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Keele Research Repository Keele~ UNIVERSITY This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non-commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. - I - URB.Ai.~ ADMINISTRATION AND HEALTH: A CASE S'fUDY OF HANLEY IN THE MID 19th CENTURY · Thesis submitted for the degree of M.A. by WILLIAM EDWARD TOWNLEY 1969 - II - CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT IV CHAPI'ER I The Town of Hanley 1 CHAPI'ER II Public Health and Local Government circa 1850 74 CHAPTER III The Struggle f'or a Local Board of Health. 1849-1854 164 CHAPT3R IV Incorporation 238 CP.:.API'ER V Hanley Town Council. 1857-1870 277 CHAPT&"t VI Reform in Retrospect 343 BIBLIOGRAPHY 366 - III - The Six Tot,J11s facing page I Hanley 1832 facing page 3 Hanley 1857 facing page 9~ Hanley Township Boundaries facing page 143 The Stoke Glebeland facing page 26I - IV - ABSTRACT The central theme of this study is the struggle, under the pressure of a deteriorating sanitary situation to reform the local government structure of Hanley, the largest of the six towns of the North Staffordshire potteries. The first chapter describes the location of the town and considers its economic basis and social structure in the mid­ nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on the public role of the different social classes. Then follows an examination of the sanitary state of the town together �1th an analysis of the defects in the form of local governnent provided by the various unintegrated local authorities. Chapters Three and Four consider in detail first the abortive attempt to set up a local board of health in the town and then the attempt to incorporate the tov.n which was successfully concluded in 1857. The motives and manoeuvres of the town's social leaders, who sought reform, and the brilliantly organized obstinacy of the working-classes who resisted change form the main themes of the first of these two chapters whereas Chapter Four shows how, between 1854 and 1857, the opponents of reform were in turn outmanoeuvred and a consensus in favour of reform eventually established. - V - The social structure and the work, particularly in the sphere of public health of the new Borough Council, in the first years of its existence, form the subject matter of Chapter Five. The final chapter involves a brief attempt to draw together the various strands of the study by surveying the changed situation in the town after 1870 and also to relate the changes which took place in Hanley to the greater problems involved in an assessment of the causes and nature of the wider movements for reform which provided one of the characteristic features of Victorian England. A major point in the study is the imminence a round 1850 of a breakdo~n in local government under the pressure of urban growth. Incorporation prevented this breakdown but local vision -was incapable of resolving the most fundamental of the sanitary problems and in these years the drab urban environment was firmly established, leaving immense problems of urban renewal to future generations. The reform struggle released antagonisms and highlighted class divisions in the town which help to indicate the problems, prejudices and vested interests which Edwin Chadwick and other sanitary reformers had to meet in the critical years 1848 to 1854, as -well as illuminating some of tlm tensions in urban society at this period. Working-class hostility to reform was soundly based - VI - for incorporation robbed them of their slender share in the exercise of local power and the new Toi-n Council was dominated by local manufacturers with the tradesmen in subservient alliance. The Christian benevolence and committment to ,ublic affairs of some of the leading manufacturers and the lively state of working class politics in the town form subsidiary themes but in the last analysis the decisive influence for improvement '-6S the pressure exerted by the central government and its inspectorate. Without this pressure there is little evidence that local initiative or Christian charity would have had the vision or the competence to meet the challenge to public health posed by continued urban gro~~h or indeed to prevent the total collapse of local government in the face of that challenge. NEWCASTLE -u-LYI-;~ ST.AF1"S RLY. I - 1 - CHAPTER I. ,· THE TOWN OF HANLEY The six towns which make up the North Staffordshire Potteries emerged in the early nineteenth century as a straggling line of urban development, some ten miles long and nowhere more than three miles across, in a previously backward moorland area deeply cut by the headwaters of the River Trent. The towns are situated on the small but rich North Staffordshire coalfield, the thirty much faulted seams of which provided early accessible fuel for the pottery industry, while nearby were clays which provided the eighteenth century indust:cy- with its basic raw material, each of these early pot banks requiring twelve tons of coal for each ton of clay. Because of this, the towns were located not in the valleys but on the uplands where the coal seams became apparent: a distribution which did not significantly change when imported clay came to dominate the industry as early as the late eighteenth century. The linear urban growth was a result of this development along the coal bearing ridges where, with a few significant exceptions, the pot banks remained in the nineteenth centu:cy-. There the pottery towns developed around the banks and among their shallow mines in an environment further complicated by abandoned clay-holes - 2 - 1 and the presence of brick and tile works. Geographic separation and differences of interest and outlook caused the towns to turn away from the earlier provincial capital, Newcastle-under-Lyme, emerging rather as six separate communities, mutually suspicious and occasionally openly hostile to each other. Their failure to develop a regional centre of their own was in part dictated by the line of the coal measures and in part by the 2 long narrow valleys around which they lay. Burslem was the first of the villages to develop an urban character but by 1800 the twin townships of Hanley and Shelton had emerged as the largest Potteries' community which by 1851 had 25,000 inhabitants. 1. The long-term consequences of this development are discussed by S.H. Beaver in 'The Potteries: A Study of the Evolution of a Cultural Landscape' in Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, June 1964, and by H.A. Moisley, 'The Industrial and Urban Development of the N. Staffordshire Conurbation', ibid. 1951. 2. The failure to develop a Potteries I provincial centre is considered by A.M. Morgan in 'Regional Consciousness in the North Staffordshire Potteries' in Geography, Sept. 1942. Other reasons advanced in this article seem less cogent than those indicated above. Hanley and Shelton in 1832 From J.Hargreaves's 'Niap of the Staffordshire Potteries' - 3 - TABLE OF POPULATION 1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 Hanley & Shelton 7940 9568 12956 16408 20781 25364 Burslem 6486 8478 9815 12572 15490 19109 Fenton 1800 2506 3000 3710 4923 5880 Longton 4000 4930 7100 9608 12407 15166 Stoke 2680 3851 4915 5997 8091 9100 Tunstall 800 1677 2622 3673 6945 9562 Newcast }Jo-under-Lyme 4604 61?5 7031 8192 9838 10290 Hanley and Shelton had been separate villages but they were welded into one town by the growth of the late eighteenth century until in 1842 they were described as:- •not marked by any perceptible limits, and the dense seat of their united population is upon and about the ancient and now invisible line of demarcation by which they were divided from each other •••••••• so they are alike identified in matters of police, and in all that concerns a social 3 and commercial community." In 1851 the inhabitants at a public meeting resolved that the two townships should in future be known 4 simply as Hanley. 3. J. Ward, 'The Borough of Stoke-on-Trent', 1842, p.365. 4. Advertiser, 15 Feb. 1851. - 4 - At this time Hanley stood distinct from Burslem to the north and Stoke to the south, occupying the rough triangle formed by the Trent on the east, its tributary the Fowlea Brook on the west and the irregular Burslem boundary in the north. Within this tria::igle the land rises from under four hundred feet in the valleys to over six hundred feet to the east of the town centre so that most of the town lay on the relatively gentle slopes down to the Fowlea Brook to the west. The steeper Trent valley remained less developed although by 1850 much of the land between the rivers was showing at least the first signs of urban and industrial development. In the mid-nineteenth century, Hanley comprised four distinct localities:- (a) The central commercial area, (b) The surrounding area of dense housing and associated pot-banks together with spurs of similar development south towards Stoke and north towards Burslem, (c) The Fowlea Valley, (d) The Trent Valley. The central commercial area of Hanley was noted in the Potteries for its broad, well-tended streets, its numerous shops and its extensive market buildings. In 1834 it was described and well-built market town containina as a densely populated b The Market Square circa 1830 \.
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