Europe Is Burning a Qualitative Study on the West-European Ballroom Culture and the Motivations and Experiences of Its Members

Europe is Burning A Qualitative Study on the West-European Ballroom Culture and the Motivations and Experiences of its Members

Master’s dissertation submitted to obtain the academic degree of Master of Arts in Gender & Diversity Kevin J. Rosseel – 01703154 Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Carine Plancke Academic Year: 2019-2020

Classic Master’s Thesis Wordcount: 23.832 words

This master's thesis is an exam document that had not been corrected for any errors. References to this work may be made in publications, with the written permission of the thesis supervisor mentioned on the title page.

ABSTRACT

This thesis aims to understand the motivations and experiences of West-European ballroom members within the relatively new European ballroom scene. The chosen method is a content analysis of 13 semi-structured interviews, combined with a visual analysis of various online ballroom performances on YouTube. The results show the motivations and the experiences of West-European ballroom members with the ballroom scene, the houses and the gendered performances of voguing and its substyles, Runway, Sex Siren and Realness. The thesis differentiates four main reasons why performers participate in the ballroom scene and its performances: to find a safe space for themselves (1), to find acceptance and support (2), an attraction to the extravagance of the scene (3), and the ability to fully express themselves (4).

PREFACE

I would like to use this space to show my gratitude to several persons:

Firstly, I would like to thank Dr. Carine Plancke for her time, interest and helpful suggestions in order to improve my master’s thesis.

Secondly, this thesis would have never seen the light of day without the thirteen ballroom members that have educated me on their culture, passion and experiences: Syx, A., Savphire, Nunoy, Mamore, Noah, JJ, Brenda, Makaba, Raeesha, Maybelline, Leo and Jay Jay. No person or institution has the excuse of not knowing the history of voguing or ballroom culture with people like them having the time to educate others. Thank you again.

Lastly, the death of my father and brother at respectively the beginning and end of this master program was very hard to deal with, especially in combination with my studies and the COVID- 19 crisis. I hope they are proud in knowing that I was able to finish this project and that I would become the first member of our family who has obtained a master’s degree despite the circumstances. Of course, this project would have never been finished without the emotional support and suggestions from my friends and other family members. Thank you.

Kevin J. Rosseel,

12th of August 2020

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... I

PREFACE ...... II

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... III

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 3 2.1. On Gender...... 3 2.1.1. The Difference in the Categories of Gender and Sex ...... 3 2.1.2. Queer (Theory) ...... 4 2.1.3. (Gender) Performance and Performativity ...... 5 2.2. On Ballroom Culture ...... 6 2.2.1. The American Ballroom Culture ...... 6 2.2.2. The West-European Ballroom Cultures...... 8 2.2.3. The Gender System ...... 9 2.2.4. Houses ...... 11 2.3 On Voguing and the Performances ...... 13 2.3.1. The Origin(s) of Voguing ...... 13 2.3.2. The Performances ...... 13

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 15 3.1. Opting for a Qualitative Method ...... 15 3.2. Data Collection and Analysis ...... 16

4. RESULTS ...... 19 4.1. The Ballroom Cultures of Europe ...... 19 4.1.1. On the European Scenes ...... 19 4.1.2. On Regional Differences ...... 21 4.1.3. On the American Ballroom Scene ...... 23 4.1.4. On Becoming Mainstream and Appropriation ...... 24 4.2. European Chapters and European Houses ...... 26 4.2.1. On Main and Kiki Houses...... 26 4.2.2. On Starting European Houses and Chapters of International Houses ...... 27 4.2.3. On Joining a House ...... 28 4.2.4. On the Familial Roles ...... 29 4.3. The Gender-Performance System in the European Scene ...... 31 4.3.1. On Gender Categories ...... 31 4.3.2. On Gender and the Performances ...... 34 4.4. Motivation of the Performers ...... 46 4.4.1. Lack of Safe Spaces for Queer Black People and People of Color ...... 46 4.4.2. Acceptance and Support ...... 47

III

4.4.3. Attraction to the Extravagance of the Scene ...... 47 4.4.4. Needing to Express Oneself ...... 48

5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 49 5.1. Discussion ...... 49 5.1.1. The European Ballroom Cultures ...... 49 5.1.2. The Houses ...... 50 5.1.3. The Gender-Performance System ...... 50 5.1.4. The Motivations of the Performers ...... 52 5.2. Conclusion...... 52 5.3. Limitations ...... 53 5.4. Recommendations ...... 54

REFERENCES ...... 55

APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 63

APPENDIX B: CODING SCHEME ...... 65

1. INTRODUCTION

In the renowned documentary about ballroom culture Paris is Burning Willi Ninja dreams:

I want to take voguing not to just Paris is Burning, but I want to take it to the real Paris and make the real Paris burn. That is what I want to do and not just there, but to other countries as well (Livingston, 1991).

Thirty years later, Europe now knows a blossoming ballroom culture: ball events are growing in number due to work of legendary pioneers such as Lasseindra Ninja and Steffi Mizrahi - now named Nikki Gucci - who had brought voguing back to its source. These pioneers have played a vital role in the establishment of the ballroom culture and spreading knowledge on this culture in Paris, which has become the biggest European chapter of the ballroom scene (Gaestel, 2019).

Voguing and the ballroom culture originated from the early American drag ballroom scene in the 19th century. On the one hand, as a reaction to the white dominated scene, queer black pioneers such as Crystal and Lottie LaBeija have created their own safe space. They created the first non-white ballroom event and the first house (Lawrence, 2011). These houses can be seen as a continuation of alternative kinship relationships that are forged by queer African Americans. For example, queer black individuals have constructed new families in order to substitute the biological family from which they have been excluded from (Bailey, 2013; Dickson-Gomez et al., 2014; Stack, 2003). On the other hand, the performance of voguing that is embedded within the culture might have various sources: it could be seen as a substitution of ‘throwing shade’ - a ritual in which one verbally and creatively insults another - created by Paris Dupree. Other sources explain that it might have originated from inmates of Rikers Island in order to seduce other men, or it might have always existed, albeit in different forms (Lawrence, 2011). In addition, there are other categories as well: Runway requires the performer to showcase a themed outfit in a signature strut. Sex Siren performers sell confidence and sexuality on the runway and Realness categories offer performers the chance to showcase their ability to ‘pass’ as straight or cis-gendered (Mohenu, 2018; Wissing, 2019).

Most studies on the American ballroom scene have focused on the health and Aids-prevention of gay African Americans within the scene (Arnold & Bailey, 2009; Galindo, 2013; Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017). Except for Bailey (2013) and Jackson (2002), there have not been many scholars that have focused on the gendered aspects of the performances within the ballroom. As the scenes in Europe are also relatively new, there are also not many studies on the Europe’s own ballroom culture. Through the study of this culture, Bailey (2013) suggests that studies on this community might reveal interesting perspectives on gender and

sexuality. As such, this study aims to add to the existing literature within queer studies, gender studies, and performance studies.

This master thesis aims to understand why the members were attracted to this underground culture in West-Europe – which includes Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom - and participate in its performance categories. As such, the research question of this study is: “What is the motivation of these performers in doing the gender performances of Voguing, Runway, Sex Siren and Realness and to participate in the ballroom?” In order to understand any dance form, Novack (1995) argues that one also has to understand the art, the institutions that the performances it is embedded in and those who participate in it. Furthermore, Bailey (2013) divides three dimensions of the ballroom scene: the ballroom, the houses and the gender system. Therefore, other questions posed are: “What is specific to the European ballroom culture?”, “How does the gender system work? How does the gender performances of voguing and other categories look like?” and lastly “How does the alternative kinship system of houses look like in Europe?” To answer the research question, this study uses a combination of both in-depth interviews as well as the analysis of online visual sources such as YouTube-videos of ball events.

This thesis starts with the review of existing literature on the topic of gender, ballroom culture and voguing and the other performances. First, relevant concepts such as gender, sex, queer, (gender) performance and performativity are explained. Secondly, there is an overview of the history of the American and European ballroom culture. In addition, the American gender system and alternative kinship system of houses are also explained. Lastly, voguing is discussed as well as its substyles and other categories.

As previously mentioned, this study uses a combination of both in-depth interviews as well as the analysis of visual sources. This will be explained within the methodology section. The attained results consist out of four sections: the experiences and ideas of the members on the European ballroom culture (1), the house system (2), the gender-performance system (3) and the motivations of the members in joining and performing in the ballroom scene (4). The thesis ends with a discussion of the results, the conclusion and the limitations of this study as well as some recommendations for further studies.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. On Gender

Within this thesis, some concepts need to be clarified in order to fully grasp the research questions and the research units. Firstly, this thesis will briefly explain the difference between gender and sex, while connecting these categories with the theory of intersectionality. Secondly, as this thesis mostly targets queer members of the ballroom culture, the concept of queer will also be discussed. Lastly, the performances are a vital part of this thesis, this is why concepts such as (gender) performance and performativity is needed in the analysis and will therefore be briefly clarified.

2.1.1. The Difference in the Categories of Gender and Sex

Firstly, gender is distinguished from its counterpart sex as the former refers to the economic, social and cultural rules, behaviors, attributes, opportunities and expectations related to one’s biological sex (Hanna, 1988; Marchbank, 2014). Therefore, cultures often assign a set of expectations for men and a separate set for women. Each society has its specific ways in order to discriminate male bodies from female bodies. For example, this gender discrimination might start from the early stages of the child’s development such as choosing pink for girls and blue for boys (Hanna, 1988). Gender is important as it differentiates bodies into men and women and this differentiation could potentially result into the bases of several forms of inequalities such as inequalities in power or in opportunities. The system based on power differentiation of male dominance is often named the patriarchy. It involves a diverse range of institutes: media, culture, family formations, sexual practice and so on. In addition, it is seen as a useful concept to demarcate power relations in society (Marchbank, 2014).

On the other hand, sex refers to the biological distinction of human bodies based on their anatomy, hormones and reproductive functions. For example, men produce more testosterone whereas women produce more estrogen and progesterone. However, there are exceptions to the rule: female athletes may diverge from typical female biological traits for example (Hanna, 1988). In addition to the binary distinction between men and women, intersex forms another sexual category. These intersex individuals display a range of biologically male as well as female characteristics (Longman & Motmans, 2017). Despite medical and anthropological studies proving the existence of these individuals outside the dichotomic sexual distinction of humans, society still asserts a binary sex paradigm that assign children male or female (Greenberg, 2002). This assignment of one’s sex occurs after the birth of a child and in some cases even during the pregnancy. For example, children receive their sex category based on the primary genitalia. If there is no clear distinction, a decision might be made based on the child’s chromosomes (Lorber & Farrell, 1991; Richards et al., 2016).

Furthermore, in her book Gender Trouble, the feminist and queer theorist Butler (2006) postulates that even biological sex is gendered and is therefore a social construct as well. Gender is a discursive means that produces the idea of a “binary natural sex”, using culturally chosen criteria such as hormones, chromosomes, and human anatomy. Oakley (2015) suggests this as well: male and female are rather the ends of a continuum and this binary idea of the sexes is socially constructed. So, even though many sociological and anthropological scholars have shown that gender and sex varies in time and location, the binary conceptualization of sex and gender still persists in our society (Longman & Motmans, 2017).

Returning to gender as a system of power, this system also intersects with other hierarchal power systems such as class and race (Marchbank, 2014). In order to capture the missing experiences of black female subjectivities in anti-discrimination law, Crenshaw (1989, 1991) coined the concept intersectionality. Black women were often unable to prove that they were faced with gender discrimination because in most cases not all women were discriminated, or they were unable to prove they had experienced racial discrimination because not all black persons were being discriminated against. Intersectionality thus captures the experiences of bodies facing multiple forms of discrimination. In addition, through an intersectional lens, oppression should be viewed as a multiple and interwoven system instead of a singular process (Carastathis, 2014). Even though Crenshaw has coined the term, many Black, Chicana or postcolonial female scholars have been pointing out the erased experiences of Black women and women of color within feminism, anti-racism and class politics using their own conceptualizations (Marchbank, 2014).

2.1.2. Queer (Theory)

The meaning of queer has been reconceptualized throughout decennia and has not one singular definition but has many different conceptualizations. It was first used as another word for homosexual, sometimes even used in a more derogatory way (Jagose, 1996). It was only during the 1910s and 1920s that persons with non-normative sexual identities started identifying oneself as queer (Chauncey, 1994). In this context, queer can be seen as a umbrella category for sexuality and gender identities (Somerville, 2007). In other cases, individuals might define themselves as genderqueer when neither a female or male identity suits or when they might want to challenge the binary gender system (Richards et al., 2016). Scholars such as Somerville (2007) define queer as a method to denaturalize and destabilize binary categories such as male/female and heterosexual/homosexual.

Queer theory has mostly emerged in the early 1990s as a study field in order to criticize and question the exclusionist identity categories, binary oppositions and equations of gender and sex. It also analyses the manner in which sexual identities are interconnected with heterosexuality, gender, race and ethnicity (Duggan, 1992; Hennessy, 1993; Somerville, 2007).

According to Hennessy (1993), queer theory can be utilized in order to uncover the silences and differences that are suppressed by the homosexual and heterosexual binary. Thus, queer theory studies the incoherencies at the intersection of sex, gender and sexuality and questions conventional notions on sexual and gender categories through the deconstruction of the categories, oppositions and equations that sustain them (Jagose, 1996).

2.1.3. (Gender) Performance and Performativity

The sociologist Goffman (1990) broadly defines performance as any act of a participant within a certain time and space that might influence other participants such as an audience, observer or co-participant. Specifically, within art studies, performance can be defined as the choices that a dancer or actor makes in order to materialize a text such as a choreographic design or a script. Other scholars might define a performance as a unit of cultural production, based on events constricted within a temporal and geographical setting (Manning, 2014).

Dance as a performance - and its intersection with gender and sex - has often taken a minimal role within academic literature. However, dance plays an important role as humans can find, maintain or erase their own boundaries and identify themselves through the performance of dance. Ideas and constructs about gender and sex can be materialized through the act of dance, as dance can be seen as a reflection of or a challenge to societies’ ideas on gender roles (Hanna, 1988; Thomas, 1993). In other words: dance performances can both reproduce ideas of natural differences in gender as well as become a site of contestation, revision or reconstitution of gender norms (Bailey, 2013; Reed, 1998).

This double moment of representation in which bodies can produce and reproduce cultural discourses of gender, race and sexuality allows for a slippage between the somatic identity and the cultural category the body incorporates (Albright, 1997). Furthermore, dance has the vital potential to influence the ideas and emotions of other people: the viewer might be confronted with other ideas on gender through the performance of the dances: for example, it might confront a predominantly heterosexual audience with ideas on homosexuality (Hanna, 1988; Thomas, 1998).

Gender performance would mean to act out a certain gender role (Big Think, 2011). However, Butler points out that there is a concise difference between gender performance and gender performativity. Gender performativity does not convey that gender is a role or a deliberate decision - such as wearing clothing - because this might create the illusion of a pre-gendered subject (Butler, 1993). Instead, performativity shows that gender must not be seen as an essence, but rather as a ritualized repetition of acts and speech that precede the subject. In other words: gender has no ontological status except for the acts on which it is based on (Butler, 2006). There is no power in the subject but rather in the reiterated acts of the subject

(Butler, 1993). These repetitions of acts can further become embodied and naturalized (Butler, 2006).

Furthermore, gender is performative as it an effect of a constrictive and regulatory hierarchical gender system. One is not free to simply fashion a gendered self but follow and reiterate the hegemonic gender norms. These norms constrain the gendered subject but might be the source of resistance and subversion as well due to the failure of bodies to perfectly reiterate gender norms and ideals (Butler, 1993).

2.2. On Ballroom Culture

According to Bailey (2013), an anthropologist who has studied the ballroom scene in Detroit (USA) in the last decade, the social world of voguing and ballroom-culture consists out of three dimensions: the ballrooms where ritualized performances are held, its gender system and the kinship system of houses. Firstly, the balls are the center of the ballroom community. These are events organized by houses – an alternative kinship structure – and where these houses perform in dance and runway competitions in order to acquire cash prizes and status (Bailey, 2013; Telander et al., 2017). The history of both the American as the European ballroom- culture will be briefly discussed. Secondly, the ballroom has its own gender system and will be examined as well. Lastly, this thesis will explain the kinship system of houses within the ballroom.

2.2.1. The American Ballroom Culture

Ballroom culture, the ball community or the house community refers to a subculture within the Black and Latinx LGBTQ community (Bailey, 2011). It offers a safe(r) space for those marginalized due to their skin color, gender identity or sexuality (Bailey, 2013; Kubicek et al., 2013). The community can be quite complex and conflicting: it might offer inclusivity and fluidity, but it also might be exclusionary and hierarchal. For example, cisgender gay men enjoy more privilege within ballroom spaces, reflecting the dominant LGBTQ culture (Bailey, 2013).

The historian Lawrence (2011) describes in his work ‘Listen, and you will hear all the houses that walked there before’: A history of drag balls, houses and the culture of voguing that the known ballroom-culture of today evolved from the early drag ballroom scene in 19th century New York City. Masquerade balls or drag balls were held in the 1880s and 1890s throughout large American cities and were one of the most underground and prominent cultural institutions gay men might have organized. During these events, men would present themselves as women by dressing up in feminine clothing and competed with each other. This was done in defiance to the laws prohibiting to cross-dress. In the 1920s, these drag balls evolved into annual events (Chauncey, 1994; Erickson-Schroth, 2014).

During the same period, Harlem harbored an emerging black LGBTQ culture: the neighborhood experienced a cultural and artistic movement known as the Harlem Renaissance (1920-1935). The movement produced all forms of artistic media centered on black life. Due to this flourishing culture, Harlem might have placed the foundation for a possible non-white ballroom culture in the 1970s (Lawrence, 2011; Wolde-Michael, 2018). This first non-white ballroom event was created by the first house in Harlem - namely the House of LaBeija - founded by Crystal and Lottie LaBeija in 1972. One of the reasons Crystal LaBeija was motivated to create a safe(r) space for black queens was the on-going discrimination towards black queens in drag balls. For example, it was expected of black queens to whiten their faces in order to have a chance at winning a competition (Lawrence, 2011; Simon, 1968).

Quickly, other Houses featuring black LGBTQ members were founded such as the House of Dupree. From that moment on, contestants participated in ballroom competitions in order to win trophies. The ball would often start at 5 am, giving members who had a night job the ability to join the competition (Lawrence, 2011). In Livingstons documentary Paris is Burning, it was heavily implied that some members might have been sex workers and came to the ball after their working hours (Livingston, 1991). The competition was built on different categories in which the members would walk the runway in a costume that corresponded with the theme of the competition. The categories evolved quickly since the 1970s: they would leave the focus on passing as women and would also welcome masculine categories. The performances would then be judged by a selected jury that would cast their verdict: tens across the board or being chopped – disqualified due to a bad performance - and having to leave the runway (Lawrence, 2011). After receiving their tens, the remaining competitors would battle until one person remains and receives a trophy, and in some cases a cash prize (Bailey, 2013).

As the number of houses grew, so did the frequency of balls that were held (Lawrence, 2011). After its success in Harlem, Ballroom culture spread to other major cities in the US and Canada with the demography of each city shaping the ethnic/racial composition of the ballroom members. For example, the New York ballroom scene consists out of a mixed Black and Latinx group, whereas other cities might have predominantly Black members. However, it is not clear what might influence the composition of other scenes in other continents such as Europe or even Asia. Additionally, ballroom culture is spreading to other continents: an evolution that can be attributed as positive and negative. On the one hand, ballroom offers a safe space to many individuals. On the other hand, ballroom culture might become appropriated by some and by doing this, might diminish the legacies and history the Black and Latinx LGBTQ community has brought forth within the ballroom (Bailey, 2013).

Lastly, in 2012 the kiki scene within the ballroom community was created by Aisha Prodigy Iman in order to inform Black youth about HIV/AIDS prevention. Within the Black LGBTQ community, to kiki refers to having a good time or to laugh with one another. It is an

alternative scene to the main scene as some might characterize the main balls as too competitive, serious and rigid. It is a safe(r) space for younger individuals who want to test out the waters. There is a no risk of being ‘shaded’ - being subtly insulted - or being chopped. However, the Kiki scene might be copying its predecessor through the incorporation of its competitive nature (Bailey, 2013; Telander et al., 2017).

2.2.2. The West-European Ballroom Cultures

As mentioned earlier, ballroom culture has spread to other continents. Not many academic sources describe how the ballroom-culture has emerged within the European continent. Instead, news articles shed some light on how the European ballroom culture and houses have come to be. Due to geographic restriction in the scope of this study, only Belgium and its neighboring countries - which more or less coincides with Western-Europe - will be discussed. Therefore, this thesis will discuss the history of the ballroom culture in the capital cities of France, the Netherlands, the UK, Germany and Belgium.

Firstly, one of the most legendary European ballroom members are the French pioneers Lasseindra Ninja and Nikki Gucci. Due to a lack of ballroom culture in Europe during the 2000s, Ninja had to vogue at hip hop competitions in drag. At these competitions, Ninja dealt with racism, homophobia and transphobia. When meeting each other for the first time, Nikki Gucci suggested to bring voguing back to its source: the ballroom, as this performance did not belong in a mainstream setting. After the founding of the House of Mizrahi and the House of Ninja, others houses - often branches from American houses - followed. Even though the Parisian scene might still be small compared to America, it has produced a wave throughout Europe, making American houses take notice of the new rising capital of the European ballroom culture (Catz, 2019; Gaestel, 2019).

Secondly, one of the first vogue collectives Hause of Chocolate brought voguing to the Netherlands. However, they were not part of the ballroom community (Makaba, personal communication, 19 May 2020; Maybelline, personal communication, 25 May 2020). In 2012, it would be Amber Vineyard - one of Lasseindra Ninja’s students – who would establish the House of Vineyard, one of the first ballroom houses in the Netherlands and only Dutch house not affiliated with an American house. Similarly to Ninja and Gucci, Vineyard wanted to bring back voguing to its source in the Netherlands, as well as to create a safe(r) space for those who need it (van Velzen, 2015). Another important name is the legendary Marina, who is now an ex-member of the House of Ultra-Omni. She visited the United States to learn more about voguing and brought back what she had learned in the Netherlands. In addition, she is the only person in the Netherlands to achieve the status of legendary (Makaba, personal communication, 19 May 2020; Maybelline, personal communication, 25 May 2020).

Thirdly, the ballroom scene in London is slowly but steadily growing according to Benjamin Milan (Rasmussen, 2018). One of the most famous London legends are Les Child and Roy Brown. Les Child was the one who established UK’s first house in the 80s: the House of Child. In the 2010s, ballroom has experienced a revival in London due to the Parisian influences on the English members (Macpherson, 2016).

Continuing, Berlin has known a recent surge in ballroom events in the past years. Pioneer Leo Melody created the first German house and ballroom event in 2012: the House of Melody. Since 2019 this house joined itself with the House of Saint-Laurent - a house with roots in New York City - under Leo Saint Laurent (Kakaire, 2014; Shepherd, 2018; The Iconic House of Saint Laurent, n.d.). Even though the first house has recently been established, Germany has already known voguing since 2008 through several performances within the German Funkinstylez urban dance competition of Düsseldorf (Kakaire, 2014).

Lastly, there is the small but developing scene in Brussels with Lynn Ninja as one of the first Belgian voguing pioneers. After seeing a performance by Lasseindra Ninja, Lynn Ninja persuaded the house mother to let her join the house. Due to a lack of ballroom culture in Belgium, Lynn Ninja mostly performed in Paris or in neighboring countries (Antonissen, 2015). Now, an organization in Brussels is offering workshops in different voguing styles, Runway and Sex Siren: For All Queens. In addition, For All Queens organizes ball events as well (For All Queens, 2019a, 2019b, 2019c). There are also other organizations setting out to establish a ballroom scene in Belgium such as Vogue Bootcamp Belgium and Ballroom Scene Benelux (Ballroom Scene Benelux, 2020; Vogue Bootcamp Belgium, 2019).

2.2.3. The Gender System

The gender system of the ballroom culture works subversive against the dominant culture through its denial of binary categories such as male/female and gay/straight. This system exists out of a wider and expanded range of gender and sexual identities that are created through gender and sexual performativity. Although it does not necessarily break from the dominant culture, this system might provide alternative subjectivities for those who need it. Similarly to the dominant gender system, sex, gender and sexuality are heavily intertwined (Bailey, 2011, 2013).

On level of sex, Bailey (2011, 2013) and Jackson (2002) describes that members often note that there are three sexes. These three sexes are men, women and intersex persons. On the level of gender, Jackson (2002) separates four genders identities. However, Bailey (2013) discerns two additional identities within the ballroom. These six genders within the ballroom scene are Butch Queen, Femme Queen, Butch Queen Up in Drag, Men, Butches and Women.

Firstly, Butch Queen is the normative and dominant identity within the ballroom community, much like how gay men dominate the LGBTQ community. They are cisgender gay men and are the most represented category within the North American Ballroom scene. Even though this category consists out of cisgender men, it still consists out of a vast range from hypermasculine to hyperfeminine men (Bailey, 2013; Jackson, 2002). However, butch queens are expected to be able to perform both masculinely and femininely within the ballroom. As such, the male body is freed from its sole connection to masculinity and is free to express itself, however these ideas on what masculinity and femininity entails can still be based on dominant understandings of masculinity and femininity (Bailey, 2013).

Secondly, Femme Queen mostly consists out of male-to-female transgender individuals in various surgical or hormonal stages of their transition (Bailey, 2011; Jackson, 2002). Outside of the ballroom’s gender system, Femme queens tend not to identify themselves as transgender individuals but would rather identify themselves as women. Femme queens are often in a hormonal transition and in their first steps to their gender transition and self- fashioning. In other cases, femme queens might choose the dangerous option of silicone injections. This dangerous nature stems out of the fact that the appliers of these injections often don’t know how to administer them and are thus cheap enough for femme queens to afford. Hair is also an important factor for femme queens: through the usage of wigs or by letting their hair grow longer, femme queens augment their femininity. Even though there is a clear normative idea on who constitutes as Femme Queen and who does not, this identity category offers space for fluidity. For example, Lovely Mohair uses padding instead of surgical or hormonal interventions. She competes as a Femme Queen, but does not identify as a transgender woman or a Butch Queen Up in Drag (Bailey, 2013). In addition, femme queens – through embodying a transwoman subjectivity - question the idea of women within mainstream society. Their identification as women in broader society challenge the common idea of who constitutes as a woman and who doesn’t (Bailey, 2013; Stryker, 2006).

Thirdly, some butch queens are separated in the category of Butch Queen Up in Drag which refers to butch queens performing as women by doing drag. (Bailey, 2011, 2013). The difference between this subjectivity and the gender identity of Femme Queen is that femme queens live as women. In addition, butch queens up in drag do not use hormones or surgery. Instead, they rely on wigs, padding and clothes in order to perform their gender identity within the ballroom (Bailey, 2013).

Fourthly, the category of Men refers to male-bodied persons who identify as straight or bisexual (Bailey, 2011, 2013). Men are often very masculine and - if they participate within the ballroom - compete in realness categories. It is both seen as a gender and sexual category due to the subjectivity being related to straightness. It is often related to the concept of trade within the broader Black LGBTQ community. Trade refers to male-bodied persons who might be paid to have sex with men (as a trick) or who might express interest in homosexual acts but

does not identify as homosexual, bisexual or pansexual. This conceptualization might bear some resemblance to the term often used in health discourses: men who have sex with men (Bailey, 2013).

Fifthly, Butches refer to female-to-male trans persons in their various surgical or hormonal stages of their transitioning (Bailey, 2011; Jackson, 2002). This category is often a broad subjectivity in order to refer to female-to-male trans individuals, masculine lesbians, drag kings and so on. Even though, there might be a differentiation between transgender and cisgender female-bodied persons, there are not as many identities for women as for men within this gender system. For example, a separate identity for Butches Up in Drag does not often exist, but Butch Queen up in Drag does; or a separate category for lesbians does not exist as Butch Queens for gay men does (Bailey, 2013).

Lastly, Women refer to female-bodied cisgender or female appearing individuals who display a range of hyperfeminine to hypermasculine behaviors (Bailey, 2011, 2013; Jackson, 2002). Contrasting to Men, the category is not defined by sexuality. For example, lesbian women can still be part of this category. As mentioned, there are not as many categories for female- bodied persons as for male-bodied persons. In fact, Bailey (2013) only describes two: butches and women. In contrast, subjectivities based on male-bodied individuals are more numerous: Butch Queen, Butch Queen Up in Drag and Men/Trade. This might indicate the power and privilege gay men and masculinity enjoy within the ballroom community, much like within the broader LGBTQ community (Bailey, 2013). Due to the small participation of women within the ballroom, the new category of Female Figure might be used instead. This category focusses on the performance rather than the identity (Ryan, 2016). However, the participation rate of women seems to be increasing within the ballroom scene and might provoke changes within the gender system (Bailey, 2013).

2.2.4. Houses

Some ethnographic studies such as Stack’s (2003) work All our Kin: Strategies for survival in a black community have documented the social, emotional and instrumental importance of constructed families in the African American community (Dickson-Gomez et al., 2014). The formation of flexible and extended constructed families might date back to the late 19th century due to the separation of families during slavery or economic instability (Dunaway, 2003; Ruggles, 1994). In order to survive economic instability, poor African Americans show flexibility and resilience through the formation of new families (Davis, 1990; Dickson-Gomez et al., 2014; Stack, 2003; Stack & Burton, 1998).

Within queer kinship studies, the ethnographies by Hawkeswood (1996), Moore (2011) and Weston (1997) have shown that LGBTQ members perform the queer community practice of forging alternative kinship relationship with their friends. Focusing on black gay men,

Hawkeswood’s work One of the children: gay black men in Harlem describes how new familial ties are being constructed in order to create a substitution to the biological family these men have been excluded from. The kinship system of the ballroom community follows this long history of alternative kinship. Furthermore, Bailey describes how many black LBGT people often have to accept the “familial deal”. This deal requires these individuals to suppress their non-normative gender or sexuality in order to receive the benefits of living with their biological family e.g. shelter and food. Not fulfilling this deal might possibly result in living in intolerance, eviction and a deteriorating relationship with their bio-family (Bailey, 2013). This acceptance of their own non-normative sexual and gender identity within the ballroom community are some of the reasons why these persons join the community (Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017).

Specifically within the ballroom culture is the formation of houses, where members construct homes and families for themselves (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). Houses refer to an alternative kinship system that reformulates home and family (Bailey, 2013). The term “house” refers to the prestigious fashion houses the members often adore (Lawrence, 2011). Other house names might refer to certain characteristics the founders want to instill within their members (Bailey, 2013). For example, Willi Ninja wanted a house with members that resembles ninjas: being able to hit hard, being fast and being similar to invisible assassins (Livingston, 1991). Once a person is successful in becoming a member of a house, the new member must be a continuing success within the ballroom community. Even though members might be contributing to the house in other ways, performing within the ball is a key requirement. Houses only receive legitimacy once they participate in a ballroom event and the success of each of its members boosts the prestige of the house. Lastly, those who are not part of a house may still perform within the ballroom community under the name 007 (Bailey, 2013).

Furthermore, these houses are led by a house mother or a house father, which Bailey (2013) refers to as “platonic parents”. Even though a mother or father seems more similar to the dominant family roles, their parenting roles are comparably larger: to be a parent, one must attain a certain sense of accomplishment within the ballroom community, decide who may or may not join the house, might even become the father or mother of a house on a national level and lastly perform the act of mothering or fathering. Age is not a condition to become a mother or father. Instead, one’s length of membership within the ballroom community is the main criterion (Bailey, 2013).

The parental labor is gendered within the ballroom community: on the one hand, mothering refers to the feminine labor performed often by butch queens and femme queens (Bailey, 2013). House mothers perform what Glenn (1994) conceptualized as the social construct of mothering: they perform the most labor of care in a house ranging from providing shelter and food to offering an understanding presence (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). On the other hand, fathering refers to the masculine labor of parenting and contains less and different

responsibilities than mothering (Bailey, 2013). Fathers act more as mentors and are performing acts that are related to upholding the reputation and representation of the house (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). Interestingly, this gendered labor might seem as a reflection of the hegemonic roles, where masculinity might be privileged over femininity. However, the roles may be performed by different bodies (Bailey, 2013).

2.3 On Voguing and the Performances

Central to the ballroom culture are the ritualized performances that are intrinsically linked to its gender system (Bailey, 2013). In this chapter, the various styles of voguing – Old Way, New Way and Vogue Femme – as well as Runway and Sex Siren will be discussed.

2.3.1. The Origin(s) of Voguing

The historian Lawrence (2011) links the origin of voguing to the ballroom member Paris Dupree. According to him, Dupree transformed the concept of ‘throwing shade’ in a dance performance. Simply put, shade refers to backhanded replies in order to put others down. However, Galindo refers to a much more complex usage of shade: “the deliberate oppression of other individuals to maintain power relations among those with status” (Galindo, 2013, p. 293). Inspired by the poses in a Vogue magazine, Dupree danced and posed on the beat of the music playing at that time. This provocation towards other ballroom members was copied and returned, initiating the first competition. In other words: the ritualized performance of voguing replaced the verbal act of insulting another person. Alternative sources suggest that voguing emerged from the performances displayed by the black gay inmates of Rikers Island in an effort to seduce and attract other inmates. Kevin Ultra Omni believes that voguing might have existed in different forms and performed by different people prior to emerging in the ballroom scene (Lawrence, 2011).

2.3.2. The Performances

Voguing consists out of three styles within the ballroom community: Old Way, New Way and Vogue Femme. The styles have five elements that must be applied: duckwalk, catwalk, spins and dips and hand performances and floorwork. Duckwalk and catwalk refers to a forwarding small-step movement with the body respectively in a low-level or mid-level squat. Spinning and dipping are recurring highlights of the performance where one spins within one’s own axis and falls graciously on the ground. The performers work up towards a spin and dip by using the coordination of the music as well as the voice of the commentator (Bailey, 2013).

Old Way refers to the voguing style that emphasizes hard angles, straight lines and emerged in the 1960s-80s (Wolde-Michael, 2018). However, before it was called the Old Way, this style had different names: ‘pop, dip and spin’ or ‘performance’. According to icon Jamal Milan Old

Way consists out of the following elements: pop, dip, spin, posing, locking, strength, style and grace (Milan, 2012). It also incorporates many African diasporic dances and movements such as break dancing (Bailey, 2013).

In the 80s and 90s a new style evolved which would divide the earlier style as the ‘Old Way’ and the new style as the ‘New Way’ (Antonissen, 2015; Milan, 2012). The new style is known for its rigid movements and contortions and has been shaped by house music and by African diasporic movements and dances (Bailey, 2013; Wolde-Michael, 2018). The last style, Vogue Femme, is similar to the New Way but it has creative and feminine variation on the five elements and has a larger focus on speed, flow and the usage of stunts. It emerged in the 90s due to a growing interest of (transgender) women in voguing (Antonissen, 2015; Bailey, 2013; Wolde-Michael, 2018).

Most judges use three criteria when judging the dance performances: firstly, the five aforementioned elements must be shown. Secondly, these elements must be performed on the beat of the music and lastly, performers must show a sign of uniqueness through the incorporation of exceptional skills that reflect their own personality (Bailey, 2013). Furthermore, members can gain different titles in the ballroom events starting from Up and Coming to Statement, then Star, then Legend and finally Icon. Ascending these titles depends on one’s number of winning performances in the balls, one’s notoriety in the ballroom community and one’s impact on the ballroom community (Galindo, 2013).

Lastly, there are other performances that do not necessarily include dance moves, namely Runway and Sex Siren. Runway is a category where one performs as a model and showcase their garments. There are two different styles within this performance: American and European Runway. The difference between the styles is in the gender expression of the models: American Runway features a more masculine walk while European Runway can appear more feminine (Mohenu, 2018). It is not mentioned or clear from where this demarcation between European and All-American Runway comes from. Sex Siren is the category of seduction in the ballroom events: the performers showcase their self-assurance and their own idea of sexiness and sensuality (Wissing, 2019).

3. METHODOLOGY

3.1. Opting for a Qualitative Method

The initial desired method for this research was a combination of participant observation in the workshops of For All Queens and in-depth interviews with several dancers participating in the workshops. As mentioned, For All Queens is one of the few organizations in Belgium that periodically organized workshops in various categories. However, For All Queens explained that the organization is at the genesis of creating a safe space for their participants (For All Queens, personal communication, October 29, 2019). In order to respect the wishes of the organization, another method has been devised that takes the lack of access to the workshops and the safe space of the performers into consideration. In hindsight, the initial method would have also needed adjustments due to the COVID-19 measures. So even if this method would have gained the support of the organization, many planned ball-events and workshops in Europe were cancelled due to the quarantine restrictions and I wouldn’t have been able to attend either way.

The newly devised method is a combination of an analysis of visual information and in-depth interviews with participants. On the one hand, (virtual) written or audiovisual documents can be equally important within ethnographic research (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). These documents can provide more information about organizations, key figures and the setting. Many Parisian events are often filmed by Kendrick Mugler or Paris Ballroom TV and are published on YouTube. These videos seem influential as some participants have mentioned that the videos were their first contact with the ballroom community in Europe. Five recent Parisian balls have been selected: The Cleopatra Ball part 2, the United States of Africa Ball part 3, the Olympics Ball, the Revolution of Colors Ball and the Unification Ball. During the viewing of the videos, notes were made on the outfits, the movements and performers of each category.

On the other hand, I had contacted many performers in West-Europe for interviews. Initially I would only meet with Belgian performers in a face-to-face interview. Due to a lack of resources and time and the geographical dispersal of possible informants, it was better to conduct non-Belgian interviews through videoconferencing technologies (Deakin & Wakefield, 2014; Sedgwick & Spiers, 2009). However, all interviews had to be conducted through videoconferencing technologies such as Instagram, Messenger or Zoom due to the COVID-19 restrictions. The danger of using such a method of interviewing is that the quality of the interview is heavily influenced by the internet connection (Sedgwick & Spiers, 2009). For example, some of my interviews had been disconnected due to a low bandwidth connection or the quality of the interviews was less due to a bad 4G or Wi-Fi connection of the participant’s smartphone.

3.2. Data Collection and Analysis

At first, I used my own network to find possible interviewees. Through a friend I was able to contact my first performer: Syx 007. Thanks to that person I was able to receive a list of other ballroom members that I could interview. I was able to schedule four other interviews, including the mother of the House of Revlon – Benelux chapter: Savphire Revlon. Thanks to Savphire, I was able to interview two other members of the House of Revlon.

After the list was exhausted due to non-responsiveness, I decided to directly contact members through their Instagram accounts. The medium of Instagram was chosen because I could easily determine if the profile was actively online. I was also able to view their posts in order to see how active they are in the ballroom community. As ballroom members tend to follow other members and this list is displayed on their profile, I was able to compile a list of potential interviewees and contact them. An invitation with information on the goal of this thesis was sent through the private message function that the app provides.

Through this method, I was able to contact four more potential interviewees. Overall, the participation rate is rather low as many performers had read my message but did not respond. Two performers expressed their interest in aiding me, but they have not contacted me back since the initial conversation. In total, I sent out messages to more than 30 performers and I only received 13 positive messages back. One of the reasons might have been my position as an outsider. As one of my participants have noted: people need to see you five or six times at a ball before accepting and trusting you. So, using a reference from ballroom members such as Syx or Savphire has aided me enormously in finding my interviewees. In other words, gaining the trusts of a gatekeepers in the ballroom community - such as house mothers, house fathers or more prominent members - aids in the search for other informants (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). Lastly, I had reached my last respondent through his official mail, displayed on his website.

Thirteen performers from various ballroom scenes across Western Europe participated in this research. Their ages ranged from 20 to 36. Table 1 shows that most of my participants were butch queens. In addition, I was able to interview two black women as well. However, I have not been able to interview femme queen, white straight cis women and even straight men in the scene. Two of my participants were 007, the others were affiliated to a kiki house and/or a main house. Main houses - in which my participants were house mothers, house fathers or members of - were the Iconic House of Revlon, the Iconic House of St. Laurent, the House of Laconya, the Iconic House of Ninja and the House of Comme des Garçons. Some participants were members of a Kiki House such as the Kiki House of Angels, the Kiki House of Tea, the Kiki House of Versace and the Kiki House of Juicy Couture. Many of my participants were part of

the African diaspora, others were part of the Asian and South American diaspora in Europe and one person was white.

Years Participants Performances Ethnicity Gender Role active New Way, Vogue Belgian, Chinese, Syx Femme and Butch Queen 4 years and Filipino European Runway A. Body and Sex Siren Angolan Woman 6 years Savphire Vogue Femme Surinamese Butch Queen 6 years Nunoy Body and Sex Siren Filipino Butch Queen 4 years Indigenous Mamore Vogue Femme Butch Queen 1 year Amazonian European Runway, Old Way, Vogue Belgian and Noah Butch Queen 6 years Femme and Sex Indian Siren All-American Runway, Old Way JJ Filipino Butch Queen 7 years and Realness with a Twist Brenda Vogue Femme Ivorian Butch Queen 1 year European Runway Makaba Surinamese Butch Queen 6 years and Vogue Femme Martiniquais and Raeesha Vogue Femme Butch Queen 6 years Guadeloupean European Runway, Face, Vogue Femme, Maybelline Dutch Butch Queen 4 years Commentator vs Commentator, Bizarre European Runway British, Italian Leo Woman 8 years and Vogue Femme and Barbadian Old Way, Vogue Jay Jay Femme and Best Jamaican Butch Queen 5 years Dressed Table 1: Information Participants

A semi-structured interview was chosen for this thesis. The topics were based on the three dimensions of ballroom: the ballroom culture, the houses and the gender-performance system (Bailey, 2013). Question were already formulated - based on the literature review - to provide a sense of structure, but it also allowed for some space to discuss other elements related to the topic (Roose & Meuleman, 2014). After incorporating feedback from the thesis supervisor, the first draft was ready to be used. Throughout the interviews, the draft would

continuously be adjusted by adding more relevant questions and removing the questions that did not elicit much response (for the final version, see appendix A).

The interviews were done online between the end of March and July 2020. Most interviews happened in English except for the interviews with Syx, A., Savphire and Maybelline, which were conducted in Dutch. Before beginning the interview, the research project and the participant confidentiality would be explained. Together with the participant the informed consent would be read, which afterwards the participant would give the verbal notice in having understood their participation in this research. Afterwards the participants would send me a message that stated that they were notified of their informed consent. The length of the interviews was often between an hour to two hours.

Before every interview, I would ask if being recorded would be a problem. None of my participants have protested in being recorded by me. During the Zoom meeting or Messenger calls, I have used my own personal cellphone in order to record the interview. Calls made through Instagram, which is through the app on a smartphone, were recorded by placing the smartphone on loudspeaker and recording it through my laptop. This latter method of recording has led to a significantly worse quality of recording and led to the loss of some sentences or even answers. During the interview with Makaba, the Wi-Fi connection was not working, forcing us to reschedule the appointment.

After every interview, the recording was transcribed verbatim. One participant asked to review the transcript and wished that the name would be more anonymous. Other participants did not mind that their ballroom name would be used as it is not their real name, but rather their stage name, which is often already a pseudonym. While transcribing, I have noticed that two of my interviews had certain sections that could not be replayed, namely the interview of Makaba and Maybelline. I was therefore forced to use the notes that I made during the interview as a substitute as I did not have a back-up due to using my smartphone to make the call and my laptop as the recorder.

The interviews have been transcribed verbatim through an online program named Otranscribe. Afterwards I worked with NVivo in order to start coding each transcript as well as my notes on the visual sources that showcased ballroom performances. At first, each fragment of the interviews and notes that was relevant to the research questions has been openly coded. Afterwards, through the process of axial coding, I have placed related labels under one overarching label (for the used code scheme, see appendix B). By bringing these overarching labels under certain topics, the results became more structured (Baarda et al., 2013; Roose & Meuleman, 2014).

4. RESULTS

4.1. The Ballroom Cultures of Europe

This section contains the experiences and opinions of the interviewed performers on the various ballroom cultures in West- Europe. Many similarities and differences came up during the conversations. As such, the European scenes and their differences will be discussed. Lastly, appropriation and the scene becoming more mainstream were also important issues. This will be discussed in the last part of this chapter.

4.1.1. On the European Scenes

The European scenes have many things in common as it is based on the original source: the American scenes. On the one hand, the participants explain that the European ballroom scenes tend to remain as true as possible to the original American ballroom scenes. All participants acknowledge that the ballroom scene should always be a safe space for gay and trans black people and people of color and where respect and support for each other are important values. As long as people know and acknowledge this, they are more than welcome to participate in the scene. This safe space could be an answer for queer black people and people of color that could not find their own space within the predominantly white LGBT scenes in West-Europe.

We really want to make it into a safe space because it is a world where we can be ourselves and where we can escape reality. – A.

You can just find yourself in the ballroom scene. You find yourself. For example, you can click with many people who share the same struggles. That is something that you don’t really have in the drag community or the white gay community. I have noticed that that community can be fake. Because before I was in the ballroom scene, I was mostly in the white gay scene. There I would go out and this and that. But the ball scene was really a feeling of coming home. - Savphire

Even though the ballroom scene is a safe space for everyone who can identify with the stories of its members. It is not exempt from racism, homophobia, transphobia and other forms of oppression. It does happen - albeit very minimally - but often under noses of other members as some participants have never experienced any form of discrimination.

So, I think, just because you are in ballroom, we still have to examine ourselves because we still grew up in the same system as everybody else. So, we have to examine ourselves. When are we racist, even as a black person? When are we homophobic?

When are we transphobic? Even if we are around this people, we are not exempted from having these blind spots or just being ignorant. - Leo

However, the members might use forms of social control in order to maintain the safe space they have created. For example, if one member would display verbal acts of discrimination, that person would be called out and educated on the matter at hand.

They are being called out, that is one thing. The example that I gave, it actually happened with two icons, which was actually strange. With both of them, their houses just left. Like the European chapter would just leave, like they couldn't support this house. "We are going to leave this house. You do whatever you need to do. But I cannot stand for this." So, definitely there is a support and a call-out when things happen or do not work well. But at the same time, there are different opinions on the matter. - Leo

Some link the discriminatory behavior to being ignorant and new to the scene. Many participants say that they understand that some of the new members might not be able to fully accept what is happening in the scene or see it as a reaction to their own forms of oppression. Therefore, experienced ballroom members are prepared to educate those who are new. Mamore mentions that he is new to the scene but has received many chances to learn about the scene and its members:

Yeah, we have chances to learn because everything is new. When you start in the ballroom community, everything is completely new, the way that you express yourself, your words, how you define other people, how they tell you to call them. So yeah, you make a lot of mistakes actually. I am still doing them. – Mamore

Racism and sexism ... hmm ... well, this happens by people that are not educated enough or people that had a lot of emotional struggle or people that would be HIV positive and they are going through so much shit that they don't know what they are saying but remorse and guilt always comes after. And then we are still there to support them. – Noah

On the other hand, the Afro-American history and origin still remain important for all the participants. Members of the ballroom scene should have a decent knowledge of where the scene came from and who has created voguing. A. further explains that is enough for new members to know that it stems from oppression. Leo also explains that if you don’t understand the history, you will also not understand the movements of the performances. Those who give workshops - such as Leo, JJ and Jay Jay - also teach the history in their classes and give their students homework to do:

Yeah, sometimes I talk more than I teach them because I want them to understand what it is all about. - JJ

4.1.2. On Regional Differences

Due to the European scene being still small, many performers have to travel to different European countries in order to attend balls or workshops. Even though Jay Jay explains that in essence all the ballroom scenes can be seen as one community, many participants have mentioned the differences between the scenes of each country: each country, even each city, has their own vibe and mentality. Jay Jay thinks that these differences stem from the needs of the members of the country in question. As Paris stands out in comparison to other West- European countries, it will be discussed individually. The scenes in the UK, Germany and the Netherlands follows. Lastly, the Belgian scene will also be discussed as it is still very small compared to the scenes in neighboring countries.

4.1.2.1. On the Parisian Scene

The scene in Paris has been described as competitive, big and most true to the original source. On the one hand, performers consider the Parisian scene as the most competitive and biggest scene in Europe. Brenda has mentioned that many performers come from all over Europe to Paris as they are the only scene to periodically organize ball-events. In addition, most performers that don’t live in France eventually want to compete within a Parisian ball to prove themselves and to find more opportunities as a ballroom member. Savphire explains that performers go to Paris in order to become seen in the ballroom community:

Paris is the New York of Europe […] Everyone sees Paris as the place to be because of its ballroom scene and balls. Because the balls are very long and of good quality. The pressure is higher there. If you want to make a name for yourself in the ballroom scene and you want people to see you, you have to walk in Paris. And if can survive there, you can handle the rest. - Savphire

However not everyone is ready to participate in the Parisian scene due to its high level of competition, Syx attests: “Paris is the capital of voguing, so yeah, that is why I don’t dare to do all of that.” A. agrees as she does not suggest to people who are new to voguing to compete in the Parisian scene, except for the categories for beginners.

Furthermore, A. mentions that there are ballroom members in Paris that live for their scene and are also much more competitive than other ballroom members. She noticed that these individuals, that breath for voguing, are very similar to the ballroom members in the documentary of Paris is Burning. Brenda even shares that he only thinks about his ballroom life now and that his ballroom life and personal life has become intertwined. However,

ballroom would have to come last - if he had to prioritize - as he cannot earn a living on winning only trophies.

We had some of them in my ex-house. People who would literally live, eat, sleep in order to vogue. They don’t have food, they don’t have a place to sleep, nothing. They live in function of vogue. Voguing is everything for them. – A.

Well, at some point it [the ballroom life and personal life] will start to mix with each other. Because it is ballroom every day, you know. Once you enter, you think about it every day, because you have to stay consistent with your performance, you have to keep training and sometimes you can try to adapt your personal life with the ballroom scene. - Brenda

In addition, participating in the scene can be very expensive and comes with a lot of costs depending on the category. Performers are expected to book their own hotels and pay their own travel expenses, entrances and costumes. According to A. and Nunoy, there are ballroom members that resort to sex work in order to continue to compete in the Parisian scene:

They have to work in the porn scene, have to get sugar daddies and all that stuff. I don't know how to say it in nice words. And like that they can pay for their outfits and everything. I know a lot of people who have that and some kids they start at the age of sixteen already with this. Because they do it in secret or they live in a foster home or anything. - Nunoy

On the other hand, many participants consider Paris as the truest to the original scenes in America because of its predominantly queer and black members. According to Brenda many of these members are Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latino or African. For example, Brenda is a member of the Ivorian diaspora - which was under French colonial rule - while Raeesha’s parents are from Guadeloupe and Martinique, both French overseas departments.

4.1.2.2. On the Other West-European Scenes

Younger scenes - such as the ones in the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Belgium - are considered more fun and less shady than the scene in Paris. The Dutch and German scenes also consist more out of white people and cisgender straight women.

Firstly, Leo mentions that the UK - for having such a long history with colonialism - still has quite a small scene. However, it does attract many international people: “[…] the UK also has a colonial history, but the fact that they have such a big colonial history, it is very small, I would say, compared to Paris.” Maybelline adds that, together with Paris, the scene in the UK is much more traditional than other scenes. Jay Jay further explains that the English ballroom scene is very diverse in terms of culture, gender identities and backgrounds.

Secondly, the scenes in Germany are still growing. JJ mentions that it is quite refreshing to see that there is much more gender diversity coming to the scenes in Germany. Leo also adds that they are actively trying to attract more black people and people of color to their scenes. For example, one of her kids has a project that promotes voguing and the ballroom scene to queer refugees.

Definitely the rate of POC people in Germany went up, but in the beginning it was hard to engage POC people in ballroom, or kind of a lot of POC people said that there is not enough POC people in ballroom, but still they wouldn't join ballroom to make more POC people in the ballroom. – Leo

Thirdly, the scenes in the Netherlands is also still developing towards a scene with much more ethnic-cultural and gender diversity, with most black members having Afro-Caribbean roots. However, Makaba mentions that the scene could still need some more black people and people of color. Maybelline also shares that he feels that the scene in the Netherlands is more innovative than other scenes.

We are very mixed scene out here in the Netherlands. And it's good. I like that because then there is more variety though. Otherwise, there is also this thing ... personally I would like to see more people of color coming up and being in the scene. That is my own personal thing, but I see there is more and more coming. - Makaba

Lastly, the Belgian scene seems still very small compared to its neighboring countries. Mamore mentions that the small scenes in Brussels, Ghent and Antwerp do not really work well with each other, a sentiment that is shared by A. There are members of houses in Belgium, but they have never started a Belgian chapter of a house. However, Savphire has mentioned that he wants to make the scene in Belgium bigger.

4.1.3. On the American Ballroom Scene

As the scene is based on the American source, there are many similarities, such as the house system, the performance categories and gender roles. In addition, the European scenes and the American scenes still check up on each other. Raeesha views the different chapters of his house as one big international family. A. mentions that Europe has its own rules, but the rules of the American scene must still be respected. For example, Savphire explains that you need their approval first before starting a house chapter in Europe. American ballroom members are also invited to European ball events and to teach the categories to European members.

However, participants also seem to notice differences between the European scenes and the American scenes. Firstly, the socio-political context of the United States is different than

Europe and has therefore an impact on the ballroom scene and the lives of its members. JJ explains that Europe does not have the same social problems as America. Furthermore, Europe also has members of the African and Afro-Caribbean diaspora. So next to its own European influences, the European ballroom scene also has African and Afro-Caribbean influences.

Secondly, participants agree that the scene in the United Stated is a predominantly black, Latin and trans scene. Mamore even mentions that trans members receive much more respect in the American scene, than in the European scene. Leo also explains that European ball events are open to a much broader audience, while the ball events in the United States is “from the ballroom community for the ballroom community”.

Thirdly, Makaba suggest that there are much more differences between each European scene, than there are differences within American scenes. In Europe, each scene has their own language and culture while the American scenes share the same language and ballroom members have the same nationality that bonds them.

Lastly, many participants note that the American scenes are more traditional and competitive than the European scenes. The European scenes are relatively new compared to the American scenes which have existed for decades. According to Mamore, the competitors are strong and “[t]hey vogue really crazy, they go further. Their performances are on point and everything. They really understand the language of voguing.” Furthermore, Brenda and Nunoy comment that the American scene has much more shade and politics than in Europe.

Everything is like ... if Paris is already an exaggeration of the European ballroom scene, the States is an exaggeration of the whole ballroom scene [laughs]. – Nunoy

4.1.4. On Becoming Mainstream and Appropriation

When talking about series such as Pose and Legendary – respectively a series that offers viewers insight into the lives of fictional ballroom members in the 80s and a reality-tv competition that offers a cash prize to the winning house - making the ballroom community much more visible to people, members have mixed feelings on what the effect of displaying their culture on screens throughout the world could be on their scene (Horder-Payton et al., 2018; Reinholdstsen, 2020).

On the one hand, all of the participants can see positive consequences for their scene: some performers believe that it will reach people who need a safe space in their lives. People might identify with the stories that Pose offers and would start to research the history of ballroom on its own. Savphire sees Pose as helpful in order to spread the message that ballroom is also part of the LGBTQ community and that everyone can feel welcome there. According to Syx,

those series can help normalize trans people, gay people and anti-racism in society by displaying their lives on television.

Pose in particular seems appreciated by some ballroom members. A. tells that such programs can employ people from the ballroom scene who are in need of money. It is very authentic to the history of ballroom and, as Nunoy says “teach them [newer members] where we come from and what our struggle was and why we created this scene”. In Syx his words the series “educates people from a distance” without letting people inside the created safe space. However, both JJ and Makaba mention that POSE only shows a small part of what the ballroom scene actually was during those times.

With Pose, I am cool with Pose. Pose was like telling stories from way back that I only heard of but now I can see how things went down. But it has also munched in a little bubble that was much bigger. A lot of things went differently or were even harder sometimes and that is when the older generation, I see now, they don't really like it or appreciate the way younger people see it. We don't know anything better - Makaba

On the other hand, many members want to keep the underground essence of ballroom and its essence as a safe space for queer black individuals. Becoming more mainstream could also attract those who wish to take advantage of the community and use its culture for own commercial gains, without any of the gains going back into the community. Syx mentions that members fear that voguing could receive the same level of appropriation as hip hop if they do not keep it underground and close to the source:

And at the same, obviously, it opens the door to appropriation or people taking what they like from it. It may be the lingo, it may be the way the community dresses, the body language, or the dance scene randomly throwing voguing moves in a very bad quality. So, I guess that is the negative side, but I guess that has happened to black culture a lot. It is nothing new in a way – Leo

[…] they don’t want it to become the same way hip hop is. Hip hop also comes from oppression, but nowadays nobody knows where it comes from. Everything has just become too commercialized and they don’t want the same thing to happen with voguing. - Syx

It does happen that people with no knowledge of the ballroom scene or its history appropriate the dance style of voguing. Many members see “noguers” or “vaguers” performing elements of voguing, but often having bad techniques – due to a lack of training and knowledge about the culture - on social media. A. even mentions that she can see whether someone is in the workshops for their own gains or because they are attracted to the essence of ballroom. Furthermore, some dancers can recall dance schools offering voguing classes with teachers

who are not members of the ballroom community - or who only had two or three workshops - and decided to teach it to others, without approval of the ballroom community. JJ recalls contacting an event host that wanted to organize a ball without any of the ballroom members.

I don't like when we take advantage of it. I include myself and you, because I shouldn't take advantage of this culture by teaching classes or something like that. Everything that I am doing here, it's for free, because if I really want to support my community, I will ask black trans women who are not getting a job, even in supermarkets or in retail or something like that, you know. They are being rejected, so I think it is not right to do something like that. - Makaba

As a reaction the ballroom community can be either aggressive in their responses or they try to educate the individual or organization in question:

[…] but we nip it in the butt as soon as we see it. So, if we ever come in contact with a person that is a noguer or a whatever, we educate him on what he is doing. Because I believe that negativity does not work. It doesn’t work. If people don’t know something, you have to tell them: Listen the thing you are doing, know where it comes from - Savphire

4.2. European Chapters and European Houses

This second section brings an overview of the participants’ experiences on being part of a house, kiki house or being 007. Members have also explained how they have started a European (chapter of a) house or how they become part of one. Lastly, the various familial roles are also discussed.

4.2.1. On Main and Kiki Houses

Most participants were members of various houses and kiki houses at some point. Houses retain the same structure as the ones in America. However, there might be some differences. For example, Nunoy points out that members of the House of Revlon in America pay a monthly fee to sustain the house. The money would then be used to buy a table at a ball-event for example. This does not happen in Europe.

In addition, Syx mentions that there are not that many performers who would lose their home because of their sexuality in Western-Europe. As such, houses sometimes have less to say on the personal matters of a performer. However, Noah - who doesn’t have a family anymore because they were outcasted due to their family’s beliefs as Jehovah’s Witnesses - mention that houses in Europe are often formed by outcasts. A. also mentions that houses want their members to be successful in their personal life.

All participants consider a house as a group of individuals that they can call their family. Support, friendship, love, quality time, respect, empowerment, loyalty are all values that have been mentioned many times by participants. However, Nunoy mentions that there are houses that are more about gaining status and becoming the best. Savphire adds that some houses might have forgotten these values and need to represent the core values of the ballroom scene once again:

For me, it is the family vibe, the family values. You have to be able to feel at home in a house. You have to be able to express yourself and have that support. Those are the core values and why the scene has started, and that is what I think is important in what a house should have and represent. - Savphire

Next to providing a family to members of the ballroom community, houses also want to spread the ballroom community in their own countries or cities. For example, the House of Laconya wants to spread the ballroom culture in the South of Germany. In addition, Makaba mentions that each house has their own look, their own manner of handling things, a certain theme and so on. Some houses emphasize certain values that distinguishes them from others. For example, the House of Comme des Garcon focusses on activism and has their own organization called CDG PRO. Members of CDG PRO are busy with legislation and aim to improve the lives of the queer black people and people of color.

As mentioned before, kiki houses work differently than the houses in the main scene. Participants explain that they feel like they can experiment more and have more fun in the kiki scene. Raeesha mentions that it is possible to try out different categories in the kiki scene instead of performing one’s usual categories in the main scene. Some participants explained that the kiki scene is a place where you can start to train yourself as a ballroom performer. Kiki houses are also very family oriented as participants treat other kiki house members as their chosen family.

4.2.2. On Starting European Houses and Chapters of International Houses

Some participants started their own chapters in their country, or even start their own European house that is not affiliated to an American house. In both cases, one must have earned a certain level of respect in the ballroom community. For example, a 007 would never be able to start a chapter.

Firstly, there are not that many European houses in Western-Europe. At the moment, there are three known houses: the House of Ladurée in France, the House of Vineyard in the Netherlands and the House of Laconya in Germany. One year ago, there was also the House of Melody, but that house became a European chapter of the house of Saint-Laurent. JJ

explains that before starting the house, he asked the pioneers in Germany if he could start a house:

The first thing is that I asked others. So, I have asked Leo St. Laurent and Angelique Prodigy if I should do a house because I thought that you have to be someone legendary or something to start a house. But actually, you can start a house or found a house. - JJ

Secondly, Savphire explains that constructing a chapter requires the permission of the gatekeepers of the house. These gatekeepers must know and respect you before you are able to set up a chapter. For example, through international house father Vjuan Allure, the House of Melody was accepted by the House of Saint-Laurent and they were able to become the German chapter of the house. Makaba explains how the Dutch chapter of Comme des Garçons came to be:

[…] I needed to do my own thing as well out here in my scene, in this region of the Netherlands. So, eventually, I have been talking with Twiggy Pucci Garcon, my ballroom mother. And she set it up. […] She made me a part of the house and I told her my plans of creating something here as well. So yeah, so that is how I started. – Makaba

Furthermore, Savphire explains that being a European chapter is sometimes better than constructing a European house as members of the ballroom already know the American houses. European houses need to start without any prior reputation and need to prove themselves more in the ballroom scene.

4.2.3. On Joining a House

There are two ways in how someone can join a house: being asked by one of the house parents or asking to be part of the house. If you perform well as a 007 in balls, houses might start to recognize you and want to have you in their family. If that happens, you are being ‘snatched.’ A house member might approach you and introduce you to the house or the house parent might ask you themselves. For example, Brenda has been in the scene for a year, but he has already been asked by several houses. Noah and A. explain that this mostly happens if you are really good on the runway:

Well, the thing is in in Ballroom, if you are really good, people want to snatch you for the houses. Some people have been in the scene for a few months and they get into a house – Noah

007s can also ask a house parent if they could join their house. A. compares it to soliciting for a job: solicitants must motivate why they want to be in the house. They have to show that

their personalities match with the rest of the family members and they have to perform well in their categories. Savphire explains that a process of several months is started to evaluate the house member candidate. Makaba mentions that he follows certain rules in order to admit members in his house and that it often depends on the individual in question:

Oh, it's not easy to come in the house because we have certain rules for people before they are thrown in the house. Certain things we do before someone can be in the house. It really depends on the person as well. It is different for everybody. The way we recruit is on feeling. If we don't feel like you can be part of the family, it is never going to work, even if you are the best. It is not going to work because you don't fit in that part that I'm creating. - Makaba

It is also possible that after a period of time, the house member decides that the house is not what that person has expected in terms of values and norms and can quit the house. However, if one person frequently changes houses, that person could be labeled as a house hopper. Savphire mentions that it is not a good look to have in the scene but understands that a house hopper is a person who just could not click with some houses.

Many participants mention that becoming part of a house is the ultimate goal of a 007. Noah explains the reasons why houseless members are called 007 is because they spy on houses that they want to become a part of. Becoming a house member brings its own advantages and disadvantages. House members receive training from their house, and it will also bring more respect to your name and Syx mentions that 007s are judged on much harsher criteria then house members. However, some members want to stay 007 in order to retain their own freedoms. Some houses have rules and oblige their members to attend certain balls. Syx explains that being 007 also brings the freedom to use voguing outside of the ballroom and to perform it in urban dance competitions, for example.

4.2.4. On the Familial Roles

Some participants also have certain roles that they fulfill within the house. There are house mothers and house fathers, but there are also members who are princes and princesses of their house. In addition, there are also the roles of godmother and godfather of a house. Brenda mentions that they have to treat these persons as if they were their own parents, brothers, sisters and godparents and not just as regular friends. Jay Jay explains how he has received the role of house father:

It was giving to me. I didn't ask. It was giving to me, I showed myself to have the ability to do it. I didn't show myself on purpose. I didn't do it to show that I can be a father. I was putting people in the house, being that support system, being very vocal, showing leadership. It was anything that I helped in, that I made decisions on, what I was

thinking on doing. I was doing balls in my city. So, it was pointing it out on the round table and people were like: “You should be a father.” – Jay Jay

Firstly, the house parents are responsible for the chapter of that house. Participants explain that parents are responsible in guiding their kids in their ballroom lives, but also in their personal lives. Jay Jay explains that as a father he disciplines and provides support and advice for his kids when needed. If the house parents are not able to fully perform all their responsibilities, the house might also be aided by a godmother or godfather figure. In addition, members within a house show a lot of respect towards older figures in and out their house:

Like, first of all, in the house of Revlon we have to respect our house mother and house father as if they were our real parents and not as if they were like regular friends, but also from other houses, you know, like legends, pioneers you have to respect them as the elder figure. – Brenda

I am learning to become someone that could do all of that, you know. That could take care like kids out here, like "watch out doing drugs or watch out drinking alcohol". Those kinds of things, like getting them a job, getting them a career. Helping them with something: "like you can wear this for a job or anything" You know, something like that, something that their own families cannot do for them. - Makaba

Not all houses have both a mother and a father. Furthermore, some participants mention that there are gender differences between the parental roles, whereas other participants do not see any differences between them. This might depend from house to house. Those that mention this division, such as Leo, explain that house mother might perform a more nourishing role, while the father might be much harsher. As a side note, Noah also explains that next to having house parents. You can also have parents outside of houses that help you in a certain category.

Secondly, house members view princes and princesses as older brothers and sisters. The role comes with some responsibilities that other members might not have. Noah explains their role: Yeah, in Belgium I've got three daughters, so I'm leading them. My responsibility is to give them homework, I organize the trips when we go to balls, I got to check up on them, how they are feeling. If they've got any questions about ballroom, if they want to excel in a certain category, they will send me videos and I give them feedback. We practice together, so kind of playing the father-ish. The prince is the eyes and ears of the house. - Noah

4.3. The Gender-Performance System in the European Scene

In this section, the experiences and thoughts of members on the gender-performance system of the European ballroom scene and the online performances on YouTube are discussed. The various gender roles in the ballroom scene are explained and how members viewed the intersection of gender roles and the performances. The following performances will be discussed: Old Way, New Way, Vogue Femme, Runway, Sex Siren and Realness.

4.3.1. On Gender Categories

Leo explains that most categories are often Open to All when the scene is very due to a lack of gender diversity in members or a lack of knowledge. Once the scene grows in members, categories such as Male Figure, Female Figure, Butch Queen and Femme Queen tend to be constructed and performance categories will become more separated in different gender roles. So, the creation of categories is linked to the number of a certain gender identities or roles within the ballroom scene but also to simplify judging so that judges can compare similar styles better:

When you start ballroom somewhere, usually everything is OTA because you don't have the knowledge or the people to even separate the categories. And for me personally, it is good because this is how ballroom actually still functions in the US, to really separate it. Because each individual category that we separate has a different energy. […] So, I think in ballroom, it is more helpful to separate it down, so it is easier to judge, so you are judging the same in a way. Same is maybe the wrong word but it makes it easier to judge and it makes it fairer because each performance has a different energy. – Leo

4.3.1.1. On Male Figure and Female Figure

Similar to the American ballroom scene, European balls places certain gender roles under the umbrella of Female Figure or Male Figure because of the low participation of certain gender identities. These categories also focusses on the performances rather than gender identities (Ryan, 2016). Most participants place drag kings, butch queens, trans men and straight men under the umbrella of Male Figure. Women, femme queens and butch queens up in drag are considered to be Female Figure. For example, any person that can be considered giving off feminine energy or a female figure:

Yes, everything that is considered “feminine” and goes towards the female end of the spectrum can be considered female figures. – Maybelline

Because in Female Figure, I have the female parts: I have the boobs, I have the hair and everything and I just have to kind of show it off, you know. Whip your hair, touch the boobs, you know, like everything. – Brenda

Those who don’t look female enough can get chopped by the judges. Raeesha mentions that you can get chopped as a butch queen up in drag if your drag does not resemble a real woman enough. Jay Jay explains that it is up to the organizers or promoters of the ball to decide what can be considered Male Figure and Female Figure. For example, during the Unification ball, the Master of Ceremonies Jack Mizrahi stopped a performer because it was a Male Figure category. The performer was only wearing a wig, hoop earrings and a feminine top, but Jack Mizrahi explains:

No, no, no, I am letting her know right now. You are Female Figure performance. You are giving me a female illusion. If I see you down the street, miss thing, I would say miss. […] You are a butch queen in drag mama, because you are giving me more of a female illusion than a male illusion. […] I’ll see you later at Female Figure performance. – Jack Mizrahi (Paris Ballroom TV, 2019c)

However, in the background you could hear whispers of other people that it is only the wig that is feminine. Even in the comments of the YouTube video there is discussion whether the performer is considered a female figure or a male figure performer. However, the performer was later allowed to perform because that person was adamant in performing Male Figure (Paris Ballroom TV, 2019c).

Some participants mention that the ballroom scene is indeed still a reflection of our dominant society as it still tends to view gender in the binary gender system of masculine and feminine. For example, in ballroom, there might be a clear idea on who is a Female Figure performer and Male Figure performer based on hegemonic ideas on masculinity and femininity. Leo explains that these ideas on gender is based on dominant ideas, but those ideas are not connected to one’s sex and even tries to free female-bodied persons from gender norms:

Because definitely ballroom is built on the heteronormative society and definitely on the regular gender ideas that we have as such. What should a woman look like? So, in some way it is kind of the same but in the other way it is different because it also kind of tries to free feminine bodies or feminine-identifying bodies from this kind of stigma. - Leo

4.3.1.2. On Butch Queens and Femme Queens

As mentioned before, some European ballroom scenes mostly consists out of cis-gendered straight women, rather than butch queens and femme queens. So, these categories are less represented in some scenes, except for the more established Parisian scene. Noah mentions that they can count all the femme queens that perform in the European scene on two hands. The terms refer to the same identities as in the American ballroom scene: butch queens are gay men, while femme queens refer to male-to-female transgender individuals in various

stages of their transition. In addition, Makaba mentions that the separation of the categories of Butch Queen and Femme Queen categories from the umbrella categories of Female Figure and Male Figure can be seen as a form of respect for what butch queens and femme queens have done for the ballroom community.

In addition, Syx also makes a clear differentiation between Femme Queen Drags, Femme Queen and Butch Queen up in Drag:

There is also a difference between a drag and a femme queen. So, a drag is a trans woman who doesn’t choose to do all the surgeries, but still dresses as a woman, but if you take everything off, it is still a male body. But in their head, they are a trans person, trans woman. A femme queen is a trans person that actually chooses to undergo the medical stuff. You don’t have to do everything per so in order to be a femme queen, but you need to have something like: “Look, I have boobs. I take hormones.” – Syx

Syx also warns not to confuse butch queens up in drag with drag queens. Drag queens are more of an exaggeration of femininity, while the goals of butch queens up in drag is to look as a real woman. In addition, Raeesha also seems to make a personal distinction between several positions gay men take: Butch Queen up in Drag, Butch Queen, but also the Twister. The butch queens are the feminine gay men while butch queens in drag are the feminine gay men who perform Female Figure. Twister refers to gay men, who act straighter and more masculine.

4.3.1.3. On New Categories for Non-Binary Persons

In recent years, non-binary individuals have also been attracted to the ballroom scene. However, as the categories are often divided in Female Figure and Male Figure, voices have come up to include some non-binary categories. Savphire and Jay Jay mention that the question to whether or not add non-binary categories seems to spark discussions in the European ballroom community. Jay Jay adds that the inclusion of these categories often depends on the promoter of the ball event.

According to Brenda, non-binary performers are welcome in the ballroom community, but they have to choose whether they perform in a Female Figure, Male Figure or an OTA category. However, Leo points out that they do not necessarily want to perform in those categories, even if they would blend in those categories. For judges, who uses the gender system in order to better compare the performances, it might become harder to judge these categories:

And it is also kind of hard to open up a non-binary category because as a judge, especially the judges that are not educated in what non-binary is and like I said we are looking for a look. It is really hard to judge. Because when it is non-binary, people think

you have to be in the middle, like you shouldn't be masculine, you shouldn't be feminine. So, I think this is the hard part of naming non-binary categories because it is not really clear on what we are judging on, except that you don't feel to be put in a box with masculine – Leo

Newer and less traditional scenes, such as the ones in the Netherlands and in Germany seem to have created some categories for non-binary performers. According to Nunoy and Maybelline, there have been non-binary performances such as Face and Realness. In addition, Leo mentions that this discussion is very European as America might not be open to such new additions. Syx adds that Americans have built a system in the ballroom scene that lasted for over 60 years and they are not that keen on changing it. He continues:

But then, certainly in the Netherlands, the House of Vineyard has already non-binary categories, genderqueer categories and sometimes they receive a lot of backlash from the American scene: “This is not ok, this is not what voguing stands for. If genderqueer or non-binary people want something, let them have their own scene, let them have their own thing, don’t let them ride of what we created for trans and gay men. – Syx

4.3.2. On Gender and the Performances

4.3.2.1. On Voguing

Firstly, many participants say that voguing cannot be considered as a mere dance style. For example, Noah sees voguing as a lifestyle or as a way of living. Nunoy adds that you cannot merely view ballroom as a hobby. In addition, voguing can be done by people who have no previous dance background, as voguing was created by trans and gay black people that were not necessarily dancers. Ballroom is also very supportive to people who are new and performers longer in the scene will gladly help newer members. JJ and Noah pointed out that they received help from people they found inspiring in the ballroom scene and how easily it was to ask for their help.

JJ explains that the essence of voguing is to pose, to be fierce and present oneself and to mix it with good foundations. Jay Jay adds that musicality and confidence are also important factors in performing. Voguing allows performers to express the energy of oneself without the fear of being discriminated or as Jay Jay remarks: “[Y]ou are free to show you in your truest form, just showcasing yourself and keeping true to yourself.” For example, voguing allows Mamore to express his intersecting queer indigenous and immigrant identity, Makaba sees voguing as an outlet for his black and queer identity and Brenda lets his frustration out through voguing.

[A]s I've told you before, voguing is not dancing. This is the first mistake that we made, you know. It's not a dance style. It's not. It's self-expression, it's frustration, it's discrimination, it's sadness, it's sexuality, it's a lot of emotion, you know. - Mamore

Syx continues that you cannot view voguing as an urban dance style. It doesn’t belong in that category because it has its own platform and rules. According to him, in order to start voguing, people must have respect for the culture, an open mind and know what their place is in the ballroom scene. In order to become a good voguer, one has to have the foundation down, but that person needs to be able to freestyle as well. For example, many voguers also dance different styles and try to incorporate their other dance styles by making it more vogue.

Old Way

Firstly, participants mention that Old Way has a much more masculine and dominant energy than the other styles. Syx describes that Old Way is more about “power, force and popping”. Maybelline concurs that Old Way is much sleeker and more masculine. During the viewed performances, Old Way is the main category of JJ and he explains why he feels that Old Way has a more masculine energy:

I think it is the main energy of Old Way because it has this inspiration from Egyptian poses and military style and martial arts. So, the foundation of it; I would say, is masculine, or the energy is more masculine, but you can always mix it with another energy. – JJ

The masculine energy seems to stem from the precision, straight lines and sources found in what hegemonic society considers masculine, which can always be mixed with a more feminine style. JJ explains that Diva D - an Old Way Female Figure performer - mixes the masculine energy with some feminine energy. However, Noah explains that it depends on the gender role linked with the category. There are certain things male figures are allowed to do during Old Way and there are certain things that female figures are more allowed to do, such as using more feminine gestures.

The characteristics that the participants mentioned are also present in the performances seen in online performances. The clothing choices seemed less feminine in comparison to Vogue Femme. However, some women and butch queens were wearing feminine clothing such as skirts or heels. Figure 1 shows that even though most performers wore pants, a t-shirt and sneakers, some did opt to wear more feminine and revealing clothing.

Figure 1: Two Old Way tag teams battling against one another, screenshotted from Mugler, K. (2019c, October 26). Tag Team Old Way Africa Ball 3.Retrieved from https://youtu.be/AT-Wkx_QiIo

In terms of movement, many performers posed and used straight lines. In comparison to Vogue Femme, Old Way performers tend to accentuate their femininity less through movements such as feeling their breast or “pussy”. There are also clear influences from masculine movements such as martial arts techniques. Even the usage of military movement drills such as marching were used in order to traverse the runway. These various movements are both utilized by male figures and female figures.

New Way

Secondly, there is New Way. Some of my participants already know that they will never do New Way as it requires a lot of flexibility of the performers. Many performers – such as those in figure 3 - in the online performances showcased their arms and hands control, their flexibility – by contorting their arms and doing a split - and their floor performances. The performances seem to be less about the spins and dips. In addition, the clothing seemed to be easier to wear and sometimes made out of fabric that can stretch - perhaps to facilitate the contorted movements – but it can still be considered fashionable. Maybelline mentions that New Way can be performed very masculine or very feminine:

[…] And then you have New Way which, in my opinion, is a little bit in the middle [of masculinity and femininity]. Because you can make it feminine, but I have also seen many people that gave it a certain masculine twist in a certain way. - Maybelline

Syx is one of the participants that performs New Way as one of his main categories. He explains that New Way is much less about giving life, and more about technique, having

flexibility and having body coordination. It is more about a certain cockiness and an air of “I got it”. It has more similarities with Runway due to its fashion aspects. He continues:

While New Way is softer [than Old Way]. The thing is, how softer you go, how more complex your hands are, how more it will be perceived as “Oh, shit.” Because your face says: “I got this”. But your arms are really flailing everywhere, and your face has something of I don’t care. And that will be perceives as much more impressive. – Syx

Figure 2: A tag team of New Way performers entering the runway, screenshotted from Mugler, K. (2019d, October 27). Tag Team New Way Africa Ball 3. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/gOeMGU4j4SY

Vogue Femme

The final voguing style is Vogue Femme. As the name says, performers must vogue as a femme queen, the creators of the style. According to Syx, trans women were not attracted to the masculine style of voguing and created their own feminine style. Therefore, the display of femininity is important in this style. There are also two substyles within Vogue Femme: ‘soft and cunt’ and ‘dramatics’. Soft and cunt has more soft, fluid and elegant movements. JJ explains that cunt is hard to define but it refers to one being confident, sexy and being sexual. Dramatics is a style that come from the butch queens who had to dramatize the feminine moves to appear more feminine. However, butch queens are not restricted to do only dramatics as a style, and femme queens are also not restricted to the style of soft and cunt. Everybody can decide which style they prefer.

Within the online Vogue Femme performances, it sometimes becomes less clear who is considered to have a female figure or a male figure. However, it seems that performers can decide for themselves whether they want to be considered a female figure or a male figure. The clothing of most of the performers can be considered very feminine: they were wearing

heels, jewelry, skirts, feminine tops, wigs and make-up. However, it seems it is not a necessity to have a complete feminine look as some butch queens – such as the ones in figure 4 - still wear less feminine clothing, have their beard or do not wear make-up. This might indicate that the clothing does not matter as much in judging, as long as it fits the theme and the movements are Vogue Femme. As figure 5 depicts, femme queens and women do not seem to masculinize their clothing and expression, often times opting to express hyper-femininity.

Figure 3: Two Butch Queen Vogue Femme performers duck-walking during their battle, screenshotted from Mugler, K. (2019e, December 19). BQ VOGUE FEM AFRICA BALL 3. https://youtu.be/qQLVlxClH4Y

Figure 4: Two Female Figure Vogue Femme performers dipping during their battle, screenshotted from Paris Ballroom TV. (2019d, December 19). Female Figure Vogue Fem at the Unification Ball. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/tYwhTKvi3z8

As mentioned, the five elements are also feminized. Many performers displayed their skill in the five elements during the preliminary round of ‘getting your tens’. These movements were also accompanied by a beat and a chant of the MC that seem have much more intensity than the other voguing styles. Performers also used the floor in order to showcase their legs coordination by laying on their back and circling their legs simultaneously in the air. The category of Vogue Femme seemed to be the most popular one as it had much more performers competing in it and the crowd seemed to be much more energetic and responsive to the performances.

Lastly, the idea of femininity within Vogue Femme is a reflection of dominant understandings of femininity. Maybelline explains that for many - certainly in America - there is a certain idea on what femininity is. However, he sees it differently for Europe:

I personally think that it [idea on femininity] is changing mostly in Europe. I think that femininity is shown in different ways, but the expression of femininity is still important in Vogue Femme: femininity is knowing that you are that bitch. Femininity is soft movements. Femininity is almost as a sort of vibe or aura. - Maybelline

Some participants said that achieving the required high level of femininity was not hard. Savphire and Brenda mention that they were already very feminine, so it was easier to perform with a very feminine persona. Leo explains that some performers know how to tap into that feminine energy. Even though she is much more of a tomboy in real life, Leo uses her experiences as a cheerleader to tap into that same femininity. Syx and Raeesha use the music and drag to tap into that energy:

Often it comes when I hear the music. From the moment the music is in my body, I am like “ooh”. What certainly helps is putting on a wig, putting on heels, putting on a skirt and then I am more in my persona: “Ok, let’s do it.” - Syx

I guess, for me, in drag, I am supposed to look like a woman during my performance and the ball. When you change in your drag, you basically need to feel as a woman or be comfortable with your performance in front of the judges. – Raeesha

Maybelline explains that some performers might need to learn to be more comfortable with themselves and the femininity of the style. It takes time to learn how to become comfortable with the style. JJ share his experiences with voguing:

Yes, absolutely. When I began learning voguing or learn about voguing, it was really hard for me because I had to practice that stuff a lot and to grow into the movements, to grow into the understanding of voguing or the ballroom culture. - JJ

4.3.2.2. On Runway

Runway seems to be the second most popular category under the participants. Runway is not seen as a dance category but as a fashion category where performers walk the runway with either designed outfits - or even something very simple - depending on the theme of the category. In battles, they use techniques to take away attention from the other Runway performer. For example, figure 5 shows a performer blocking the walk of another performer.

[…] because Runway is not especially for dancers, it is for clever people. You have to know how to manipulate the runway: what kind of movements are you going to do with your outfit in order for people to notice you and not the opponent. - Noah

So, for Runway, it is really about the walk. So, everybody kind of finds their own signature in their walk and their attitude. Obviously styling, because Runway is a fashion category. So, the outfit that you present also counts into the scoring. – Leo

The performers who are attracted to this fashion category are people who are models, looked up to supermodels, or always wanted to walk the catwalk but couldn’t for various reasons. For example, Makaba is too short to walk in fashion shows, but in the ballroom scene he can perform and walk as a model. In addition, Runway can also be a very costly category as costumes need to be made, which easily could go up to 200 euros. However, Noah searches for other methods: they borrow clothing from others or ask students at a fashion institute to design clothes for them.

There are two distinct substyles based on gender expression: European Runway and All American Runway. European Runway is often divided in Butch Queen European Runway and Female Figure European Runway. For All American Runway, these distinctions do not seem to be made often during balls and seems to be an Open to All Category. Makaba speculates that the distinction between the two substyles comes from the difference in the walks of European models and American models. As mentioned, both categories require their specific walk and a fashionable outfit that fits the theme.

Comparing Figure 6 and Figure 7, it becomes clear that European Runway features feminine and extravagant clothing and All American Runway features masculine clothing. The walks of the performers matched this divide: European Runway had more twirls and feminine poses. In contrast, the walks of All American Runway seemed to be more linear and had smaller poses. A remark that was also made by Noah. During battles, some performers might use tactics, such as blocking the other performer – so that they cannot strut further anymore - or standing in front of the other while posing so that the view of the judges on the other performer is blocked.

Figure 5: One Butch Queen blocking the other contestant in a European Runway Battle, screenshotted from Mugler, K. (2019b, July 7). BQ EUROPEAN RUNWAY THE OLYMPICS BALL. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/MUwuVsdiJjY

Figure 6: A performer walking during an All American Runway Battle, screenshotted from Mugler, K. (2019a, July 7). ALL AMERICAN RUNWAY THE OLYMPICS BALL. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/rO6HwZkXi08

4.3.2.3. On Sex Siren

Sex Siren is a category that requires the performer to be sexy and often very nude. Sex Siren performers have to seduce the judges to the point that they want to go in bed with the performer. Performers have to convince the judges that they are the most sexual beings on earth. More concretely, Noah uses their eyes and nude behind to let the judges be seduced

by them, while Nunoy brings the attention to him and imagines that all the judges are his boyfriends, so to speak. According to A., this is a category that is made by femme queens as well. Syx explains that many trans women had problems with feeling beautiful and sexual:

That category is about “No, Look. I am sexual. I am a goddess. I want to be adored. Look at the way I’m sensual.” – Syx

As depicted on figure 8 and 9, Sex Siren performers showcase their body, confidence and sex appeal. Both male and female figures tended to only cover their genitalia. Other body parts were nude or scantily cladded. Some performers used oil or glitter to highlight their body and muscles. In terms of movements, performers moved very seductively towards the judges. During battles, they twerked, showcased their muscles or behind, touched or licked themselves and judges or they performed various sexual acts. Female figures emphasized their breasts and bodily curves. Some performed the split and twerked. Other performers climbed on the judges’ table and performed sexual acts on it. Shady actions were also performed by Sex Siren performers: for example, one performer displayed a sexual act while the competitor joined in on the act and took over.

Figure 7: Two Male Figure Sex Siren performers entering the runway, screenshotted from Paris Ballroom TV. (2019a, March 6). SEX SIREN / BODY at The Cleopatra Ball 2. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/MUzXXPp9lOc

Figure 8: A Female Figure Sex Siren performer getting her tens, screenshotted from Paris Ballroom TV. (2019a, March 6). SEX SIREN / BODY at The Cleopatra Ball 2. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/MUzXXPp9lOc

Some participants mentioned that Sex siren is not necessarily about beauty ideals, but more about the confidence in one’s body. As Syx explains: “Confidence is sexy.” However, Nunoy mention that there are discussions whether a Sex Siren performer should be attractive or not. For example, you need to be attractive and have muscles in American scenes. But for Nunoy and the other interviewed Sex Siren performers, it is all about exuding a certain aura of confidence that a sex siren can sell to the judges. As a prince in his house, Nunoy teaches how to be confident to new house members:

[…] I teach the younger members how to do Sex Siren. And like that, I teach them to start just in front of the mirror with themselves. To just build their confidence and from that to start walking. It is more of a mental thing. - Nunoy

Furthermore, Sex Siren has many different subcategories. First of all, you have a division between gender roles: you have Sex Siren Female Figure and Male Figure, which respectively asks to be sexy in a feminine way and sexy in a masculine way. For example, men don’t wear high heels during Sex Siren MF. However, there are also new categories that twists with these energies: Sex Siren Cat Boy and Lion Babe. Cat boys are male figures, but with feminine energies while Lion Babes are female figures that have a masculine twist. There are also subcategories differentiate in body types (Big Boy/Girl Sex Siren) or age (Senior Sex Siren).

They [lion babes] look like women but they got this masculine energy, but they look feminine at the same time, but they look so masculine at the same time. They could actually turn everyone in the room: males, females, everyone was just looking at the

lion babes. I don't know, it's like a new sort of energy and people still don't know how to define it. - Noah

4.3.2.4. On Realness

Realness categories require the performers to perform as if they are able to become part of the heteronormative and cis-normative society:

You kind of show your heteronormative side. Imagine: you are a homosexual man, you have to “pretend” to be a heterosexual man. Walking down the street and people think “Oh he is straight or born as a woman.” That sort of things and in what kind of manner can you show that you can do that. - Maybelline

So, Femme Queen Realness is like “I’m not a trans woman, I am a biological woman. Look at my skin. Feel my stubble, there is no stubble. Feel my boobs, these are real boobs.” Do you get it? That is Femme Queen Realness. – Syx

During the Realness category of the Revolution of Colors Ball for example, various performers showcased their ability to pass as a straight person or a thug, a schoolboy/schoolgirl, an executive businessman or as a cis-gendered woman. Thugs such as in figure 9 tried to convince the judges that they are very masculine and cannot be perceived as gay. The category seemed to require to not have any flamboyant movement or clothing, but performers were free to express their own ideas in how to pass as straight. Once in front of the judges, they showcased their biceps or abdominal muscles.

Figure 9: A battle during Thug Realness, screenshotted from Paris Ballroom TV. (2019b, March 20). REALNESS at The Revolution of colors Ball. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/iQkrcSX4LMc?t=1

Continuing, Executive Realness performers dressed in suits and carried suitcases that corresponded with the theme. They even brought business cards or other props in order to further stimulate the idea that they own a business. Similarly, Schoolboy/girl Realness performers dressed up as if they were going to a school. For example, they were wearing a backpack and brought textbooks with them as props.

Figure 10 shows Butch Queens up in Drag convincing the judges that they are cis-gendered women: on the one hand, femme queens or butch queens in drag showcased their feminine features and downplayed everything that could signify masculinity. Performers used make- up, showed their manicured nails, wore clothing that accentuated their curves and breasts or showed that they did not have an Adam’s apple. One butch queen even used a picture of himself out of drag to show his transformation and convinced the judges of his ability to pass as a woman. On the other hand, contestants also used shady tactics that pointed out masculine traits of their competitor. For example, one performer pointed at their competitor’s stubble. The usage of shady tactics was not used within the viewed online Femme Queen Realness performances.

Figure 10: One Butch Queen up in Drag pointing out the other’s Adam’s apple during a Realness battle, screenshotted from Paris Ballroom TV. (2019b, March 20). REALNESS at The Revolution of colors Ball. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/iQkrcSX4LMc?t=1

Lastly, there is also the Realness with a Twist category, in which butch queens have to showcase their ability to perform straightness, but also prove that they are able to vogue femme, hence the twist. JJ explains that he likes this category because the performance provides both a masculine and feminine energy and he loves to play with that dynamic.

4.4. Motivation of the Performers

The motivation to do the ballroom performances is linked to what the ballroom scene and houses can offer to the new members as well. With this in mind, there are several reasons why the interviewed performers are attracted to the ballroom scene and its performances: a lack of safe spaces, finding acceptance and support, attraction to the extravagance of the ballroom scene and finding an outlet to express oneself.

4.4.1. Lack of Safe Spaces for Queer Black People and People of Color

Some participants have mentioned the lack of safe spaces for queer, gay, trans black people, indigenous people and people of color. For example, queer BIPOC might not feel safe, for in the white-dominated gay scene or drag scene. The ballroom scene offers a space where these subjectivities can come together, share similar stories of their common oppression and express themselves without judgement.

Yeah. And it's nice, it is a safer space. Nobody is going to attack you or judge you. And you will feel safe and you will feel like you do at your own place, you know. But it is important to know that this is a space for people of color and mostly trans people and we don't forget that part. – Mamore

This safe space also attracts others who might see themselves in the stories of queer BIPOC or have similar experiences, such as A.:

Because for some reason I also feel very connect, even though I am not gay or bisexual. But in one way or another, you also feel connected as a black woman. – A.

Some performers mentioned that other dance styles didn’t offer the same safe space because of heteronormativity and cis normativity. For example, Mamore explains that the ballet world is very binary and heteronormative: you have to be either a man or a woman. He felt discriminated as a queer person. Voguers also experience discrimination from dancers in the urban scene. During a dance battle, Syx heard one of the judges say that he did not want to let him win because he is a voguer. The urban dance scenes seem to be very male-dominated and there could still be some homophobic and transphobic sentiments within those scenes:

So, I think most of the people do respect it, but obviously due through homophobia, especially in the hip hop scene, some people would be: "It is totally cool but only if women dance it" or stuff like that. - Leo

I think because it's very sassy. Because especially in the hip hop scene, there is even a lot of ... I would say not really hate but it is still frowned upon in every dance scene if you are gay. […] And in Vogue Femme, it didn't really matter. I mean, a lot of the gays

do it. A lot of females do it. Some straight guys do it as well. But I felt zero hate, I felt zero disgust when I was moving. It was really liberating. - Noah

4.4.2. Acceptance and Support

Through the performances, some members that enter the ballroom scene can find a sense of belonging, acceptance and support in the ballroom community that they otherwise could not find in their personal lives or in other dances. Many participants shared that new members are supported by members that are longer in the scene. Several performers have invited me to come to their next ball or workshop as well. Through the ballroom scene, Makaba could find others from the Afro-Caribbean diaspora, that he could not find in other scenes.

I feel like: "oh my god, I really belong here." And, they love me, and they accept me as I am, you know. And they want to help me and love me, just like that. – Mamore

I felt like I belonged somewhere, even though the scene out here was different than it is today. But I am happy to understand that our scene is inviting you know. That is not always the case but, for me, it was very inviting where I could see myself. - Makaba

As previously mentioned, members also become part of houses in search for their own chosen family. These houses offer the acceptance, support and empowerment that their members might not find in their own biological families:

Well, they are really supportive, like really supportive. It's like we are really a big family and, yeah, they are really all about support and empowerment and everything. – Brenda

4.4.3. Attraction to the Extravagance of the Scene

Some performers mention being enamored by seeing the confidence and presence of the performers on the runway for the first time. This unlocked a certain desire to have the similar extravagance for themselves. Some mention benefits such as travelling around the world and achieving a certain level of fame and respect in the ballroom scene. However, performers tend to see this as secondary benefits to joining the ballroom as they distance themselves from those who would appropriate the ballroom scene only to become more famous.

And then I saw a boy walking that got chopped and he inspired me to walk that category [Sex Siren]. He was so sexy. It was a nice guy, but he isn’t handsome, but he was sexy, and I thought: ‘Oh my god, this is what I want. This is what I want.” – A.

They [Shiva Mugler and Kiddy Mizrahi] were actually battling and I was like: "How was this even possible?" Their physique was so different and that was how I really how I got

in touch with the magic of Runway. And I was like: "That is something I want to experience as well. – Noah

4.4.4. Needing to Express Oneself

Some performers are attracted to the performances because they can express themselves in a safe environment without the fear of being discriminated. Through voguing the emotions and frustration of the performers can be expressed. Jay Jay explains that voguing can be a form of escapism for people:

Like me, most people concentrate on voguing as an outlet, rather than having it be a dance form or having a dance background. Because it is so far and different from what they do. Someone can be an optician in the daytime and then by the evening be at a ball in drags maybe. – Jay Jay

For example, the Sex Siren performers were able to express their sexuality in the ballroom scene, as they are not able to do it in their personal or professional life. A. is afraid of the reaction of her parents if they would ever find out that she performs the category of Sex Siren. For Nunoy and Noah the safe space of the runway allows them to express themselves as Sex Siren performers and let everything go:

What? If they would know that, I would be dead! [laughs]. No! I think that a lot of people in the ballroom scene, that their parents wouldn’t know anything. Of course not. No. If my parents or real friends would know that, that would be a real problem. – A.

But it also felt like liberation, kind of elevating. I finally got to do the things that usually my parents would scold me for. That is one way why I like Sex Siren so much. – Noah

Vogue performers feel that they can express a higher level of femininity through the dance performances that they couldn’t do otherwise, whether it is in their own personal lives or other dance styles.

“And more, I came from a hip hop base before, so more underground hip hope base, so I guess Vogue Femme appeals to me because of the extreme feminine energy that is not represented in hip hop.” - Leo

As mentioned before, performers are able to express their own intersecting identities and show their pride in their queer identity, African identity and so on. According to Makaba, there are balls centered on members’ African identities such as the United States of Africa ball.

5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

5.1. Discussion

Within this section, the relevance of each topic of the results – the European ballroom scene, its own version of the house system and gender-performance system and the motivations – will be shown by placing it within existing literature. This is one of the few studies on the ballroom scene in general and might be one of the first to be done on the European continent. Therefore, the results might contribute to understanding this relatively new underground culture in West-Europe.

5.1.1. The European Ballroom Cultures

In his work, Bailey (2013) shares an ambivalent opinion on the expansion of the ballroom culture to other continents: on the one hand, it offers a safe space for those who need it in every country. On the other hand, he believes that the history and work of Black and Latinx LGBT members will be diminished and appropriated. The Ballroom community will be seen as a phenomenon that started globally, instead as a global expansion of the American scenes. However, it is clear that ballroom members in the West-European scenes are very protective of the scene and would call out any form of appropriation. The Afro-American history continues to be important to many members and through a call-out and education system performers in and out of the ballroom scene who appropriate are held accountable.

In addition, there is a divide in the link with the original scene: the newer scenes in the Netherlands and Germany are described by some performers to be more innovative as they are much more open to create new categories for non-binary individuals. In contrast, the scenes in Paris and London are described to be much more traditional and loyal to the American scene.

Lastly, the new European context has also influenced the characteristics of its ballroom scenes. The scenes seem much more fun and less traditional. This can be linked to the scenes still being new and the competition between houses not being fully institutionalized as in the scenes in America. Furthermore, cash prizes do not drive houses to be more competitive with one another, as is the case in the American scenes. Bailey (2013) also notes that the demographics of each city is linked with who is performing at the ball. However, it seems that the colonial history of each West-European country also influences the different ethnicities present in the ballroom scenes. For example, the Dutch scene has much more Surinamese participants compared to the French scene, that has more performers from its French overseas departments - such as Guadeloupe - and African countries tied to France due to their colonial history. In addition, the West-European scene is also more diverse than Eastern

European countries. This might be due to Eastern European countries having not been colonial metropoles.

5.1.2. The Houses

The European kinship system of houses seems to work similar to the American kinship system. Many performers consider their houses as their family members with support, acceptance and loyalty as their main values (Bailey, 2013; Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017). As such, the act of forging alternative kinship relationships with their peers and comrades might happen in queer African communities in Europe as well (Hawkeswood, 1996; Moore, 2011; Weston, 1997). The European house system with its chapters can be seen as a continuation of the alternative kinship system that originated in America (Bailey, 2013). There are several reasons why houses are needed in Europe: firstly, participants have mentioned that - even though not that many performers are disowned by their families because of their sexuality - there are still some ‘outcasts’ that are in need of a new family. Secondly, other participants indicated that some performers are still in the closet and are also in need of a family where they can be themselves. Lastly, houses help out their members in becoming better in performances. As such, becoming part of a house is also linked to becoming successful in the ballroom scene.

Lastly, even though familial roles as mother and father have the same responsibilities as the roles in America. The responsibilities in Europe are not as gendered as Bailey (2013) has described: fathering and mothering are both performed by the same body.

5.1.3. The Gender-Performance System

Focusing on gender, the gender-performance system of the ballroom culture works paradoxically: on the one hand, ballroom members are able to express their gender identities freely and fluidly without any discrimination of their peers. As such, it allows different bodies to express their own ideas on femininity, masculinity or even on being non-binary, freeing bodies from gendered expectations as such. For example, Mamore noted that he felt free of gendered norms and expectations in the ballroom scene compared to ballet that exists on traditional gender norms. Ballroom allows him to express his queer, indigenous Amazonian and immigrant identity. On the other hand, the competition requires a rigid system with clear normative conceptions on what constitutes as male figures, female figures, masculine and feminine. This paradox is comparable to the ability of dance performances to reflect or defy dominant norms, or what Reed (1998) conceptualizes as the paradox of agency in dance: the ability of performances to reinforce the oppressive ideas and institutions, but it can also liberate individuals and stimulate their imagination (Blacking, 1985). In other words: it can be productive as well as reproductive (Novack, 1995). Bailey argues that the performances are sites where members negotiate and struggle in resisting gender norms and freeing themselves of said norms (Bailey, 2013).

Reed (1998) further mentions that dance can be sites of “gender-crossing, mixing, or reversal” but it can also reproduce ideas of natural gender differences. Within the ballroom scene, the gender system divides gender roles in the binary categories of Male Figure and Female Figure but allows different bodies to participate in each category if their expression match the category. In some cases, the gender system becomes more complex by adding other gender identities if those identities become more present in the scene. Interestingly, the gender systems seem to be more flexible if the scene is new. For example, the American scene seems to be less open to adding non-binary categories, compared to scenes in the Netherlands and Germany. Newer scenes might use Open to All categories instead of more defined categories because of a lack of knowledge of the gender system or a lack of certain gender identities in the scene. Thus, the European gender system of ballroom might be influenced by its constituents and ball organizers and are much more prone to adjustments if the underground culture - that the system is embedded in - is new.

Secondly, underground cultures - such as the ballroom scene - allow members to contest hegemonic gender norms and produce new ideas on gender. Through the performativity of gender, bodies are able to attain the needed femininity within Vogue Femme or European Runway despite not being female-bodied persons. For example, some butch queens need time to adjust to the required feminine movements that is needed to do Female Figure categories or performances with feminine energies. Through the usage of make-up, wigs, feminine clothing, and the beat of the music, performers might augment the embodiment of femininity. In other words, by doing gendered or feminine movements and wearing feminine clothing and padding, performers are able to reproduce normative ideas on femininity to the point that it feels natural (Butler, 2006).

However, not everyone feels at ease at performing a high level of femininity and opt for expressing their own somatic experiences on how femininity should be expressed which lead to the ‘failure’ of perfectly reiterating gender norms or structured normative gender identities. For example, some butch queens during the United States of Africa Ball part 3 do not fully incorporate feminine features in their looks during Vogue Femme. As such, a Vogue Femme performer with a wig and heels was seen on stage, but that performer still had his beard on. Realness with a Twist performers showcase their ability to pass of as straight, but at the same time showcase very feminine movements. This failure indicates the complexity and constructiveness of sociality and gender (Villa, 2011).

Furthermore this ‘failure’ creates possible sites of negotiation and resistance (Butler, 1993) in which new meanings – how small or big they may be – are constructed for social categories such as femininity (Villa, 2011). For Maybelline femininity is an aura: it is about being that bitch, but also being soft. He adds that femininity can be expressed and seen in different ways. Makaba mentions that everyone has their own thing going on. Femininity can be seen as a

whole spectrum as one person is different in femininity than the other. Noah explains that for them performers can wear their femininity in any way they want. As long as performers believe in what they are selling, Noah is buying it. As such, there is a space and an understanding for alternative meanings of femininity within the ballroom scene.

5.1.4. The Motivations of the Performers

The motivations of these European participants to perform on the runway and join the ballroom community are very similar to findings of other studies: to have their own safe space (Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017), opportunities for acceptance (Kubicek et al., 2013; Telander et al., 2017), the allure of the scene (Telander et al., 2017) and to express oneself. As the European context is different, joining the ballroom scene as a means to sustain oneself and survive (Telander et al., 2017) was not a very important reason to join for the interviewed participants. This might be because the participants that were interviewed had jobs, housing and seemed to be able to sustain themselves. In addition, the European ball events often do not offer cash prizes, which could be used to sustain oneself or their house. It might be possible that this could become another motivational factor for those who do not have these privileges. Furthermore, other individuals such as white cisgender straight women or femme queens might have other motivations than the interviewed participants.

5.2. Conclusion

As this is one of the few studies on the relatively new ballroom community in Western- Europe, this thesis aims to shed light on various new insights on the lives of European Black and other non-white LGBTQ+ members and their experiences with the ballroom scene, as well as those who could feel connected to the story and history of this scene. Through studying the European ballroom culture, its own version of the intertwined gender-performance system and kinship system of houses, this thesis hopes to deepen our understanding of dance, culture and gender.

Firstly, the West-European ballroom scene is relatively new compared to its American source. However, it aims to protect its essence as a safe(r) space for queer black individuals, but also other people of color and those who could identify with the struggles of its members. There might be differences between each European scene due to the countries’ context and colonial history, the specific city’s context as well as its members. Secondly, similar to queer African Americans, European ballroom members craft their own familial relationships in order to find support and acceptance. The houses in Europe are international continuations of the American houses and has therefore many similarities in values and familial roles. Merely a handful of houses were created in Europe and familial roles might not be that strongly linked to certain gender identities as Bailey (2013) has noted in his work.

Thirdly, the gender-performance system of the European ballroom scene seems to work paradoxically as the performance both produce its own ideas on gender and sexuality by freeing bodies from gendered expectations as well as reproduce normative ideas on masculinity and femininity. Furthermore, the specific case of Vogue Femme and European Runway shows how performers do and embody femininity through the utilization of gendered movements and clothing based on normative ideas (Butler, 2006). However, due to the bodies’ inability to fully attain the high level of femininity, these performances might become sites of contestation (Butler, 1993), making it possible to create new meanings for social categories within new underground cultures (Villa, 2011).

Lastly, to answer the main research question, this thesis points out that queer individuals join the ballroom scene for various reasons: firstly, there is a need for a safe space for queer black people and people of color. The ballroom scene provides a space where they can be safe from discrimination such as sexism, racism, homophobia and transphobia. Secondly, as members might face these forms of oppression outside the ballroom scene, they seek to find acceptance and support - and perhaps a new family - within this culture. Thirdly, some participants might be attracted to the extravagance and allure of the members they see on stage and might want it for themselves. Lastly, members need an outlet to express one’s sexuality, queer identity, African identity and so on, within a safe space.

5.3. Limitations

As the study is only based on the personal experiences and ideas of the participants, this study cannot be extrapolated to the community as a whole. The first limitation is the amount and diversity in participants. This study is based on the experiences of these thirteen ballroom members across the region of Western Europe: most participants were butch queens, except for two black women. As mentioned, white cis-gendered straight women, femme queens and members from other European regions were not interviewed.

The second limitation is the online method of interviewing. Even though, an online method aids in reaching hard-to-reach individuals due to geographical restrictions (Deakin & Wakefield, 2014), Sedgwick and Spiers (2009) have pointed out that this might make it harder for participants to be more personal and less formal. As such, the virtual method of this study might influence the data that was collected from participants.

Lastly, this study has also been done by someone who is not a ballroom member. Even though I am a queer person of color, I do not share the same experiences as other black people or people of color, queer individuals and so on. My own subject positions as a gay, male Asian individual and my own experiences might thus have an influence on how this research came to be, who I was able to reach, the data that was gathered and the process of analyzing them.

5.4. Recommendations

The first recommendation – which is also linked to the first limitation - is to reach other research units such as femme queens, white cis-gendered straight women, disabled performers, drag kings and so on. The motivations of these groups might be different from butch queens or black women. Another group could be those who has just begun with their journey in becoming a performer in the ballroom scene. This study has interviewed participants who have been in the ballroom scene for a minimum period of a year. It might be interesting to discover the experiences of newer and less experienced members. As Leo has mentioned, some balls are open to everyone, and not only to members of the ballroom scene specifically. It might be interesting to interview non-ballroom related attendees and question their experiences on what they see happening on stage.

Secondly, as the scene is new and less institutionalized, there are clear differences between the American scene and the European scene. The European scene is described to be more fun and less competitive. However, cash prizes seem to be more incorporated within the scene. It might be interesting to continue to follow the European scene and its growth and how competition and institutionalization might influence the scene in the coming years.

Lastly, a comparative study might be done, focusing on another regions of Europe. Many performers have mentioned that Northern, Eastern and Southern Europe have many white performers. As such, the context of the countries in those regions might influence the experiences and ideas of the ballroom members in those scenes.

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APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

Topic 1: Information Interviewee • What is your age? • What is your job, next to being active in the ballroom community? • What is your ethnic-cultural background? • In which city do you live? • When writing about you in my research project, which pronouns do you prefer? he/him she/her they/them, other pronouns? • How would you describe your gender identity? • How do you wish to be referred as in the master thesis?

Topic 2: Performances 1. Which performances do you participate in? What/Which style(s) do you prefer? Why? What do the judges panel look for in the performances? 2. How did you discover voguing and the other performance categories? 3. How long have you been doing vogue or other performances? Who taught you? Do you have any famous performers in the ballroom community where you get your inspiration from? How do you try to personalize your performances? 4. What did you find easy or hard when you first started doing vogue or the other performances? 5. What kind of person should you be in order to vogue? Can anybody just vogue for example? Or do you need a background in dancing? What kind of mentality do you need to have?

Topic 3: Houses 6. How did you become part of your main house? 7. Where your part of other houses or kiki houses before? 8. What does a house mean for you? 9. What are the most important values of your house? 10. What do you expect from a new member in your house? 11. Are there any differences between American and European Houses? 12. Are there other important houses within your city or country? How are the relationships with those houses?

Topic 4: Ballroom 13. Why did you want to be a member of the ballroom community? What are the expectations of members when you join the community? 14. What does the ballroom community in your country look like? Who participates? Is the community big in your country? Where are most balls held? Are the differences between other European countries such as France, the UK or the Netherlands?

15. Are there many queer/LBGT+ BIPOC in the UK that are attracted to the ballroom community? Why? 16. How important is the Afro-American/Afro-Latino history of voguing for you? 17. Are there important figures within that history that have influenced you? 18. How did ballroom start in your country? 19. What do you think of ballroom becoming more mainstream (series on Netflix, HBO and so on)? What do you think of vaguers/noguers? What do you think of dance schools teaching vogue but do not have any connection with the ballroom community? 20. Have you attended any American ballroom-events? 21. What are key differences between American and European ballroom? 22. How do Americans view the European chapters and vice versa?

Topic 5: Gender and Ballroom Identity 23. How do you express your gender identity through your performances? Is the idea of femininity/masculinity in the ballroom comparable to the idea of stereotypical idea of femininity/masculinity in general society? Or are the ideas more open and flexible? When is someone considered female-figure and when is someone considered male- figure? Are there also options for non-binary persons? 24. Do your non-ballroom related family and friends know about your ballroom identity? Do you keep your personal life/professional life/ ballroom life separate? 25. Do you express yourself differently outside the ballroom scene or not? Why? 26. Is the ballroom community more accepting than our general society? Does sexism, racism, homophobia or transphobia still happen in the community? What happens to those who exhibit such behavior?

APPENDIX B: CODING SCHEME

Topic: European Ballroom Scene Safe Space for queer POC and black people Occurrences of discrimination Solutions to discrimination Anti-Discrimination Explanation why discrimination happens Importance of Afro-American Teaching history in workshops history Suggestion to view media Pioneers Characteristics European Scenes Generational Structures Kids Respect to elder figures Virtual workshops Scene under COVID-19 Virtual balls restrictions Missing other members Missing expressing oneself Travel costs Expensive Workshops costs Costume costs Largest scene Competitive Traditional Characteristics France Members living for the scene Most true to America Scenes in other cities Ethnicity Parisian members Diverse scene Colonial history Characteristics UK Traditional Long history Scenes in other cities Differences between scenes Mostly White scene Growing diversity Characteristics Germany Project to diversify scene Scenes in other cities Mostly White scene Growing diversity Characteristics Netherlands Innovative Scenes in other cities Small No collaboration between cities Characteristics Belgium No Belgian chapters New organizations Houses Similarities Performances American Scene Gender system Differences Context

Predominantly black, Latin and trans More homogeneous than Europe More traditional More competitive Positive reactions Mainstream Pose & Legendary Negative reactions Vaguing Commodification Dance schools asking money Appropriation Aggressive reactions Reaction to appropriation Educative reactions

Topic: Houses Values Mission Structural similarities Similarities America Characteristics main houses Similarities in familial roles Context Differences America Involvement in personal life Unique as biological families Fun Characteristics kiki houses Experimentation Another family Requirements to start Creating houses European houses European chapters Being asked Ask Joining houses House-hopper Quitting Reasons to join house 007 Reasons to stay 007 Housemother (God)Parents Family Roles Housefather Prince(ss)

Topic: Gender-Performance System Butch Queens Definition BQ Definition BQD Butch Queen up in drag Drags Difference with drag queens Femme Queens Definition FQ Assimilate in culture Non-binary Creation of categories Male Figure Definition MF Femininity linked to dominant Definition FF norms Female figure Free bodies Chopp-able?

New categories linked to Creation categories members Lifestyle Not dance Not urban dance Supportive in learning Essence of vogue Expression Masculine vibe Old Way Clothing Movements Flexibility Dance performances Technique New Way Body coordination Clothing Movements Soft and Cunt movements Dramatics movements Cunt Vogue Femme Femininity Clothing BQ Clothing FQ ER Runway AAR Characteristics Confidence MF Sex Siren MF Subcategories FF CB LB

Topic: Motivations BIPOC Target group Others Safe space Heteronormativity Compared to other dances Cis normativity White Acceptance of identities Supportive in learning Acceptance & Support Support Supportive outside ballroom Belonging Travel Costs Travelling Workshop Costs Extravagance Inspiring performers Fame within community Outlet Sexuality Expression Femininity Identity