Creating New Category for Malayan Chinese

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Creating New Category for Malayan Chinese “Hometown is Fatherland”: Nanyang Chinese Searching for New Identity in Malaya and Indonesia, 1945-1949 Tsung-Rong Edwin Yang Division of Pacific and Asian History, RSPAS The Australian National University Panel: Huaqiao and Huaren In/Between China, Australia and Southeast Asia Centre for the Study of the Chinese Southern Diaspora Australian National University for The Fourth International Chinese Overseas Conference Taipei April 26-28, 2001 This article has been accepted for publication by the conference 1 摘要:本論文將記錄與呈現一九四○年代在印尼與馬來亞的華人努力尋求新認同的過程 中所發出的聲音,這個過程直接產生了一種新的華人論述,使得「華人」成為言談中具 有語義學實在意義的範疇以及攸關華人政策的法律詞彙,顯現出族裔政治中由邊緣影響 中心決策的範例。1955 年亞非不結盟國際的萬隆會議中,由周恩來與印尼領導人所達 致的中國海外公民單一國籍的協議,不應被視為是東南亞華人認同轉向的原因,反而應 該視為東南亞華人尋求新國家中的新認同而產生論述之發展的結果。本論文將檢討兩地 華人在所處國家之建國過程中局勢未明之前有關於華人新認同論述的發展,在這個脈絡 中,將在中國境內的中國人與在中國以外的華人做出區別的論述已在 1945 年到 1949 年之間產生。透過對於不同領域的討論,如文學、權利、公民、政局等議題,兩地華裔 人士在其所在地的現代國家之國家建構過程的早期重要階段即開始與新國族展開協 商,由此一種保持華裔而無須在政治上認同中國的意識在南洋華人之中展開,這種意識 的發展對日後兩地華人與當地族裔的關係,以及對於戰後在東南亞廣泛流傳之取代華僑 論述的華人論述,還有中華人民共和國對於東南亞華人的整體政策,都是在理解上必要 的關鍵點。這樣的認同發展關係應可視為在東南亞現代史中南洋華人的自主歷史。 Abstract: This paper will record and display Chinese voice on their effort to search new identity in Indonesia and Malaya in the 1940s. It shows how the periphery influenced policy-formation in the centre, directly contributing to the crystallization of “Huaren” as a semantic and legal category in discourse and policies about ethnic Chinese. The paper will first argue that the agreement on single citizenship forged between Zhou Enlai and Indonesian leaders, which began at the Bandung Conference of Non-Aligned Peoples in 1955 was not the reason for, but the result of the search by Southeast Asian Chinese for a new identity within the new nations. It will examine the development of a discourse of new identity for ethnic Chinese in Malaya and Indonesia before those countries were formed or gained their sovereignty. At the time from 1945 to 1949 the discourse to make distinctions between Chinese within and outside China had been formed in this context. Through the debates appeared in areas of literature, rights, citizenship and politics, ethnic Chinese were negotiating new identities with the new nations during this critical early phase of nation-formation. Since then the sense of being ethnic Chinese without identify China had been socialized and spread among Nanyang Chinese. It is essential for better understanding the later development of ethnic relations between ethnic Chinese and the indigenous population in those countries as well as the widespread discourse of Huaren instead of Huaqiao among Chinese overseas and the PRC’s policy toward the whole of Southeast Asia since then. It can be seen as ‘autonomous history’ of Nanyang Chinese in Modern Southeast Asia. 2 “Hometown is Fatherland”: Nanyang Chinese Searching for New Identity in Malaya and Indonesia, 1945-1949 Tsung-Rong Edwin Yang Lee Jion-Cai, a former Singaporean politican, revealed his views on the shifting identity of Nanyang Chinese in the postwar era in his memoir. He visited Mr. Hong Sisi, who was the editor of the Sinchew Daily in Singapore from 1946 to 1948 and was later exiled to China by the British authorities, in Beijing, and they exchanged their views on the postwar situation in Malaya. Lee Jion-Cai complained that “Tan Kah Chee made a big mistake in 1948 (for the Nanyang Chinese). He did not identify himself with Malaya. He did not look after the interests of the Chinese in Malaya.” Lee meant that the fact that Tan Kah Chee, the formal leader of the Nanyang Chinese, had left Singapore and resettled in China in 1948 set a bad example for the Nanyang Chinese. Hong agreed, and said “a Singaporean delegation came to China in 1956, and Zhou Enlai told them they should change their loyalty from China to Singapore. From then on Chinese residents in Nanyang started to change their national identity.” Lee Jion-Cai recorded this conversation in his memoir without any objection to what Hong had said. 1 In this way, both of them gave credit to Zhou Enlai in the matter of convincing Nanyang Chinese to identify as citizens of the Southeast Asian nations. The Bandung Conference of Non-Aligned Peoples in 1955 has often been seen as the watershed of identity shift for the Southeast Asian Chinese. Zhou Enlai is seen as the key figure contributing to this shift. At this conference, Zhou Enlai, on behalf of China’s government, announced that the new policy toward overseas Chinese was to abolish dual nationality and to encourage overseas Chinese to become citizens of their country of residence. Indonesian nationalists view this move as the triumph of the Indonesian diplomatic effort to solve ‘the Chinese problem’ in the new nations. I would like to argue that the policy announced at the Bandung Conference was not the 1 Li Jion Cai, Zhuixun ziji di guojia: yige nanyang huaren di xinlulicheng. (Taipei: Yuanliu Publisher, 1994), pp. 60. The main theme of this memoir is to describe the process of his identity from a Nanyang Chinese to a Singaporean citizen. 3 reason for but the result of the efforts of the Southeast Asian Chinese to resolve the issue of their identity. The debate among ethnic Chinese just after the Pacific War indicates that this new direction in national identification had already emerged in this period, even though differing opinions remained. It is fair to say that the Chinese community went through a process of searching for new identities for new situations in both Malaya and Indonesia after the end of the Pacific war. For better understanding of these new approaches to identity, we should subject the discussion of the topic among Chinese communities in this period to close examination. I will examine the debates about Chinese identity in Malaya and Indonesia respectively during the 1945-1949 period. This was a time in which external political factors did not indicate clearly what the immediate future would be. Malaya did not have a clear agenda to pursue its independence. Indonesia had not gained independence from the Netherlands. The Chinese Communist Party had not yet won the Civil War in China. In this time of uncertainty, the ethnic Chinese of Southeast Asia sensed the need to consider their identity. In this paper I would like to present Chinese voice toward their effort to search new identity in the immediate postwar period. It is attempt towards ‘autonomous history’ of Nanyang Chinese in Modern Southeast Asia. The debates in Malaya and Indonesia are treated separately, although they are relevant to each other and interacted. The debates often crossed today’s national boundaries, due to the nature of Chinese social networking at that time. They were concerned with many different issues, but here will only be examined in the context of the search for identity. For example, the debate on the nature of Chinese literature in Malaya cannot only be seen as a literary issue. The strong will to promote “Malayan Chinese literature” sprang from the issue of identity. Another problem is who was to be considered representative of the opinion of ethnic Chinese. Opinions within Chinese communities were always divided, no matter how, where and when. Living as they did beyond the control of the Chinese government, it would have been unlikely if they had founded a single organization to represent Chinese community opinion. It is difficult to identify representative opinion. I will only consider a few ideas which led in different directions at critical times. In this paper, I mainly use Chinese material to represent Nanyang Chinese, which were not include Baba or peranakan who might present themselves in other languages. The Malayan Chinese debate on the New Nation In Malaya, the debate on identity among the Chinese community took place just after the end of the Pacific War. The debate was mainly publicised in the local Chinese media. This 4 was not an ordinary period for the Chinese press in Malaya. It has been described as the ‘golden age’ of Chinese newspapers in Malaya. At the close of the Pacific war, people who had worked for Chinese newspapers in pre-war times tried their best to reissue their newspapers as soon as possible. Two weeks after the Japanese surrendered, the first Chinese newspaper recommenced publication. Two former leading Chinese newspapers, Nanyang Shang Pao and Sinchew Daily, started to be issued on the same day, 8 September 1945, three weeks after the Japanese surrendered.2 At that time, necessary goods were still in short supply, and these newspapers began with one page only. A few days later other papers started to be issued. Not only were previously existing newspapers brought back, but many new Chinese newspapers were created in this period. Similar things happened in other areas of Southeast Asia in this period. Why was this period so important? It has been described as a period of ‘power vacuum’.3 Malayan Chinese people became eager to concern themselves with politics. Li Run Hu described the situation in this way: “War changed Malaya. Malaya was not dead water anymore. It became a boundless surging ocean. Everyone shouted out for liberation of the people, equal political rights and resurrection of the economy”.4 The Chinese people in Malaya, who had been seen as apolitical, suddenly turned into a community very much concerned with politics. Obviously the reason that identity suddenly became a problem was the experience of the war. A former reporter for Chinese newspapers in Malaya remembers the situation in this period, “Reporting of political news in the immediate postwar period, I realized that the loyalty oath affair was of great importance in the historical development of events in Malaya”5 The Nanyang Shang Pao, one of the mainstream Chinese newspapers in Singapore, on 8 January 1946 urged Chinese readers to take Malayan citizenship and to join the local political 2 Chinese Newspapres Division, Our 70 Years: History of Leading Chinese Newspapers in Singapore, 1923-1993. (Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 1993), pp. 28.
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