. While mission of Christ was to re-establish the kingly rule of God on earth that was lost at the fall, his concept of the kingdom was not to take up the imperial crown on earth but to call out the elect from the world and prepare them for the kingdom that would be ushered at the close of the age. Any time his admirers attempted to make him king, Jesus stoutly resisted the temptation. Thus the conflicting opinions on the messianic age of the Old Testament which anticipated the return of the throne to Israel and the new expectation of a heavenly kingdom has made the Christian claim to theocracy on earth rather confusing.

Islamic Theocracy Historically Islamic theocracy has been more akin to the Jewish one in concept and practice. From its inception it was clear from Prophet 's actions that he was not only a spokesman of Allah but also His political vicegerent on earth. Following his first victory in 624 AD in which he was able to dislodge more than a thousand people with barely three hundred marauders Prophet Muhammad was of the view that the holy angels of God had been II on his side to establish an empire of the faithful. As the old Quraish emirate began to crumble under the assaults of Muslim troops, the followers of Muhammad soon accepted him as "amir" and rallied round him for advice, guidance and leadership.V At his death in 632 AD, Muhammad had already put in place a very vast dynasty which was now left to his successors to expand. This they did with a measure of success since barely twenty­ one years after his transition, not only Arabia but much of the known Roman empire at that time had fallen to Islamic forces. 76 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria

A typical feature of the Islamic was the combination of the priestly offices with kingly rule. As a rule the successors of the prophets were his close associates who were versed in the Quran and tradition of the prophet. The main Islamic principates were ruled by the principles of the "". It was towards the tail end of the Umayyad period and especially the Abbasid era that most of the caliphs used merely as a vehicle for enhancing state administration. Like the medieval Popes and Bishops the Caliphs and Emirs were more concerned about the throne and the crown than the religion that gave legitimacy to the crown.

African Concept of Theocracy. Like in oriental societies and elsewhere in the world, many African societies before the advent of Islam and Christianity were theocratic. In some of these societies, the kings were regarded as of their gods. African kings like the Pharaohs of Egypt, the Oba of Benin, the Alafin of Oyo, the Ooni of Ife and Ata of Igala were considered after their coronations as possessing the same divine qualities of their . In some cases the king in his capacity as was also a priest and the supreme custodian of their national religion. The kings therefore wielded colossal power that pertains to matters of life and death. So much authority revolved around the king who himself, though human, tended to be worshipped by his subjects. By the same consideration he was hedged round by all forms of taboos and cordonment. Being a representative or of the gods, his mistakes are often overlooked. All said there was no historical instance of a "pure" theocracy. Perfect theocracy would have been God Himself occupying the throne among human beings. Although the Hebrew commonwealth before the institution of the came closest to that concept since God directly managed the affairs of the nation, a typical feature of theocracy common to all was the general constitution that governed the day to day proceedings of the people's life. Like the Torah of the Jews, the dharma of the Indians, the Sharia of the The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 77

Arabs, the Mandate of Heaven of the Chinese were all said to have been of divine origin and beyond challenge.

Theocracy and . The interaction between religion and politics is a matter of antiquity. The differentiation between the sacred and the profane or the religious and the secular life was a comparatively modem development. Tribal societies of remote past cohered because of religious sanctions that effectively enforced adherence to social customs. Breaking any social taboos might provoke the wrath of mysterious supernatural power. Among the largest and most durable in history are those erected on some religious sentiment. By the Middle Ages for example, England, Poland, Norway, Portugal, Aragon, Naples, Sardina, Corsica, Sicily are portions of central fiefs of the Apostolic see. A similar claim was made over Scotland. The nations from Edessa to Scotland and from Castle to Riga were reminded that Rome was the throbbing centre of the divinely "To Peter was- not the universal bequeathed authority. . given only ,,13 church but the whole earth that he might rule. The assertion at this time was the subordination of all civil authority under the pope. So immense were the powers due to the Popes that they could depose , absolve subjects from allegiance, actively forment rebellion against kings, divert lands give away crowns, extort by threats of severest ecclesiastical penalties, punish religious dissenters with perpetual imprisonment. When it suited their purposes the heads of churches in this era did not only instigate war but took up the armour and the swords themselves. Militant prelates like Pope John XII and Julius II saw more business in the battlefields than in the Vatican." Other popes only encouraged war as a religious duty. Bishops, abbots, monks and priests proved themselves as the bravest warriors by personally leading their troops to battle both in Europe and Syria. In enacting the crusades Pope Urban was of the view that war was the only solution to reclamation of Palestine from the Turks. In fact the idea of the crusades germinated in the Councils of Peace. The 78 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria

Council of Nabonne in 1054, which was devoted to peace, limited the truce to God's people only.

Let no Christian kill another Christian for there is no doubt that he who kills a Christian spills the blood of Christ. For if God had given the knight the mission of fighting, he was now no longer permitted to fulfil this mission within the Christian community and the body of Christ; he could only fight against the enemies of the faith, the only fight that was henceforth truly lawful he had according to the ethic of the assemblies of peace, wholly to consecrate his weapons blessed by the priests in the ceremonies of dubbing. He now becomes the soldier of 15 Christ.

Violence has been an irreducible element in any political transformation whether socially or religiously motivated. The attempt to establish any theocratic state often grew within the context of general dissatisfactions with the prevailing political, social economic or religious order. What was envisaged was an intervention of God to salvage the state and usher a new era of peace and plenty in which God would be in direct control. In the case of Islam the growing military strength of Islamic forces eventually graduated into Arabic imperialist and territorial expansionist conquest than a purely religious war. Not long after the exit of the four Orthodox Caliphs, the subsequent rulers of the empire were at each other's throats over royal succession than the maintenance of religious precepts upon which the empire was founded, This attitude easily played the Umayyads into the hands of the Abbasids who were no better themselves. The Fatimids in Egypt lost out on similar grounds that provided the excuse for the Sudanese Mahdism to rise against them. Since participants in holy wars often saw themselves as working in accordance with divine plan of salvation the tendency would be to regard themselves as the religious elite and God's elect who could not be faulted. This elitism and its concomitant sense of The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 79

mission account for the ruthless brutality with which they carried out their revolts. Their enthusiasm, commitment and conviction about doing God's will often led to fanatical dehumanization of the opponents perceived as obstacles to God's plan on earth. Obsessed by such fantasies the leaders of the movements could create in their followers a deep sense of apathy to the society, which might otherwise not have developed.

The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria. Historical antecedence for the drive for theocracy in Nigeria could be divided into four periods: the pre-colonial, colonial, independent civilian and military regimes. Nigerian societies that did not come directly under the influence of Islam and Christianity have maintained their peculiar African theocracy that are devoid of violence. Tribal communities in Africa are not concerned about proselytization, because they operate under closed cultural contexts. Each practices its faith as handed down by its ancestors without the ambition to impose its ways on others. Even in situations where ethnic conflicts provoke wars that bring about annexation of an outer group, their religious systems are only assimilated into the commonwealth of faith for the peace and security of the chiefdom. The integration enhances the spirit of tolerance and harmony. When the state is threatened by external aggression, the various deities are all called upon to forestall the impending danger. It is this peaceful political arrangement that Islamic theocracy came to replace with its characteristically violent brand. The nineteenth century jihad of Usuman Dan Fodio in the North was conceived primarily as a millenarian reformation to purify the society from corruption and decay and, to establish a theocratic state based on the Sharia. Since Islam approves violence especially against the , the Habe rulers could not be given the chances for peaceful reformation of their administration which was 16 essentially Islamic. 80 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria

After the first few strokes of the sword in Sokoto what quickly came in to replace the religious motive of the jihad was the Fulani expansionist instincts. This was evident from the fact that it was only the Fulani who were enthusiastic about furthering the course of the jihad as seen in the flag bearers in other parts of the north. Secondly, the purely dynastic motive became clear soon after the death of Shehu Usman Dan Fodio when Bello his son, rather than Abdullah his brother or Abdullahi the most learned Habe scholar who was Fodio's right hand man, became the head of the and Amir-al-mumimum.l" The excessive corruption, extortion, over-taxation, wrongful imprisonment's, compulsory military conscription, confiscation of property, injustice under the Sharia and the predatory slave raiding that characterised the 100 years of Islamic caliphates in the north before the advent of Western colonial powers argued so much against the religious motives that overthrew the Habe and the claims of Islam as a better political alternative. The colonial period is easily associated as a Christian era because of the close link of the administration and the Christian missions to Nigeria. The coincidence of their arrival in the country makes them not only complementary but partners in progress. Even the declared secularist posture of the colonial administration could not divest it completely from its Christian influence since most members of the government were Christians. It is on record that the superior firearms of the British were what wrenched power from the Fulani hegemony in the north and other traditional potentates in the south. Had the British chosen to make Nigeria a at that time, nothing could have prevented them from doing so, having gotten firm control of the country by force. That the British Residents could put a stop to slave raiding, human mutilations, remove recalcitrant emirs and replace them with more tractable ones was enough indication of how far they could go in their use of power. But political expediency dictated that the administrative structure on ground kept secular even when the colonial government adopted the northern Islamic in guise of indirect rule. The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 81

The preference for a secularist state was based on two considerations, namely, the intolerance that had characterised the Islamic and Christian theocracies the world over, and secondly the of the Nigerian societies they had put together as Nigeria could hardly have accommodated orie religious system. in administration became therefore, the common denominator on which all religious interests could converge without any scuffle, while at the same time their rights to private religious conviction were guaranteed. Under the colonial government secularism worked perfectly since religion was kept out of government business. In this way the danger of parochial fanaticism was averted. Both the rulers and the ruled had the liberty to rise within the hierarchy of the nation's administration. What would later constitute a problem was the imbalance in the regional demarcation that placed an unduly large population at the disposal of a section of the country to manipulate national politics to the detriment of the others. In addition the non-evolvement of a political culture that would secure the country as truly secular still left some vestiges of religion in the political stratum of Nigeria. If anything, the selection of the Islamic power structure for the country in guise of indirect rule created a psychological trend which gave the pre­ colonial northern oligarchy the impression that Islam has the salvific key to Nigeria's political set up. This gross oversight of the colonial government on the of the country or its sympathetic leaning on Islam was what gave the civilian administration of the first republic the franchise to fall back on religion as an integral part of Nigeria's politics soon after independence. Since the north commanded an overwhelming majority coupled with the official patronage of its faith, it could easily impose its will at the Federal administration. Capitalizing on this loophole, the late Sir Ahmadu Bellow, the first premier of Northern Nigeria swung himself to the centre of power at the national level to the point of overshadowing his erstwhile Prime Minister Sr. Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Ahmadu Bello saw Nigeria as a mission field for re-enacting the Fulani hegemony and a 82 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria revival of the Islamic interest that was lost at the instance of . Following his first hajj to Mecca in 1955, Ahmadu Bello became more fanatical about the cause of Islam in Nigeria and at the global scene. Thereafter he saw nothing wrong in committing the resources of the northern region to the propagation of the Islamic faith. While in Saudi Arabia Ahmadu Bello observed four problems which Nigerian pilgrims faced during hajj - the services of the Mutawif assigned to guide them in Mecca, the absence of accommodation, the lack of medical facilities and poor reception arrangements. On his return the regional government appointed three persons to assist pilgrims at Kano Airport followed by the appointment of Isa Kaita, Alhaji Usuman Mani and Alhaji Yakubu Kano to aid the pilgrims at Jedda. A new hajj camp was constructed for Nigerian pilgrims at Jedda. The following year, a Pilgrims Welfare Commission, consisting of Alhaji Usuman Liman, Alhaji Ahmadu Danbata and Dr. F. Salawu (medical doctor) was set up. The political implication of this was a linking of Northern Nigeria to Saudi Arabia and the commitment of state resources to further personal religious interests. By 1958 more than £45,000.00 was committed from regional funds to the improvement of pilgrimage to Mecca under the justification that "if the leaders of a nation fear God, the citizens will benefit't" By the Eve of independence Islamic pilgrimage had become a major event in the life of Northern Muslims. The Premier's office handled matters directly in conjunction with the Prime Minister. The 1960 pilgrimage to Mecca was assuming the characteristics of a high-level diplomatic delegation in view of the personalities that accompanied Sir Ahmadu Bello to Mecca - Emirs of Gwandu, Kano, Kazaure, Nassarawa Pategi, Federal Ministers of Works and Lagos Affairs. In recognition of his contribution to Islam Ahmadu Bello was given a sword in golden scabbard, a gold watch and 19 dress by King Saud of Arabia. Besides state expenses on pilgrimage the premier of Northern Nigeria took active part in proselytization campaigns throughout The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 83 the north. Attention was directed to the untraceable Middle Belt, which was predominantly Christian and traditional worship. Since appointments and upward mobility in the northern civil service was knit to Islam, everywhere the Premier went people were turning' Muslims by the thousands.i" It was on these counts that Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his northern colleagues in the Action Group, namely Dr. Patrick Dokotri, Mr. David Lot, and now Dr. Fom Bot and other northern Christians had reasons to express their fears at the floor of the Northern about the overt persecution of Christians in the north by the theocratic Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) which ruled the north during the first republic and its attempt to tum the region into an Islamic province. So while on the one hand Ahmadu Bello kept assuring the northern communities that the region belonged to all and sundry irrespective of creed, tribe or status, his actions ran counter to his pronouncements.i' The feeling of insecurity by the Middle Belt communities regarding the threat to their faith and religious liberty, the restiveness of the south on the awareness of their political marginalization and the recklessness of politicians with the national economy brought out the demise of the first republic. The January 15, 1966 coup d'etat, whatever its demerits, halted the dimension of that surfaced in the v temporarily religious politics , post independence administration.

Federal Government and the Religious Gamble. The military regimes in Nigeria may be subdivided into two - the first military administrations from Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi to General Olusengun Obasanjo and the second set beginning from General Muhammad Buhari to the one under General Sani Abacha. Under the first crops of military rulers religion was not so much a national issue. The preoccupation of the first sets of the military was national integration and improvement of the physical looks of the country. Besides keeping religion as much as possible from Government business, a fair posture was maintained in the appointment of top civil service and political officers through a 84 T4e Search for Theocracy in Nigeria

deliberate effort of power balancing between the regions to reflect federal character. The Gowon regime set the ball rolling by de­ regionlizing the country through the creation of states, which creation, the Muhammad/Obsanjo administration improved upon. From the Buhari, regime however, religion again became a factor in the body politic and administration of Nigerian. By Buhari'sera it had dawned on people that the military has come to stay in Nigerian politics. So the northern power brokers had set their agendum to rotate power between the super north and the military. Each time it was a Christian military in administration in power, a visible resentment would be seen from the northern autocrats. During General O. Obasanjo's era the head of state was tagged with the unpleasant acronym: "Obasanjo, Uban shegu, Uban arna" [Obasanjo, the father of rascals, the father of infidels.] Such insolence revealed the deepest feelings in Muslim circles towards any non-Muslims who came to the helm of affairs at the national level.

Sharia.

It is instructive to note that it was also within the said era that the Constituent Assembly which was set up ostensibly to transfer power to civilians became the battle ground for the demand of the Federal Court of Appeal for Muslims based on Sharia. There is no doubt that to the Muslim, sharia is as old as Islam itself, since it was part of the revealed word of God. Here in Nigeria it came with Islam, which first touched the Kanem Bornu in the llth century, and the Hausa as far back as the 14th century. The colonial administration of Lugard guaranteed the Muslim rulers that the government would not interfere with their religion. Lugard rec-ognised the Maliki Code of Muhammedan Law along with native courts for traditional societies. The first challenge to sharia was in 1947 when the appeal case of Tsoho Gubba on death sentence on homicide was over-ruled by the British. The reason was that sharia court had no jurisdiction to impose punishment in excess of maximum sentence permitted by criminal code. The colonial administration was of the opinion that sharia courts should The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 85

handle matters pertaining to personal and civil suits while criminal cases are left to civil cOUlis. In 1957 the northern court of appeal was established for Muslims. Up till 1977 when the draft constitution was being debated the provision was still the provision of the sharia appeal court as limited to the state. The draft constitution however had the provision of a Federal Appeal Court to be headed by a Grand Mufti to handle Islamic personal law. This extension of Sharia Court of Appeal to Federal level stirred up a hornet's nest. Gloves went off from both hands. Lawyers objected because it amounted to the recognition of two parallel legal systems in the country. Christian spokespersons saw the action as a step towards turning Nigeria into an . Dr. Yusuf Bala Usman and A.B. Ahmad argued against establishing a Federal Sharia on the grounds that it would be giving preferential position to Islam. A more official Muslim view was expressed at the National Seminar on Islam and the Draft Constitution at the beginning of August 1977 and the National Conference on Freedom of the Press and Sharia. At these meetings the demand was sharia in toto, not a truncated sharia. According to this position a Muslim is subjected to no other law than the sharia, so the constitution is valid only in so far as it reflects the Sharia.22 When the vote on sharia was taken in April 1978, the motion was defeated. But the status quo was maintained for the states. Even so, the bitter exchange that ensued on the sharia was a clear indication that while externally there was peace between Muslims and Christians one could see a steady movement towards Muslim ascendancy and manoeuvring toward sharia rule. For the Muslim especially the northern feudal lords, real power lay in the sharia and the excision of it meant their estrangement and alienation. Prompted by the Muslim demand for sharia some Christians in the Constituent Assembly proposed a provision for the Canon Law in the Constitution to cater for Christians. But this did not make much impression, as the majority of Christians would prefer the secular status of the country. 86 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria

Religious Insurrections The defeat of sharia atthe Constituent Assembly did not go down well with the Muslim community in Nigeria. They recalled with nostalgia when after the jihad the Sharia placed power exclusively in the hands of the Muslims. Their displeasure at the secular system of government, which has put them at par with the "infidels", was announced in the sponsorship of subversive incindiarism and violent urban guerrilla assaults in guise of Maitatsine. The decade 1980 - 1990 had gone down in history as a period of politically instigated in Nigeria. Security forces had to battle with ten major religious clashes: Kano Maitatsine in 1980, Maiduguri in 1982, Rigassa in Kaduna 1982, Kano again in 1982, Jimeta in 1984, Gombe in 1985, Ibrin in 1986, Kafanchan in 1987, Kaduna, Funtua and Katsina as fall out of Kafanchan in 1987, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria in 1989 and Sokoto in 1990. After that memorable decade, religious riots seemed to have been accepted as part of our national psyche. Bauchi and Tafawa Balewa boiled in 1992,-Kano went in flames again 1993, Katsina 1994, and Jos 1995, and others too numerous to recount. What is common about all these uprising is the consistency and spontaneity with which they occurred. In all, they followed after the pattern the Abbasids used to topple the Umayyads. While some of these uprisings were intra-Islamic sectarian misgivings between the Izala and Darikha, a majority of them were directed against the Christians in particular. In- the process lives and property, business premises and churches were set ablaze.

Organisation of Islamic Countries and the Group 8 Islamic Confederacy Hardly had the sharia debate subsided when General Ibrahim Babangida initiated another religious drama - the co-option of Nigeria into the Organisation of Islamic Countries with full membership status. Apparently, the radical Muslim wing did not accept Babangida's pro-secularist posture. To redeem his image as The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 87

a Muslim the country was committed to an Islamic pact without prior consultation. Like his other predecessors, General Sani Abacha had hardly settled down when he initiated the country into the Group 8 Islamic Confederacy. While the popular reasons being given to the public is for economic co-operation, the hidden agenda has always been the desire to arm-twist Nigeria into being an Islamic theocratic state. It is worth noting that at the national level, it is the military regimes, that have spearheaded the of Nigeria. Civilian administrations have always acted with caution, in the awareness that their constituencies are religiously pluralistic.

A Synopsis of Theocracy Theocratic states in history have been charactrized by parochialism, intolerance and over zealous persecution of people who differ in opinion with the generally accepted thought-patterns in the society. Dogmatism has often created unholy entanglement in the minds of religious bigots who use piety to mask their natural propensities for atrocity. The annihilation of the aborigines of Palestine - Jebusites, Perizites, Cannanites, Hittites Ammonites, Moabites - and the like by the Jews during their migration to Palestine; the persecution of the Jewish Christians by the Orthodox Jews at the inception of Christianity in Palestine; the encasement of the Jews by the medieval Christians; the of the Albigensians and Waldensians in France, the stoning of the Quakers in Britain and ducking of the Methodists; the murdering of the in America; the massacring. of the Armenians in Turkey, the annihilation of Copts in Egypt and North Africa, the slaughtering of the Ahadis in , the destruction of Maronites by the in Lebanon, the persecution of the minority Hindu and Christians in Sri-Lanka; the persecution of the Witnesses in Russia and the minority Buddhists in and Vietanam all in the name of religion are cases in point. These repressive inequalities and indignities suffered by the dissenting groups in 88 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria

their desires to conduct themselves differently from their fellow citizens. In our Nigerian contexts Islam and Christianity have co-existed in mutual hostility and where the adherents of one faith has found itself in the majority they have always selected oppression, unjust exploitation and political suppression against the other. Arising from instinctive fears and prejudices humans have often resorted to cruelty against opponents only to attribute the evil propensity as mandate from the Supreme Being. There is no doubt that from time immemorial religion and politics have operated inseparably. There were instances where the two have worked mutually to enhance each other. But that has been in places where the culture, language and worldviews of the people have been homogenous. In a multinational and plural society like Nigeria where worldviews and aspirations differ, what may emerge from our theocratic experiment will be unspeakable tyranny by the ruling class that would usher misery and cruel injustice to the minority. The experiences of Christians in predominantly Islamic states like Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Bomo and Bauchi are cases in point. Narrow minds and charlatans have always arrogated to themselves the mandate to interpret divine imperatives. Since in his state of fall humans have no direct access to God's mind most of such interpretations are reflections of the speaker's desires. For instance, between his own and Yahweh's enemies King David knew no difference, Mohammed's opponents were easily taken as Allah's detractors. Ayatollah Khomeini hardly had the patience to read Salmon Rushidie's Satanic Verses before pegging a two million dollars reward for whoever would deliver his head. Such excesses are often devoid of balance. The moral temper is not only a partisan temper, but a cruel temper as well. And the intolerance and persecutions that have come to be associated with saintly minds are unquestionably the besetting sins of . The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 89

The Casefor A James Hastings in his Encyclopaedia of and Ethics described secularism as a movement intentionally ethical, negatively religious with the intention of providing a certain theory of life and conduct without any reference to the deity or a future that proposes to fulfil a function of religion.r' Noah Webster on his own part would see secularism as a system of beliefs which rejects all forms of religious faith and worship. Secularism is the view that public education and other matters of civil should be conducted without the introduction of religious elements." Anything that is secular is what pertains only to the world, that which is temporal and not religious. Secular music is therefore a worldly music as against a sacred or religious music. In the political arena secularism arose as a philosophical reaction to conditions to which human societies had been subjected as a result of religious influences. Secularism sprang up from a political antecedence of the turmoil that engulfed the west before the Reform Bill of 1832. This was brought about by the selfishness of the wealthy class and their unreasonable opposition to political reforms. An additional irritant . was the spirit of religious intolerance that precipitated wars on their own rights or served as a collaborator to political exploitation by the influential class. Secularism was essentially a protest movement arising from an anti-religious and oppressive political passions of the bourgeoisie. Although it inherited its own defect from its entanglement with destructive criticism and negativism, its attempt was to provide a policy that would free humanity from the bane of religious parochialism and political intolerance. The essential contention of secularism is the search for human fulfilment by material means alone. Having ruled out religion it found substitute ideological base on positivism and utilitarianism which preach themselves as the more proximate and adequate means for reaching human goals. Emerging at a time when science and religion were at sharp opposition, secularism preferred basic truth and ethical theories that were independent of divine experiences. While 90 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria professes to interpret the unknown world, secularism IS more concerned with the empirical world of human experience. Historically secularism has been associated with since it cares less for religion. But James Holyoaks insists that the two are distinct. To him secularism neither offers nor forbids any opinion regarding another life. Neither nor atheism enters into the secularist scheme because neither is probable by experience. Secularism submits that morality is attainable by secular conditions totally independent of religion. Except where it interferes with human happiness secularism is contented to allow religion flourish or perish as the case may be.

"We are not infidels", says Holyoaks, "if, that term implies rejection of religious truths since all we reject is religious errors". If as Holyoaks has indicated secularism neither favours nor opposes religion, its affirmation in the Nigerian Constitution is the best option for the country. After all Chapter 18, Sub-section 34.11 of the 1979 Constitutional provision on human rights has effectively guaranteed every citizen the right and freedom of worship and religious beliefs. What is undesirable is a situation where in the name of theocracy it turns out that Islam which is more aggressive than the other religions super-imposes itself to the detriment of the rest. Even without the provision of theocracy in the Constitution, Islam has already exacted so much concession that makes it pose already as 'a national religion. Under secularism we shall all continue to operate as free citizens of Nigeria without the fear of suppression by any religious interest.

I G. Levy, Religion and Revolution: OUP New York, 1974 pgA 2 E. Durkheim, : Abingdon Press New York, 1976, pg. 148. 3 J. S, Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy; Heinemann London, 1977, pg.3. 4 N. Webster; Encyclopaedic Dictionary; Vol. II, Delair; U.S. 1981, pg. 810. S N. Webster, ibid pg. 737. The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria 91

6 C. Clemon, Religions ofthe World; Harcourt, Brace and Co. New York, 1931, pg. 46 - 47. 7 M. P. Nilson, A History ofGreek Religion: OUP, London, 1925, pp. 242 - 244. 8 C. Clemon, Ibid Pg. 46. 9 E. W. Hopkings, Origin and Evolution of Religion: Yale University Press, New Haven, 1923, pg. 68. 10 C. J. Cadoux, The Early Church and the World: T and T Clark Edinburgh, 1955, pg. 396. 11 P. Schaff, History of the Christian Church; Vol. IV, W.M. Eerdmans Pub. Co. Mich. 1980 pg. 163. 12 P. Schaff, Ibid. pg. 166 13 G. Duby, The Chivalrous Society, Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1980, p. 132. 14 Duby, ibid, vol. V, p. 797. 15 P. Schaff, Ibid., p. 135. 16 B. Takaya and S. G. Tyoden, The Kaduna Mafia: A Study of the Rise, Development and Consolidation of a Nigerian Power Elite, Jos: University Press, 1987, p. 17. 17 Takaya and Tyoden, ibid, p. 20. 18 1. Paden, Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna ofSokoto. Zaria: Hudahuda Press, 1986, p. 284. 19 Paden, ibid, p. 286. 20 E. P. T. Crampton, Christianity in Northern Nigeria. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1979, p. 81. 21 See Crampton, p. 81. 22 T. Mohammadu, The Nigerian Constitution 1979: Frameworkfor Democracy, P.30. 23 Hastings, Ibid, p. 348. 24 Cf. L. Pfeiffer, Church, State and Freedom, Boston: Beacon Press, 1953. FEATURES