Notes

4Introduction 1. Czeslaw Milosz, “The Poet Who Was Right,” National Review, August 17, 1992. 2. Robert Conquest, Tyrants and Typewriters (Lexington, MA: 1989), pp. xi, xiii. 3. See Harvey Klehr, “Honoring Evil,” New York Post, March 22, 2007. 4. As of 1984 John Kenneth Galbraith believed that the Soviet system was stable and effi cient and took good care of its citizens. He observed, among other things, that the Soviet economy made “great material progress in recent years . . . one sees it in the appearance of solid well-being of the people on the street.” Quoted in Freedom Review, July–August, 1992, p. 6. 5. First published in New York in 1981 and most recently in 1997 in New Brunswick, NJ, and still in print. 6. Conquest, Tyrants and Typewriters, p. 8. The quote comes from an essay fi rst published in 1966. 7. Jay Nordlinger, “Conquests’s Conquest,” National Review, December 9, 2002. The portrait of Conquest—cheerful, jocular, even a practical joker—that emerges from the recollections of his friend, Kingsley Amis, further highlights this apparent incongruity between personality and professional preoccupations. Memoirs, London, 1991. 8. George Walden, “History on His Side,” Daily Telegraph, June 11, 2005. 9. Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow (New York, 1986), pp. 344, 6. 10. Ibid., pp. 328, 329. 11. Joseph Conrad, Under Western Eyes (London, 1991), p. 132. 12. An extended discussion of these disparities, and their proposed explanation may be found in the introduction of Paul Hollander, ed., From the Gulag to the Killing Fields (Wilmington, DE: 2006). 13. Stephen Pinker, “A History of Violence,” New Republic, March 19, 2007, p. 19. Pinker notes among the favorable developments the decline or disappearance of cruelty as entertainment, of human sacrifi ce, of slavery, and of public “torture and mutilation as routine punishment.” He also notes a similar decline of the death penalty for trivial offenses, of “homicide as the major form of confl ict resolution,” and of the diminished proportion (in relation to population size) of those killed in various confl icts. 14. Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur (New Haven, CT: 2007), pp. 36–37. 15. Susan Sontag, Regarding the Pain of Others (New York: 2003), pp. 100–01, 108–09. 16. Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals, Mao’s Last Revolution (Cambridge, MA: 2006), pp. 123. 17. Ibid., p. 127. For an illuminating discussion of some of the psychological aspects of this violence see Anne Thurston, “Urban Violence During the Cultural Revolution,” in Violence in China, ed., Jonathan Lipman and Stevan Harrell (New York: 1990). 18. “The killers did not have to pick out their victims: they knew them personally. Everyone knew everyone in a village.” Jean Hatzfeld, A Time for Machetes—The Rwandan Genocide: The Killers Speak (New York: 2005), p. 60. 19. Ibid., p. 115. 206 Notes

20. “A messenger from the municipal judge went house to house summoning us to a meet- ing right away. There the judge announced that the reason for the meeting was the killing of every Tutsi without exception. It was simply said and it was simple to understand.” [Ibid., p. 9., my emphasis] 21. Ibid., p. 210. 22. Ibid., pp. 42, 124, 50, 97. 23. Ibid., pp. 123, 44, 43. 24. Ibid., pp. 46, 11, 13. 25. Ibid., p. 213. Group solidarity and dynamics also played a part in Islamic terrorism as was noted in an article describing the motives of Moroccan youth: “the turn to violence is seldom made alone. Terrorists don’t simply die for a cause . . . ‘They die for each other.’” Andrea Elliott, “Where Boys Grow Up to Be Jihadis,” New York Times Magazine, November 25, 2007, p. 72. 26. Hatzfeld, A Time for Machetes, pp. 23, 31, 76. 27. Ibid., pp. 56, 58. 28. Ibid., pp. 80, 59, 121. 29. Ibid., pp. 121–22. 30. Ibid., pp. 124, 124–25. 31. Ibid., p. 57. 32. A recent book argued that “evil cannot be satisfactorily explained—and . . . perhaps it should not be explained since explanation is a slippery slope that tends towards acceptance.” Lance Morrow, Evil: An Investigation (New York: 2003), p. 55. 33. George Konrad, A Guest in My Own Country: A Hungarian Life (New York: 2007), pp. 292–93. 34. Gloria Cigman, Exploring Evil Through the Landscape of Literature (Berne, Switzerland: 2002), p. 17. 35. John Kekes, Facing Evil (Princeton, NJ: 1990), pp. 5, 7, 233, 232. 36. John Kekes, The Roots of Evil (Ithaca, NY: 2005), pp. xi, xii, 1, 2. 37. John Kenny Crane, The Root of All Evil: The Thematic Unity of William Styron’s Fiction (Columbia, SC: 1984), p. 25. 38. Quoted in Andrew Delbanco, The Death of Satan: How Americans Have Lost the Sense of Evil (New York: 1995), pp. 196–99. 39. Ibid., p. 206. 40. David Frankfurter, Evil Incarnate: Rumors of Demonic Conspiracy and Satanic Abuse in History (Princeton University Press: 2006). Cited in the New York Times, July 24, 2006, p. B3. 41. Delbanco, The Death of Satan, pp. 16–17, 224. 42. Leszek Kolakowski, My Correct Views on Everything (South Bend, IN: 2005), p. 180. 43. Nathan Leites, A Study of Bolshevism (Glencoe, IL: 1953), pp. 208, 106, 348, 352. 44. Ibid. p. 105. 45. Alexander Yakovlev, The Fate of Marxism in Russia (New Haven, CT: 1993), pp. 7, 11, 17, 29, 38, 39, 56–57. 46. Amin Maalouf, In the Name of Identity: Violence and the Need to Belong (New York: 2000), p. 1. 47. Nazila Fathi, “Iran Exonerates Six Who Killed In Islam’s Name,” New York Times, April 19, 2007. 48. Todd Gitlin, “The Wound That Refuses to Heal,” New York Times Book Review, September 23, 2001, p. 6. A review of In the Name of Identity by Amin Maalouf. 49. Maalouf, In the Name of Identity, p. 93. 50. Ibid., p. 31. 51. Kiernan, Blood and Soil, pp. 27, 37–38. 52. Gao Xingjian, The Case for Literature (New Haven, CT: 2007), p. 50. 53. For further discussion see Paul Hollander, The End of Commitment: Intellectuals, Revolutionaries and Political Morality (Chicago: 2006). Notes 207

54. See Norman Naimark, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe (Cambridge MA: 2001), pp. 149–51, 154–55. 55. I discussed at some length the numerous, and sometimes confl icting, conceptions and defi nitions of intellectuals in Chapter 2 (“Intellectuals, Politics and Morality”) of Political Pilgrims.

Chapter 1 1. Cited in Paul Hollander, Political Pilgrims: Travels of Western Intellectuals to the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba 1928–1978 (New York, 1981), p. 11. 2. For a transcript of the trial and appeals that circulated on their behalf, see Max Hayward, ed. and trans., On Trial: The Soviet State Versus “Abram Tertz” and “Nikolai Arzhak” (New York, 1967). 3. Cited in Peter Reddaway, ed. and trans., Uncensored Russia: Protest and Dissent in the Soviet Union (New York, 1972), p. 61. 4. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: Stalin’s Purge of the Thirties (New York, 1968), p. 415. 5. Owen Lattimore, “New Road to Asia,” National Geographic, December 1944, p. 657. 6. David J. Dallin and Boris I. Nicolaevsky, Forced Labor in Soviet Russia (New Haven, Connecticut, 1947), pp. ix–x. 7. Robert Conquest, Refl ections on a Ravaged Century (New York, 2000), p. 137. 8. See my essay “Premature Witness,” about Gustav Herling and his memoir A World Apart in the literary journal AGNI 54, published at Boston University in 2001. This special issue was dedicated to the fortieth anniversary of Amnesty International. 9. Cited in Conquest, The Great Terror, p. 230. 10. Ibid., p. 226. 11. Ibid., p. 282 12. Ilya Ehrenburg, Lyudi, Gody, Zhizn (People, Years, Life), vol. 2 (Moscow, 2005) p. 190. Cited in Conquest, The Great Terror, p. 282. 13. Andrei Sakharov, Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom (New York, 1968), p. 64. 14. William Henry Chamberlin, “Stalin’s Holocaust,” Wall Street Journal, November 8, 1968. 15. Gerhart Niemeyer, “The Contribution of Robert Conquest,” National Review, March 24, 1970. 16. Edward Crankshaw, “Stalinist Nightmare,” The Observer, September 22, 1968. 17. David Joravsky, “Kremlinology: Power and Terror,” Nation, July 28, 1969. 18. Harrison Salisbury, “Mad Effi ciency for Extermination,” Saturday Review, November 9, 1968. 19. Alexander Gerschenkron, “On Dictatorship,” New York Review of Books, June 19, 1969. 20. George F. Kennan, “The Purges Unpurged,” New York Times Book Review, October 27, 1968. 21. Bertram D. Wolfe, review of The Great Terror, in Slavic Review, June 1969. 22. Alexander Rabinowitch, review of The Great Terror, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 383, May 1969. 23. Alec Nove, review of The Great Terror, in Soviet Studies, vol. 20, no. 4, April 1969. 24. Zvi Gitelman, review of The Great Terror, in Studies in Comparative Communism, vol. 2, no. 1, 1969. 25. John Armstrong, review of The Great Terror, in The Russian Review, vol. 28, no. 3, July 1969. 26. Crankshaw, “Stalinist Nightmare.” 27. Harrison Salisbury, “Mad Effi ciency for Extermination,” Saturday Review, November 9, 1968. 28. Harrison Salisbury contributed a foreword to the paperback edition of my book Soviet Dissidents: Their Struggle for Human Rights (Boston, 1981). 208 Notes

29. Niemeyer, “The Contribution of Robert Conquest.” 30. See William Taubman, Khrushchev: The Man and His Era (New York, 2003), p. 514 and p. 675n95 for references to this controversy. 31. Niemeyer, “The Contribution of Robert Conquest.” 32. See Taubman, Khrushchev, for a comprehensive account of this period. 33. Niemeyer, “The Contribution of Robert Conquest.” 34. Cited in Conquest, Refl ections on a Ravaged Century, p. 123. 35. I don not have one substantial criticism of Joravsky’s review. When he referred to the Yezhovshchina—a word that Russians invented when they spoke about the height of the purges at a time when Nikolai Yezhov headed the NKVD—he translated this awkward term as the “Yezhov thing,” which is a poor translation and also strikes me as too fl ippant sounding in English. The term should be translated as the “brutal time of Yezhov.” 36. Palmiro Togliatti, the long-time leader of the Italian Communist Party, raised objections to the way in which the post-Stalin leadership in Moscow tried to focus all responsibility for the Terror on Stalin and the so-called “cult of personality.” 37. Joravsky, “Kremlinology.” 38. Sovietskaya kultura, January 26, 1991, p. 15. 39. Gerschenkron, “On Dictatorship.” 40. George F. Kennan, At a Century’s Ending: Refl ections, 1982–1995 (New York, 1996), pp. 34–35. 41. Kennan, “The Purges Unpurged.” 42. Ibid. 43. Alexander Yakovlev, The Fate of Marxism in Russia (New Haven, Connecticut, 1993), p. ix. 44. V PolitburoTSK KPCC, According to the Notes of Anatoliya Chernyaeva, Vadima Medvedeva, Georgiya Shakhnazarova (1985–1991) (In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union) (Moscow, 2006), p. 265. 45. Ibid., pp. 323–324. 46. Ibid., p. 525. 47. From Conquest’s foreword to Oleg Khlevniuk, The History of the Gulag: From Collectivization to the Great Terror (New Haven, Connecticut, 1999). 48. J. Arch Getty and Oleg V. Naumov, The Road to Terror: Stalin and the Self-Destruction of the Bolsheviks, 1932–1939 (New Haven, Connecticut, 1999), p. xi. 49. Gerschenkron, “On Dictatorship.” 50. Isaac Deutscher, The Non-Jewish Jew (New York, 1982), p. 16. 51. Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Armed: Trotsky, 1879–1921 (New York, 1954), pp. 89–90. 52. Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus, eds., The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell: An Age Like This, 1920–1940 (New York, 1968), p. 381.

Chapter 2 1. Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine (New York, 1986), p. 3. 2. Stephane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, et al., eds., The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression, trans. Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer (Cambridge, MA, 1999), p. 9. 3. Robert Conquest, Refl ections on a Ravaged Century (New York, 2000), p. xii. 4. Richard Evens, In Hitler’s Shadow: West German Historians’ Attempts to Escape from the Nazi Past (London, 1989), p. 88. 5. The ghettos “were considered temporary means of segregating the Jewish population before its expulsion.” Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews 1939–1945 (New York, 2007), p. 38. Notes 209

6. See my discussion of comparison in Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe (Cambridge, MA, 2001), pp. 81–84. 7. For the “crime of crimes,” see William A. Schabas, Genocide in International Law: the Crimes of Crimes (Cambridge, 2000), p. 9. 8. See, for example, Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (Cambridge, 2005), p. 17, and Jacques Semelin, Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide (London, 2007), pp. 316–20. 9. See especially Eric D. Weitz, A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (Princeton, 2003), p. 100–01. 10. See, for example, Bernd Bonwetsch, “Der GULAG und die Frage des Völkermords,” in Jörg Baberowski, ed., Moderne Zeiten? Krieg, Revolution und Gewalt im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, Germany, 2006), p. 9. 11. My own earlier work on differences between ethnic cleansing and genocide bears the imprint of these distinctions. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, pp. 2–5. 12. Cited in Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide (NewYork, 2002), p. 521, n. 6. Much of the material here on the history of genocide comes from Power and from my article, Norman M. Naimark, “Totalitarian States and the History of Genocide,” Telos, no. 136 (Fall 2006): 10–25. 13. Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government Proposals for Redress (Washington, D.C., 1944), p. 79. 14. Conquest, Refl ections on a Ravaged Century, pp. 150–52. 15. Power, A Problem from Hell, p. 51. 16. Robert Conquest, The Dragons of Expectation: Reality and Delusion in the Course of History (New York, 2005), pp. 59–61. General Nikitchenko was fi rst a prosecutor and then “a hanging judge” at Nuremberg. See Giles MacDonogh, After the Reich: The Brutal History of the Allied Occupation (New York, 1007), pp. 432–33. 17. Nehemiah Robinson, The Genocide Convention: A Commentary (New York, 1960), pp. 17–18. See Resolution 96 (I) in Appendix I of ibid., pp. 121–122. My emphasis. 18. Ibid., p. 123. Appendix II, “Draft Convention Prepared by the Secretariat.” My emphasis. 19. Schabas, Genocide in International Law, p. 136, no. 219. My emphasis. 20. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide—the Secretariat and Ad Hoc Committee Drafts, First Draft of the Genocide convention, prepared by the UN Secretariat, May 1947, UN Document E/447. 21. UN General Assembly, Sixth Committee, Third Session, Sixty-fourth meeting, October 1, 1948, “Continuation of the consideration of the draft convention on genocide,” pp. 12–19. 22. UN General Assembly, Sixth Committee, Third Session, One Hundred and Thirty- Third Meeting, December 1, 1948, “Continuation of the consideration of the draft convention on genocide,” p. 704. 23. Schabas, Genocide in International Law, pp. 134–35. 24. See A. N. Trainin, “Bor’ba s genotsidom kak mezhdunarodnym prestupleniem,” Sovetskoe Gosudarstvo i Pravo, no. 5 (May 1948): 1–16; and M. N. Andriukhin, Genotsid- tiagchashee prestuplenie protiv chelovechestva (Moscow, 1961), pp. 72–93. 25. Jörg Baberowski, Der Rote Terror: Die Geschichte des Stalinismus (Munich, 2003), p. 126. 26. Mark Levene, Genocide in the Age of the Nation State, vol. I (The Meaning of Genocide) (London, 2005), p. 80. 27. Oleg V. Khlevniuk, The History of the Gulag: From Collectivization to the Great Terror, trans Vadim A. Staklo (New Haven, CT, 2004), pp. 140, 166. 28. See Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment (New York, 1990), pp. 484–89. 29. Ibid., p. 486. 210 Notes

30. Terry Martin, “The Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing,” Journal of Modern History. 70, no. 4 (December 1998): 857. 31. See Naimark, Fires of Hatred, pp. 86–107. 32. Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow. For the debates, see the recent exchange between Robert Davies and Steven G. Wheatcroft on the one hand and Michael Ellman on the other in Europe-Asia Studies, nos. 57:6 (2005); 58:4 (2006); and 59:4 (2007). 33. Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow, p. 306. In his recent work on the Soviet attack on the countryside, Andrea Graziosi compares the horrible losses of the Ukrainian famine to those of the Holocaust. See his The Great Soviet Peasant War; Bolsheviks and Peasants, 1917–1933 (Cambridge, 1996), p. 65. 34. Hiroaki Kuromiya, Stalin: Profi les in Power (Harlow, UK, 2005), p. 103. Davis and Wheatcroft, as well as Michael Ellman, cited in footnote 25, deal in lower numbers. For example, Ellman uses the fi gure of 3.2 million who died in Ukraine. Ellman, “Stalin and the Soviet famine of 1932–33 Revisited,” Europe-Asia Studies, 59:4 (2007): p. 682, n. 30. 35. Conquest recently wrote: “Some 4 to 5 million died in Ukraine, and another 2 to 3 million in the North Caucasus and the Lower Volga area.” Conquest, Refl ections on a Ravaged Century, p. 96. This is somewhat, but not substantially, lower than his estimates in Harvest of Sorrow, p. 306. 36. Nicholas Werth, “Strategies of Violence in the Stalinist USSR,” Henry Russo, ed., Stalinism and Nazism: History and Memory Compared, trans. Lucy B. Golsan, et al., (Lincoln, NE, 2004), p. 80. 37. See Kuromiya, Stalin: Profi les in Power, pp. 111–12. 38. Ellman, “Stalin and the Soviet Famine,” p. 689. 39. Cited in Terry Martin, The Affi rmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923–1939 (Ithaca, NY, 2001), p. 301. 40. Ibid., pp. 306–07. 41. See the many testimonies to this effect in Report to Congress: Commission on the Ukraine Famine (Washington D.C., 1988), pp. 235–507. 42. See Ellman, “Stalin and the Soviet Famine,” pp. 688–89. 43. See Norman M. Naimark, “Srebrenica in the History of Genocide,” to be published in the series Memory and Narrative, eds. Mary Chamberlain and Selma Leydesdorff (New Brunswick, NJ, 2008). 44. On Lenin, see the introduction to Richard Pipes, ed., The Unknown Lenin: From the Secret Archive (New Haven, CT, 1996), pp. 1, 8, 11. Pipes emphasizes that Lenin was a “heart- less cynic,” “a thoroughgoing misanthrope,” and had an “utter disregard for human life.” He also cites Molotov’s assertion that Lenin was “more severe” than Stalin. 45. Baberowski, Der Rote Terror, pp. 8–10. See also Jörg Baberowski, ed. Moderne Zeiten? Krieg, Revolution und Gewalt im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, Germany, 2006), p. 9, and Jörg Baberowski and Anselm Doering-Manteuffel, Ordnung durch Terror: Gewaltexzesse und Vernichtung im nationalsozialistischen und im stalinistischen Imperium (Bonn, Germany, 2006), pp. 15–19. 46. Paul Hollander, ed., From the Gulag to the Killing Fields: Personal Accounts of Political Violence and Repression in Communist States (Wilmington, DE, 2006), pp. 20–24. 47. Saul Friedländer’s emphasis on the singular importance of the Nazi perception of the Jewish threat as “active” and ubiquitous helps distinguish their eliminationist policy against the Jews from those of other Nazi victims of genocide. This idea of an “active” and “dangerous” target also inevitably draws comparisons to Stalinist genocidal actions against “kulaks” and other “enemies of the people.” Friedländer, The Years of Extermination, p. xix. 48. Deti GULAGa. 1918–1956: Dokumenty (Moscow, 2002). 49. Courtois does state that his formulation should not be seen as detracting “from the unique nature of Auschwitz.” Courtois, The Black Book of Communism, p. 9. Notes 211

Chapter 3 1. See Anna Larina, This I Cannot Forget: The Memoirs of Nikolai Bukharin’s Widow (New York, 1993). 2. In the fortieth anniversary edition of The Great Terror (New York, 2007), Conquest remarks (p. xiii) that new materials on the terror are still “enough for generations of archaeologists.” 3. For a discussion, see Stephen F. Cohen, Rethinking the Soviet Experience (New York, 1985), esp. chaps. 1, 3–5. 4. For my fi rst attempt, “The Friends and Foes of Change,” see Stephen F. Cohen, Alexander Rabinowitch, and Robert Sharlet, eds., The Soviet Union Since Stalin (Bloomington, IN, 1980); and for subsequent ones, Cohen, Rethinking. 5. There was, however, a narrow but useful PhD dissertation, Jane P. Shapiro, “Rehabilitation Policy and Political Confl ict in the Soviet Union” (Columbia University, 1967); and, on a related subject, Mikhail Geller, Kontsentratsionnyi mir i sovetskaia literatura (London, 1974). 6. See Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago, vol. 3 (New York, 1976), pp. 445–68. 7. See Libushe Zorin, Soviet Prisons and Concentration Camps: An Annotated Bibliography (Newtonville, 1980). There were two important exceptions: Eugenia Ginzburg, Within the Whirlwind (New York, 1981); and Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, The Oak and the Calf (New York, 1980). 8. Dariusz Tolczyk, See No Evil (New Haven, 1999) makes the same point but in an ideological way (pp. xix–xx, chaps. 4–5) that dismisses survivor-authors other than Solzhenitsyn. Similarly, see Leona Toker, Return From the Archipelago (Bloomington, IN, 2000), pp. 49–52, 73. Varlam Shalamov, perhaps the greatest Gulag writer, refused to be so dismissive of those lesser authors. See his letter to Solzhenitsyn in Nezavisimaia gazeta, April 9, 1998. 9. They included Sibirskie ogni, Baikal, Prostor, Angara, Ural, Poliarnaia zvezda, Sever, Na rubezhe, and Dalnii vostok. 10. Radio Liberty in Munich maintained an ongoing catalogue, Arkhiv samizdata. 11. See Roy Medvedev and Giulietto Chiesa, Time of Change (New York, 1989), pp. 99–100; and A. Antonov-Ovseenko, Vragi naroda (Moscow, 1996), p. 367. 12. Baev felt free to tell his story only many years later. See A. D. Mirzabekov, ed., Akademik Aleksandr Baev (Moscow, 1997), chap. 1. In August 1968 the twenty-one- year-old Tanya Baeva participated in the famous “Demonstration of Seven on Red Square.” There were actually eight; the others were arrested and severely punished, but Tanya was released because of her father’s position. 13. In addition to Bukharin’s extended family, Antonov-Ovseyenko and Roy Medvedev, they included, to list those whose names may be familiar, Yuri Aikhenvald, Lev Razgon, Igor Pyatnitsky, Lev Kopelev, Mikhail Baitalsky, Yuri Gaistev, Pavel Aksyonov, Yevgeny Gnedin, Kamil Ikramov, Natalya Rykova, and Leonid Petrovsky. 14. See, respectively, Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago; Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge (New York, 1972); and A. Antonov-Ovseyenko, The Time of Stalin (New York, 1981). 15. Andrei Timofeev in Literaturnaia gazeta (hereafter LG), Aug. 23, 1995. 16. Several questionnaires were prepared after 1985. See Gorizont, No. 7, 1989, pp. 63–64; Nanci Adler, The Gulag Survivor (New Brunswick, 2002), p. 121; Moskvichi v GULAGe (Moscow, 1996), pp. 51–52; and Orlando Figes, The Whisperers (New York, 2007), p. 662. 17. Figes, The Whisperers, is based on many more cases, and admirably so, but was researched when surreptition was no longer necessary and with teams of assistants across Russia. See, pp. 657–65. 212 Notes

18. Stephen F. Cohen, ed., An End to Silence (New York, 1982); and Cohen, Rethinking. 19. Adler, Gulag Survivor. 20. Vladlen Loginov’s introduction to A. Antonov-Ovseenko, Portret tirana (Moscow, 1995), p. 3. 21. Anne Applebaum, Gulag (New York, 2003), p. 515 22. For examples of memoirs, in addition to those cited above, n. 7, see Anna Tumanova, Shag vpravo, shag vlevo . . . (Moscow, 1995); Aleksandr Milchakov, Molodost svetlaia i tragicheskaia (Moscow, 1988); Pavel Negretov, Vse dorogi vedut na Vorkutu (Benson, VT, 1985); Anatolii Zhigulin, Chernye kamni (Moscow, 1989); Mikhail Mindlin, Anfas i profi l (Moscow, 1999); and Olga Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem veke (La Jolla, CA, 2001). Most still focus, however, on life in the Gulag, as do, for example, those in Simeon Vilensky, ed., Till My Tale Is Told (Bloomington, IN, 1999). For general Western studies, see above, nn. 8, 21; Adam Hochschild, The Unquiet Ghost (New York, 1994); Simon Sebag Montefi ore, Stalin (London, 2003); Kathleen E. Smith, Remembering Stalin’s Victims (Ithaca, 1996); Catherine Merridale, Nights of Stone (New York, 2001); and Figes, Whisperers. 23. A point made when the Russian edition appeared in 2005. Adler continues her research, focusing on returnee attitudes toward the Soviet Communist Party, and a conference on the Gulag held at Harvard University in 2006 may result in publications on returnees. There are still few pages on the subject in Russian literature, as in Elena Zubkova, Russia After the War (Armonk, 1998), chap. 16; and Mir posle Gulaga (St. Petersburg, 2004). The two main repositories, in Moscow, are the Memorial Society and Vozvrashchenie (Return). For archive volumes, see Reabilitatsiia, 3 vols. (Moscow, 2000–2004) and Deti GULAGa (Moscow, 2002), under the general editorship of A. N. Iakovlev. Bukharin’s relatives are among the best documented returnee cases. See Larin, This I Cannot Forget; Mark Iunge, Strakh pered proshlym (Moscow, 2003); V. I. Bukharin, Dni i gody (Moscow, 2003); A. S. Namazova, ed., Rossiia i Evropa, No. 4 (Moscow, 2007), pp. 190–296 (on Bukharin’s daughter Svetlana Gurvich); and my introduction to Nikolai Bukharin, How It All Began (New York, 1998). 24. Aleksandr Proshkin in Sovetskaia kultura, June 30, 1988. 25. There is no agreed upon fi gure for the number of people in the Gulag during that period, only a very large (and contradictory) Russian and Western literature on the subject. (Among the several problems involved are the percentages of criminal and political prisoners and how many inmates were there more than once.) I have used the fi gure given tentatively by the Memorial Society in recent years, possibly a conservative one. Though their fi gures are somewhat different, I am grateful for the expert advice of Stephen Wheatcroft and Alexander Babyonyshev (Maksudov). 26. See, for example, Varlam Shalamov, Kolymskie rasskazy (London, 1978); Ginzburg, Within; Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (New York, 1963); Boris Diakov, Povest o perezhitom (Moscow, 1966); and the exchange in LG, July 4–10, 2007. 27. On the eve of Stalin’s death, according to archive sources, there were 2.7 million people in Gulag camps and colonies and 2.8 million in the “special settlements.” A. B. Suslov in Voprosy istorii, No. 3, 2004, p. 125; Istoriia stalinskogo GULAGa, 7 vols. (Moscow, 2004–2005), vol. 5, p. 90. There are at least two uncertainties about this total fi gure of 5.5 million. The usual assumption that half of those in camps and colonies were criminals may be too high. And the number given for special settle- ments, which were mainly for specifi c deported groups and nationalities, may not include the many individuals released into exile after serving their camp sentences or those sentenced to exile, some of whom I knew. See, for example, the discussion in Istoriia stalinskogo GULAGa, pp. 23–24, 90. 28. As the zek Lev Gumilyov characterized his mother, the proscribed poet Anna Akhmatova. Emma Gerstein, Moscow Memoirs (New York, 2004), p. 456. Notes 213

29. My fi les include scores of such cases. In addition to those in Deti GULAGa, four must suffi ce here: Larina, This I Cannot Forget; Pyotr Yakir, A Childhood in Prison (New York, 1973); Kamil Ikramov, Delo moego ottsa (Moscow, 1991); and Inna Shikheeva- Gaister, Semeinaia khronika vremen kulta lichnost (Moscow, 1998). For the record, Bukharin’s son and others report that their orphanages were not the cruel, uncaring institutions usually depicted, as, for example, by Vladislav Serikov and Irina Ovchinnikova in Izvestiia, May 1, 1988, and June 22, 1992. 30. “Spoilt biographies”—people “whose fates were ruined by political repression” (Aleksei Karpychev in Rossiiskie vesti, March 28, 1995)—run through Figes, Whisperers. Among the exceptions who had offi cially honored careers were the president of the Academy of Sciences Sergei Vavilov; the famous caricaturist Boris Efi mov; the actress Vera Maretskaya (all had brothers who were arrested and killed); the actress Olga Aroseva, whose father was shot; and the ballerina Maya Plisetskaya, whose father was executed and mother sent to a camp. See, respectively, Iu. N. Vavilov, V dolgom poiske (Moscow, 2004); Boris Efi mov, Desiat desiatiletii (Moscow, 2000); the obituaries of Maretskaya in Pravda, Aug. 19, 1978 and LG, Aug. 30, 1978, which do not mention her brother; Olga Aroseva and Vera Maksimova, Bez grima (Moscow, 2003); and I, Maya Plisetskaya (New Haven, 2001). Regarding benefi ts, see, for example, the plight of Pyotr Petrosky’s widow, Golosa istorii, No. 22, Book 1 (Moscow, 1990), p. 230. 31. Istoriia stalinskogo GULAGa, vol. 3, p. 38. 32. See, for example, the correspondence between Gumilyov and Akhmatova in Gerstein, Moscow Memoirs, pp. 448–70. 33. For Molotov’s wife, see Viacheslav Nikonov in Knizhnoe obozrenie, No. 27–28, 2005, p. 3, and William Taubman, Khrushchev (New York, 2003), p. 246; for other rela- tives of leaders, Roy Medvedev and Zhores Medvedev, The Unknown Stalin (New York, 2004), pp. 107–08; for Communists, Milchakov, Molodost; Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem; and Ivan Gronskii, Iz proshlogo . . . (Moscow, 1991), pp. 192–96; for the doctors, Iakov Etinger in Novoe vremia, No. 3, 2003, p. 38; for Fyodorova, Victoria Fyodorova and Haskel Frankel, The Admiral’s Daughter (New York, 1979), p. 185; for the Starostins, Moscow News, Feb. 5–12, 1988; and for Rozner, Iurii Tseitlin in Krokodil, No. 7, 1989, p. 6. 34. Reabilitatsiia, vol. 1, p. 213. For the slow process, see the case of Vsevolod Meierkhold in B. Riazhskii, “Kak shla reabilitatsiia,” Teatralnaia zhizn, No. 5, 1989, pp. 8–11. For the period, see Adler, Gulag Survivor, ch. 3. 35. Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 89, 104. For the crowds, see Riazhskii, “Kak shla,” p. 10; for the appeals, Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, p. 431, and Antonov-Ovseenko, Portret, p. 452. 36. Gerstein, Moscow Memoirs, p. 464. 37. Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, pp. 6, 9, and the documents in Part I. For examples of appeals, see Mikhail Rosliakov, Ubiistvo Kirova (Leningrad, 1991), pp. 15–17; and Gerstein, Moscow Memoirs, p. 467. For the decision to read the speech publicly and reactions, see Izvestiia TsK KPSS, No. 3, 1989, p. 166, n. l; and Medvedev and Medvedev, Unknown Stalin, pp. 103–05 38. My account of the commissions is based on two varying but generally compatible sources: Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, pp. 193, 792–93; and Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, pp. 274–77, 286–89. See also Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 169–71; and Anastas Mikoian, Tak bylo (Moscow, 1999), p. 595. For “unloading parties,” see Solzhenitsyn, Gulag, vol. 3, p. 489. Many of my returnees confi rmed this account. Some estimates of people released by the commissions are considerably higher. See Medvedev and Medvedev, Unknown Stalin, p. 115. 39. V. N. Zemskov in Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, No. 7, 1991, p. 14. 40. Vladimir Lakshin in LG, Aug. 17, 1994; Grossman, Forever Flowing, chap. 1; Solzhenitsyn, Gulag, vol. 3, p. 506; E. Nosov in Iu. V. Aksiutin, ed., Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev (Moscow, 1989), p. 98. 214 Notes

41. Antonov-Ovseyenko, Portret, p. 451; Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, p. 282. 42. Solzhenitsyn, Gulag, vol. 3, p. 449. 43. For examples, see Negretov, Vse dorogi; Ginzburg, Within; Mikhail Vygon, Lichnoe delo (Moscow, 2005); Mir posle Gulaga, pp. 36–40; and on Kazakhstan, Leonid Kapeliushnyi in Izvestiia, Dec. 17, 1992. Poetic expressions of such attachments appeared in the journals Baikal and Prostor. See also Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 231–33. 44. Hochschild, Unquiet Ghost; Colin Thubron, In Siberia (New York, 1999), pp. 38–48; and for skulls, Evgenii Evtushenko in LG, Nov. 2, 1988. 45. Cohen, ed., An End, pp. 66–67. 46. Applebaum, Gulag, 512. For examples of the former, see the cases of Iulian Khrenov in LG, July 4–10, 2007; Boris Zbarskii in Pravda, April 5, 1989; and Daniil Andreev in Grazhdanin Rossii, No. 4, 1993. For the latter, see the stories about Oleg Volkov in Sobesednik, No. 2, 1990; and Anna Nosova in Ogonek, No. 12, 1989, p. 5. A few—for example, Olga Tarasova and Nikolai Glazov—lived to be 100 or more. See Nedelia, No. 33, 1990; and Eko, No. 4, 1991, p. 197. All those I knew personally lived into their seventies or beyond. Bukharin’s brother Vladimir died at eighty-eight, while Antonov-Ovseyenko, almost ninety, is still active in Moscow. 47. Oleg Khlebnikov on Shalamov in Novaia gazeta, June 18–20, 2007; Gerstein, Moscow Memoirs, p. 423; and similarly Mikhail Baitalsky, Notebooks for the Grandchildren (Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995), p. 420 and Lez Razgon, True Stories (Dana Point, CA, 1997); Aleksei Snegov in Vsesoiuznoe soveshchanie o merakh uluchshenii podgotovki nauchno-pedagogicheskikh kadrov po istoricheskim naukam, 18–21 dekabria 1962 g. (Moscow, 1964), p. 270; and the obituary of Valentin Zeka (Sokolov) in Russkaia mysl, Dec. 20, 1984. Regarding friendships, my Moscow acquaintances were good examples. Similarly, see Zhigulin, Chernye kamni, pp. 265–71. For those who lived fearfully, see Adler, Gulag Survivor and Figes, Whisperers; and for “prisoner’s skin,” Bardack and Gleeson, After the Gulag, p. 26. 48. For disparate examples, see Baev, cited above, n. 12; and Tumanova, Shag, pp. 213–26. 49. See, respectively, V. Kargamov, Rokossovskii (Moscow, 1972), pp. 147–48; Vladimir Lakshin, “Otkrytaia dver,” Ogonek, No. 20, 1988, pp. 22–24; N. Koroleva, Otets, vol. 2 (Moscow, 2002); editor’s note in LG, Aug. 1–7, 2007; above, nn. 12 and 33; Georgii Zhzhenov, Prozhitoe (Moscow, 2005); and Petr Veliaminov in Sovetskaia Rosiia, June 4, 1989. 50. For “happy ends,” in addition to ones listed earlier, see Mikhail Zaraev in Ogonek, No. 15, 1991, p. 15, where the term appears; Milchakov, Molodost; Mindlin, Anfas and profi l; Tumanova, Shag; and Efi m Shifrin in Argumenty i fakty, No. 1, 1991. For unhappy ends, see Cohen, ed., An End, pp. 101–02; more generally Adler, Gulag Survivor and Figes, Whisperers; and the example of the homeless Wilhelm Draugel, Moskovskie novosti (hereafter MN), Dec. 31, 1989. Even the great Gulag writer Shalamov died in exceptionally lonely circumstances, as related by Elena Zakharova in Novaia gazeta, Nov, 8–11, 2007. 51. See, for example, Aleksei Savelev in Molodoi kommunist, No. 3, 1988, p. 57; and Natalya Rykova, on behalf of her mother, in Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, p. 351. For a discus- sion, see Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 29, 205–23; and for Levitin-Krasnov, his Likhie gody (Paris, 1977) and V poiskakh novogo Grada (Tel-Aviv, 1980). 52. See, for example, Shalamov’s letters in Nezavisimaia gazeta, April 9, 1998 and in Knizhnoe obozrenie, No. 27–28, 1997; Mikhail Zolotonosov in MN, Sept. 10–17, 1995; and similarly, Kim Parkhmenko in Nezavisimaia gazeta, Jan. 5, 1991. 53. The scientist and Svetlana Gurvich, a historian, were in politically sensitive professions. 54. See Antonov-Ovseenko, Portret, pp. 469–77; and the pro-Memorial account in Smith, Remembering, pp. 177–78. 55. See Karpov in Sovetskaia Rossiia, July 27, 2002, Pravda, April 26, 1995, and his Generalissimus, 2 vols. (Moscow, 2002); and Sviashchennik Dmitrii Dudko, Posmertnye vstrechi so Stalinym (Moscow, 1993). Notes 215

56. See the 1962 document in Rodina, No. 5–6, 1993, pp. 56–57. 57. See, for example, Izvestiia, June 22, 1992; Ella Maksimova, ibid., May 5, 1993; E. M. Maksimova, Po sledam zagublennykh sudeb (Moscow, 2007); and similarly, Deti GULAGa, p. 12. 58. See, for example, the account by Anthony Austin in New York Times Magazine, Dec. 16, 1979, p. 26; and by Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 140–41. 59. For the well-known example of Eugenia Ginzburg and Pavel Aksyonov, see Konstantin Smirnov, “Zhertvo prinoshenie,” Ogonek, No. 2, 1991, pp. 18–21. 60. The wife and daughter of my friend Yevgeny Gnedin, for example, remained utterly devoted to him. Similarly, see Milchakov, Molodost, pp. 91–92; and Baitalsky, Notebooks, pp. 389–91. For a contrary example, see Lakshin in LG, Aug. 17, 1994. More generally see Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 139–45. 61. See, for example, Oleg Volkov, Pogruzhenie vo tmu (Moscow, 1992), pp. 428–29. Solzhenitsyn and Aleksei Snegov had much younger post-Gulag wives. Among survivors who married other victims were Lez Razgon, Yuri Aikhenvald, and Antonov-Ovseyenko. Children included Irina Yakira and Yuli Kim, who married, and the famous novelist Yulian Semyonov, whose father spent many years in the Gulag, who married a victim’s daughter. Similarly, see Figes, Whisperers, pp. 566, 650. 62. For a discussion, see Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 114–18; for a specifi c case, M. Korol on the discarded wife of Marshal Budyonny in Argumenty i fakty, No. 23, 1993; and a tragic (and heroic) one, Iulii Kim on Pyotr Yakir in Obshchaia gazeta, Feb. 8–14, 1996. According to N. A. Morozov and M. B Rogachev. (Otechestvennaia istoriia, No. 2, 1995, p. 187), effects of the “syndrome” lasted for decades. For circles, see Ginzburg, Within, p. 157 and Adler, Gulag Survivor, p. 134; and for nostalgia, Ludmilla Alexeyeva and Paul Goldberg The Thaw Generation (Boston, 1990), p. 88; Bulat Okudzhava in Novaia gazeta, May 5–11, 2005; and even Solzhenitsyn, Gulag, vol. 3, p. 462. 63. For statutes and property compensation, see Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, pp. 181–83, 194–97, 333–34; and Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 186–90. I heard of very few instances of possessions being returned, not even photographs, except ones saved by relatives and friends, but learned of numerous instances of such items being held or sold by descendants of secret policemen. Similarly, see Liudmila Saveleva in Izvestiia, May 5, 1992; and Aleksandr Kokurin and Iurii Morukov, “Gulag,” Svobodnaia mysl, No. 2, 2002, p. 109. 64. E. Efi mov, “Pravovye voprosy vosstanovleniia trudovogo stazha reabilitirovannym grazhdanam,” Sotsialicheskaia zakonnost, No. 9, 1964, pp. 42–45; and Lev Zaverin in Soiuz, No. 51, 1990, p. 9. 65. See Adler, Gulag Survivor, chap. 5 (for the quotes, pp. 103, 161); similarly, Golosa, p. 225; and various documents in Reabilitatsiia, vols. 1 and 2. 66. Golosa, pp. 185–86, 214–33; Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, pp. 370–71, 456–62, 474–75; Joshua Rubenstein, Tangled Loyalties (New York, 1996), pp. 287–91, 303. 67. Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 171, 177; Ivan Zemlianushin in Trud, Dec. 24, 1992. The fi gures are probably compatible because the fi rst refers to 1954–1961 and the second apparently to 1954–1964. 68. Adler, Gulag Survivor, p. 179, and passim for offi cial opposition, which included Molotov (Golosa, p. 214). For examples of the other obstructions, see Semen Vilenskii, ed., Dognes tiagoteet, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1989), p. 5; G. Anokhin in Izvestiia, March 23, 1988; N. Zarubin, ibid., March 31, 1995; and employers in Briansk described in Lesnaia promyshlennost, May 1, 1989. 69. See Zaraev in Ogonek, No. 15, 1991, p. 15; Adler, Gulag Survivor, p. 186; for the poem, Vladimir Kornilov in Moskovskii komsomolets, July 13, 1966, and similarly the tributes in Evgenii Gnedin, Vykhod iz labirinta (Moscow, 1994); and for Gnedin’s life, Stephen F. Cohen, Sovieticus, exp. ed. (New York, 1986), pp. 104–07. 70. On the amnesty, see Miriam Dobson in Polly Jones, ed., The Dilemmas of De- Stalinization (London, 2006), pp. 21–40; and Solzhenitsyn, Gulag, vol. 3, p. 452. 216 Notes

A well-known Soviet fi lm about the amnesty, “The Cold Summer of 1953,” was released in 1988. 71. Snegov in Vsesoiuznoe soveshchanie, p. 270; and similarly, Vladimir Amlinskii in Iunost, No. 3, 1988, p. 53. The offi cial newspaper Izvestiia later admitted that “false denun- ciation frequently became a ladder by which to climb to the top.” Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Aug. 5, 1964, p. 20. The moral corruption of the living was a theme of the novels of Yuri Trifonov, a victim’s son. See below, n. 130. 72. Relatives naturally appealed on behalf of their loved ones, and professionals some- times on behalf of their colleagues. See, for example, V. A. Goncharov, Prosim osvobodit iz tiuremnogo zakliucheniia (Moscow, 1998); N. S. Cherushev, ed. “Dorogoi nash tovarishch Stalin!” (Moscow, 2001); and “Akademiki v zashchitu repressirovannykh kolleg,” Vestnik rossiikoi akademii nauk, No. 6, 2002, pp. 530–36. Friends and unre- lated individuals sometimes tried to help, as, for example, related by Razgon, True Stories, pp. 81–86; Evgeniia Taratuta in Sovetskaia kultura, June 4, 1988; and Marina Khodorkovskaia in Novaia gazeta, May 16–18, 2005. In Rasprava, prokurorskie sudby (Moscow, 1990), some prosecutors are reported to have resisted. For reports of NKVD offi cers resisting or helping people, see Zhigulin, Chernye kamni, pp. 262–64; I. Kon in Argumenty i fakty, No. 18, 1988; V. Chertkov in Pravda, May 1, 1989; and Galina Vinogradova in LG, Nov. 12, 1997. For a few “good bosses” in the camps, see E. Boldyreva in Sovetskaia kultura, Sept. 14, 1989. 73. Lidiia Chukovskaia, Zapiski ob Anne Akhmatovoi, vol. 2 (Paris, 1980), pp. 115, 137; and similarly, Lev Razgon in LG, Dec. 13, 1995, and Applebaum, Gulag, pp. 516–17. For a different perspective, see Miriam Dobson, “Contesting the Paradigms of De-Stalinization,” Slavic Review, Fall 2005, pp. 580–600. 74. See Cohen, ed., An End, chap. 2; for Monte Christo, Igor Zolotusskii and Kamil Ikramov in MN, June 18, 1989; and for revenge more generally, Lev Razgon in Ogonek, No. 51, 1995, p. 48, and Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 123–24. 75. Antonov-Ovseenko, Vragi, p. 16. For the no-guilt view, see Aleksandr Shitov on Yuri Trifonov in Novaia gazeta, Aug. 29–31, 2005; for the opposing view, Vladimir Sapozhnikov in LG, Aug. 24, 1988; for Yuri Tomsky and Svetlana Stalin, Boris Rubin, Moe okruzhenie (Moscow, 1995), p. 187; for the guards, Figes, Whisperers, p. 631. When I introduced Bukharin’s widow to his Lubyanka interrogator’s daughter, Larina reassured the latter, “They were both victims.” 76. I was told the fi rst episode. For the others, see, respectively, Zhigulin, Chernye kamni, p. 263; Valentin Kuznetsov in Knizhnoe obozrenie, No. 49, 1990, p. 3; Efi m Etkind, Notes of A Non-Conspirator (New York, 1978), pp. 113–14, 118, 204; and Aleksandr Borshchagovskii in LG, June 10, 1992. For similar episodes, see V. Volgin, “Dokumenty rasskazyvaiut,” Voprosy literatury, No. 1, 1992, pp. 257–83; Cohen, ed., An End, chap. 2; and N. N., “Donoschiki i predateli sredi sovetskikh pisatelei i uchenykh,” Sotsialisticheskii vestnik, May–June 1963, pp. 74–76. 77. See, for example, Bronia Ben-Iakov, Slovar argo Gulaga (Frankfurt, 1982); Vladimir Kozlovskii, Sobranie russkikh vorovskikh slovarei, 4 vols. (New York, 1983); and, in the Soviet Union itself, K. Kostsinskii (Kirill Uspenskii), “Sushchestvuet li problema zhargona?,” Voprosy literatury, No. 5, 1968, pp. 181–91. For objections, see those cited by Elvira Goriukhina in the weekly supplement of Novaia gazeta, Sept. 14, 2007. 78. Quoted by Tseitlin in Krokodil, No. 7, 1989, p. 6. Yevtushenko said at the time, “The intelligentsia is singing criminal songs.” Quoted by Mikhail Roshchin in Ogonek, No. 41, 1990, p. 9. For a study written as early as 1979, see Iurii Karabchievskii, “I vokhrovtsy i zeki,” Neva, No. 1, 1991, pp. 170–76. 79. See the accounts of Iurii Panov in Izvestiia, Aug. 10, 1990; and Viktor Bokarev in LG, March 29, 1989. 80. See, for example, Sovetskaia kultura, May 6, 1989; Gorizont, No. 6, 1989; Ogonek, No. 39, 1990, pp. 8–11; Tvorchestvo v lagerakh i ssylkakh (Moscow: Memorial Society, Notes 217

1990); Tvorchestvo i byt GULAGa (Moscow: Memorial Society, 1998); and Nikolai Getman, The Gulag Collection (Washington, 2001). For the sketches, see Literator, No. 35, 1989. 81. For “catacomb,” see Paola Volkova in Nezavisimaia gazeta, May 30, 2001. 82. Konstantin Simonov in Izvestiia, Nov. 18, 1962. For examples of earlier works, see K. Simonov, Zhivye i mertvye (Moscow, 1959); V. Kaverin, Otkrytaia kniga, Part III (Moscow, 1956); V. Panova, Sentimentalnyi roman (Moscow, 1958); N. Ivanter, “Snova avgusta,” Novyi mir, Nos. 8 and 9, 1959; and A. Valtseva, “Kvartira No. 13,” Moskva, No. 1, 1957. For a few of the early 1960s, see V. Nekrasov, “Kira Georgievna,” Novyi mir, No. 6, 1961; Iu. Dombrovskii, “Khranitel drevnostei,” Novyi mir, Nos. 6 and 7, 1964; A. Vasiliev, “Voprosov bolshe net,” Moskva, No. 6, 1964; A. Aldan- Semenov, “Barelef na skale,” Moskva, No. 7, 1964; V. Aksenov, “Dikoi,” Iunost, No. 12, 1964; Iu. Semenov, “Pri ispolnenii sluzhebnykh obiazannostei,” Iunost, Nos. 1 and 2, 1962; K. Ikramov and V. Tendriakov, “Belyi fl ag,” Molodaia gvardiia, No. 12, 1962; B. Polevoi, “Vosvrashchenie,” Ogonek, No. 31, 1962; I. Stadniuk, “Liudi ne angely,” Neva, No. 12, 1962; and I. Lazutin, “Chernye lebedi,” Baikal, Nos. 2–6, 1964 and No. 1, 1966. 83. For the imagery and quote, see Alexander Yanov, The Russian New Right (Berkeley, 1978), p. 15; and Solzhenitsyn, Oak, p. 16. 84. See, for example, the complaints by Ivan Isaev in Istoricheskii arkhiv, No. 2, 2001, pp. 123–34; and V. Ivanov-Paimen, ibid., No. 4, 2003, pp. 23–24. For returning to Party work, see, for example, Milchakov, Molodost, pp. 92–99; Rosliakov, Ubiistvo, p. 16; and D. Poliakova and V. Khorunzhii on Valentina Pikina in Komsomolskaia pravda, March 17, 1988. 85. For Burkovsky, see Michael Scammell, Solzhenitsyn (New York, 1984), p. 482; for Suchkov and Kheiman, Emily Tall in Slavic Review, Summer 1990, p. 184, and V. Loginov and N. Glovatskaia in Voprosy ekonomiki, No. 1, 2007, pp. 154–56. 86. As I frequently heard. In addition to ones mentioned in the text, they included Pyotr Yakir, whose family was close to Larina and Baeva, and Aleksandr Milchakov, whose son I knew in the 1980s. For Pikina, see above, n. 84; Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, pp. 273, 296; and Reabilitatsiia, vol. 1, pp. 168, 447, and vol. 2, pp. 267, 299, 378, 453, 456, 482, 493, 793, 877. For Shatunovskaia and Snegov, see below, n. 87. 87. For Shirvindt, who died in 1958, see Aleksandr Kokurin and Nikita Petrov, “MVD,” Svobodnaia mysl, No. 4, 1998, pp. 115–16. For Todorsky, see N. Cherushev, 1937 god (Moscow, 2003), pp. 407–35; Reabilitatsiia, vol. 1, pp. 214, 460, and vol. 2, pp. 376, 693–95, 793, 896; A. I. Todorskii, Marshal Tukhachevskii (Moscow, 1963); and V. Sokolovskii, “Boets i voennyi pisatel,” Voenno-istoricheskii zhurnal, No. 9, 1964, pp. 53–60. I was told a great deal about Shatunovskaia and Snegnov long before printed sources on their roles became available. For the former, see Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem; and Grigorii Pomerants, “Pamiati odinokoi teni,” Znamia, No. 7, 2006, pp. 165–69. For both, see Sergei Khrushchev, Khrushchev on Khrushchev (Boston, 1990), chap. 1; S. A. Mikoian, “Aleksei Snegov v borbe za ‘destalinizatsiiu,’” Voprosy istorii, No. 4, 2006, pp. 69–83; Mikoian, Tak bylo, chap. 48; and the name index in Reabilitatsiia, vols. 1–3, and in K. Aimermakher, ed., Doklad N. S. Khrushcheva o kulte lichnosti Stalina na XX sezde KPSS (Moscow, 2002). 88. Pomerants, “Pamiati,” p. 165. 89. For the congress, exiles and camps, see the sources on Shatunovskaya and Snegov above, n. 87. For the quotes, see, respectively, Mikoian, Tak bylo, p. 589; Pomerants, “Pamiati,” p. 166; Khrushchev, Khrushchev on Khrushchev, p. 13; and similarly, Mikoian, “Aleksei Snegov.” Pomerants calls Shatunovskaya Khrushchev’s “gray Bishop” (serym preosviashchenstvom). 90. Mikoyan, who headed the fi rst commission on rehabilitations, personally received and helped a remarkable number of returnees, as I was told and now is well documented. 218 Notes

For his own account, see Mikoian, Tak bylo, pp. 589–90; and, in addition, A. I. Mikoian (Moscow: Gorbachev Foundation, 1996). A well-informed historian thinks Mikoyan was “the most distraught by his conscience.” Miklós Kun, Stalin (Budapest, 2003), p. 290. For disagreements about his role under and after Stalin, see Sergo A. Mikoyan and Michael Ellman in Slavic Review, Winter 2001, pp. 917–21. 91. Quoted in Roy Medvedev, Khrushchev (Garden City, NY, 1983), pp. 89–91; and similarly, Fedor Burlatsky, Khrushchev and the First Russian Spring (New York, 1988), pp. 61–62. For the memorial, see XXII sezd kommununisticheskoi partii Sovetskogo Soiuza, 17–31 oktiabria 1961 goda, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1962), vol. 2, p. 587. 92. For the Beria trial, see Lavrentii Beria 1953 (Moscow, 1999). Among the witnesses were Pikina, Snegov, and Suren Gazarian, who wrote a memoir account. See SSSR: Vnutrennie protivorechiia (New York), No. 6 (1982), pp. 109–46. For the congress, see S. I. Chuprinin, ed., Ottepel 1953–1956 (Moscow, 1989), p. 461; for the show- down, see A. N. Iakovlev, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich 1957 (Moscow, 1998); and for Lazurkina, XXII sezd, vol. 3, p. 121. Solzhenitsyn’s novella appeared in Novyi mir in November 1962. 93. Iurii Trifonov, Otblesk kostra (Moscow, 1966), p. 86; and similarly, Cohen, ed., An End, pp. 29–30. 94. Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev, 3 vols. (University Park, PA, 2004–2007), vol. 2, p. 209; Georgii Ostroumov in Proryv k svobode (Moscow, 2005), p. 288, and similarly, Evgenii Evtushenko in Novaia gazeta, Jan. 26–28, 2004. 95. Suren Gazarian, “Eto ne dolzhno povtoritsa” (samizdat manuscript, 1966); Eugenia Ginzburg, Journey Into the Whirlwind (New York, 1967) and Within; Kopelev, To Be Preserved Forever (New York, 1977), The Education of a True Believer (New York, 1980), and Ease My Sorrows (New York, 1983); Razgon, True Stories; Gnedin, Katastrofa i vtoroe rozhdenie (Amsterdam, 1977); Baitalsky, Notebooks. 96. See Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, esp. pp. 296–361, and the 1963 Shvernik Commission report, to which she was a major contributor, in Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, pp. 541–670; on Snegov, Khrushchev, Khrushchev on Khrushchev, pp. 9–10, and Mikoian, “Aleksei Snegov,” pp. 81–82; on Todorsky, above, n. 87; and Milchakov, Molodost. 97. Trifonov, Otblesk; L. P. Petrovskii, Petr Petrovskii (Alma-Ata, 1974); Yakir, Childhood; and Ikramov, Delo. Under a pseudonym, Antonov-Ovseyenko published a censored biography of his father in 1975 and much later an uncensored edition: A. V. Rakitin, V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko (Leningrad, 1989). Yuri Gastev, a returnee whom I knew well, prepared a documented biography of his father in order to facilitate the latter’s posthumous rehabilitation. He did so at the suggestion of the Procurator’s offi ce. A number of published books and articles began that way. Several children of promi- nent victims were given prized slots for graduate students at history institutes, including Yakir and Petrovsky. 98. A recurring charge at the 1957 Central Committee meeting. See Iakovlev, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich. 99. See, for example, above, n. 64. 100. Quoted in Medvedev, Khrushchev, p. 84; for “fashion,” see Vladimir Lakshin in LG, Aug. 17, 1994. 101. See Nikita Petrov, Pervyi predsedatel KGB Ivan Serov (Moscow, 2005); Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, pp. 285–91; also on Suslov, Mikoian, “Aleksei Snegov”; and similarly on Molotov, above, n. 68. For the lists, see Reabilitatsiia, vol. 3, p. 144. 102. Among them, for example, Konstantin Simonov, Tvardovsky, and Ehrenburg 103. For those developments, see above, n. 100; Aimermakher, ed., Doklad; Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, Section III; and Iakovlev, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich. Documents existed incriminating Khrushchev and Mikoyan. See Reabilitatsiia, vol. 3, pp. 146–47. For Khrushchev’s enemies circulating them, see Neizvestnaia Rossiia, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1992), pp. 294–95; and for the role of archive documents more generally at that time, Notes 219

Medvedev and Medvedev, Unknown Stalin, chap. 3. For Khrushchev’s own role in the terror, see Taubman, Khrushchev, chaps. 5–6. 104. N. Barsukov, “Proval ‘antipartiinoi gruppy,’” Kommunist, No. 8, 1990, p. 99. 105. See N. Barsukov, “Oborotnaia storona ‘ottepeli,’” Kentavr, No. 4, 1993, pp. 129–43; Evgenii Taranov, “‘Raskachaem leninskie gory!’” Svobodnaia mysl, No. 10, 1993, pp. 94–103; and Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, p. 7. For the quote, see Nikita Petrov in Novoe vremia, No. 23, 2000, p. 33; and similarly, Gazarian cited above, n. 92. 106. Iakovlev, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich. 107. Ibid., p. 137. 108. The latter number is from V. P. Pirozhkov in Nedelia, No. 26, 1989, who also reports that 1,342 were tried. Nikita Petrov, whom I follow in this regard, effectively debunks the number tried, in N. G. Okhotin and A. B. Roginskii, eds., Zvenia, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1991), pp. 430–36. For the number executed, see Iu. S. Novopashin in Voprosy istorii, No. 5, 2007, pp. 54–55. For examples of the various punishments, see Kokurin and Petrov, “MVD,” pp. 114–18; and Robert Conquest, Inside Stalin’s Secret Police (Stanford, CA, 1985), pp. 155–57. 109. Kokurin and Petrov, “MVD”; Aleksandr Kokurin, “GULAG,” Svobodnaia mysl, No. 2, 2002, p. 98; Aleksandr Fadeev (Moscow, 2001); and similarly, Burlatsky, Khrushchev, p. 18 and Medvedev and Medvedev, Unknown Stalin, pp. 116–17. 110. Khrushchev cited in Medvedev, Khrushchev, p. 99, and similarly in Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, p. 286; Gorbachev in V politbiuro TsK KPSS: Po zapisiam Anatoliia Cherniaeva, Vadima Medvedeva, Georgiia Shakhnazarova (1985–1991) (Moscow, 2006), pp. 323–24. For his vulnerable position, see Khrushchev, Khrushchev on Khrushchev, p. 14. 111. Solzhenitsyn, Oak, pp. 13–14. All quotes are from the proceedings, XXII sezd, 3 vols. 112. Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, pp. 297–300. For the fi nal report, see above, n. 96. 113. I borrow the phrase from Vladimir Lakshin, “Ivan Denisovich, ego druzia i nedrugi,” Novyi mir, No. 1, 1964. 114. Lev Ozerov, Den poezii 1962 (Moscow, 1962), p. 45. I remain grateful to the late Professor Vera Dunham, who located and translated the poem. For a list of other examples, see Cohen, Rethinking, p. 199, n. 65; and above, n. 82. 115. Politicheskii dnevnik, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 1975), p. 123; and similarly, Medvedev and Medvedev, Unknown Stalin, pp. 116–17. For the cases, see N. N., “Donschiki”; Cohen, ed., An End, pp. 124–32, and generally, chap. 2. When Yudin died in 1968, offi cial obituaries noted only his “long and glorious career.” Current Digest of the Soviet Press, May 1, 1968, p. 39. 116. Read comparatively, for example, the reviews of Ivan Denisovich; Iurii Bondarev, “Tishina” (Novyi mir, Nos. 3–5, 1962); and Diakov’s memoirs Povest, which began appearing in 1963. See also Lakshin, “Ivan Denisovich.” 117. See the exchange between Ehrenburg and Viktor Ermilov in Izvestiia, Jan. 30 and Feb. 6, 1963; for Khrushchev, Taubman, Khrushchev, p. 596; and the anonymous letter from a Russian writer in Encounter, June 1964, pp. 88–98. 118. See, for example, E. Genri, “Chuma na ekrane,” Iunost, No. 6, 1966 and his comments on a related Soviet fi lm, “Ordinary Fascism,” in Novyi mir, No. 12, 1965; Fedor Burlatskii in Pravda, Feb. 14, 1966; Evgenii Gnedin, “Biurokratiia dvatstogo veka,” Novyi mir, No. 3, 1966 and his “Mekhanizm fashistskoi diktatury,” Novyi mir, No. 8, 1968; Politicheskii dnevnik, vol. II, pp. 109–22; and similarly, Adler, Gulag Survivor, p. 194. 119. Politicheskii dnevnik, p. 123. 120. As I frequently heard from people who knew or studied them. 121. Translated by George Reavey, The Poetry of Yevgeny Yevtushenko, 1953 to 1965 (London, 1966), pp. 161–65. The poem appeared in Pravda, Oct. 21, 1962. On the same point, see Z. L. Serebriakova in Gorbachevskie chteniia, No. 4 (Moscow, 2006), p. 96. 220 Notes

122. For Snegov, Shatunovskaia and the report, see Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, p. 524; and Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, p. 291. For the editorial and constitution, see Burlatsky, Khrushchev, pp. 200–01, 215; and G. L. Smirnov’s memoir in Neizvestnaia Rossiia, vol. 3 (Moscow, 1993), pp. 377–81. 123. For the overthrow, and a somewhat different interpretation, see Taubman, Khrushchev, chap. 1; and for the shift, Cohen, Rethinking, chap. 5. A Russian scholar thinks the people behind Khrushchev’s ouster “didn’t mention the real reason.” See Serebiakova, cited above, n. 121. 124. Quoted in Taubman, Khrushchev, p. 14. 125. Medvedev, Khrushchev, p. 98, who gives a somewhat different version and dates it later than did my informants. Similarly, Party bosses were now heard to say: “Far too many were rehabilitated.” Solzhenitsyn, Gulag, vol. 3, p. 451. For neo-Stalinism after 1964, see Cohen, Rethinking, chap. 4; and for Beria’s men, O. Volin in Sovershenno sekretno, No. 6, 1989, p. 18. 126. Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, p. 5; Applebaum, Gulag, p. 557. 127. For the two episodes, see Kremlevskii samosud (Moscow, 1994), pp. 209, 361; and Reabilitatsiia, vol. 2, pp. 538–40. In 1966, Suslov labeled Snegov a “blackmailer” (shantazhist), which suggests Snegov may have had documents incriminating Suslov. See ibid., vol. 2, p. 510, and for the subsequent persecution of Snegov, pp. 521–25. 128. Adler, Gulag Survivor, pp. 196–97. For several “hangmen,” see Antonov-Ovseyenko, Portret; N. V. Petrov and K. V. Skorkin, Kto rukovodil NKVD (Moscow, 1999); and above, n. 108. 129. Antonov-Ovseyenko, Time of Stalin, p. xviii. 130. For Trifonov, whose House on the Embankment (1976) and The Old Man (1978) were especially important, see New York Times, Dec. 16, 1979; and for Shatrov, the interview in Figury i litsa, No. 7, supplement in Nezavisimaia gazeta, April 13, 2000, and Mikhail Shatrov, Shatrov: Tvorchestvo, Zhizn, dokumenty, 5 vols. (Moscow, 2006–2007). 131. Elena Bonner’s father was executed and her mother, Ruth Bonner, freed under Khrushchev. 132. For Nuremberg, see, for example, Vitalii Shentalinskii in Komsomolskaia pravda, Oct. 17, 1990; and G. Z. Ioffe, looking back, in Otechestvennaia istoriia, No. 4, 2002, p. 164. For the “trial of Stalin,” A. Samsonov in Nedelia, No. 52, 1988; the special issue of MN, Nov. 27, 1988; and Iurii Solomonov in Sovetskaia kultura, Sept. 9, 1989. And for Memorial, Nanci Adler, Victims of Stalin’s Terror (Westport, CT, 1993). 133. For Aleksandr Milchakov’s investigative articles, which appeared regularly in the press, see the interviews in Izvestiia, Nov. 11, 1988, and Vecherniaia Moskva, April 14, 1990. For “hangmen on pension,” see the stories in Moscow News, Nos. 19, 28, 42, 1988, and Nos. 10, 37, 1990; and Komsomolskaia pravda, Dec. 8, 1989. For “martyrology,” Istoriia SSSR, No. 3, 1988, p. 52. 134. As I heard repeatedly. Similarly, see, for example, Iurii Orlik in Izvestiia, March 3, 1989; Shatunovskaia, Ob ushedshem, p. 430; and even Akhmatova, quoted by N. B. Ivanova in Gorbachevskie chteniia, No. 4, p. 81. 135. Reabilitatsiia, vol. 3, pp. 507, 521–22. For the quote, see Orlik in Izvestiia, March 3, 1989. 136. Mikhail Gorbachev, Zhizn i reformy, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1995), pp. 38–42. others in the leadership included Yegor Ligachev and Eduard Shevardnadze, whose wives’ fathers had perished. For the charge, see the letter in Izvestiia, May 7, 1992; and similarly, Vladimir Karpov’s complaint about “rehabilitation euphoria,” quoted by Zhanna Kasianenko in Sovetskaia Rossiia, July 27, 2002. 137. Reabilitatsiia, vol. 3, pp. 7–8. For the SOS, see Komsomolskaia pravda, Sept. 26, 1990. 138. Reabilitatsiia, vol. 3, pp. 600–06; Adler, Gulag Survivor, p. 33. For the post-Soviet period generally, see ibid., chap. 7; and Nanci Adler, “The Future of the Soviet Past Remains Unpredictable,” Europe-Asia Studies, Dec. 2005, pp. 1093–1119. Notes 221

139. B. S. in Nezavisimaia gazeta, Sept. 21, 1993. More generally, see Mir posle Gulaga. A returnee who headed a Moscow city commission on rehabilitations in the early 1990s recalled that benefi ts were a “huge problem.” A. Feldman, Riadovoe delo (Moscow, 1993), pp. 58–60. 140. See, respectively, above, n. 136; Leonid Goldenmauer in Knizhnoe obozrenie, No. 40, 2003, p. 7; A. T. Rybin, Stalin v oktiabre 1941 g. (Moscow, 1995), p. 5; and similarly, Evgenii Strigin, Predavshie SSSR (Moscow, 2005), pp. 181–85. 141. Three examples of such volumes: Reabilitatsiia, vols. 1–3; Deti GULAGa; 1937–1938 gg.: Operatsii NKVD (Tomsk-Moscow, 2006). In 2006, a former head of the KGB/ FSB presented a literary award to a former zek, the poet Naum Korzhavin, and invited him to speak at its headquarters. Knizhnoe obozrenie, No. 48, 2006, p. 4. The fi lms included ones based on Solzhenitsyn’s The First Circle, Anatoly Rybakov’s Children of the Arbat, and Shalamov’s Kolyma Tales. 142. See, respectively, kremlin.ru June 21, 2007 and Peter Finn in Washington Post, July 20, 2007; Reuters dispatch, Nov. 2, 2000; Der Spiegel interview with Solzhenitsyn in Johnson’s Russia List (e-mail newsletter), July 24, 2007, which includes his favorable opinion of Putin; and kremlin.ru Oct. 30, 2007, along with Itar-Tass dispatch the same day. 143. Cohen, ed., An End, pp. 49–50. For the division, see below, n. 145. 144. Cited by Paul Goble in Johnson’s Russia List, Feb. 24, 2006. For examples of grand- children, in addition to Gorbachev, see V. V. Obolenskii’s letter in Ogonek, No. 24, 1987, p. 6; and Efi m Fattakhov in Sobesednik, No. 21, 1989; and I. Shcherbakova, ed., Kak nashikh dedov zabirali (Moscow, 2007). 145. In 2006, an editor emphasized that the confl ict between “two Russias,” described by Akhmatova in 1956 and quoted above, “has not been settled to this day.” Gorbachevskie chteniia, No. 4, p. 81. And in 1993, Memorial editors wrote: “The past, which left its traces on the lives of a majority of us . . . has not ended.” Memorial-Aspekt, June 1993.

Chapter 4 1. Robert Conquest, Power and Policy in the USSR: The Study of Soviet Dynastics (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1961). 2. Ibid., pp. 198, 200. The chapter “The Death of Stalin and the Fall of Beria, 1953,” is on pp. 195–227. 3. “O reagirovanii voennosluzhashchikh i vol’nonaemnykh Sovetskoi Armii i Voenno- Morskogo Flota na bolezn’ t. I. V. Stalin,” Memorandum (Top Secret) from Kruglov to Georgii Malenkov, Lavrentii Beria, Nikolai Bulganin, and Nikita Khrushchev, March 5, 1953, in Tsentral’nyi Arkhiv Federal’noi Sluzhby Bezopasnosti (TsA FSB), reproduced by Valerii Lazarev in V. A. Kozlov, ed., Neizvestnaya Rosssiya: XX vek, 4 vols. (Moscow: Istoricheskoe nasledie, 1992), vol. 2, pp. 253–258 (quoted portion on pp. 256–257). Lazarev misidentifi es Kruglov as the minister for state security, a post actually held at that time by Semyon Ignat’ev. 4. See the handwritten drafts with cross-outs and scribbled revisions in Rossiiskii Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Sotsial’no-Politicheskoi Istorii (RGASPI), Fond (F.) 83, Opis’ (Op.) 1, Delo (D.) 3, Listy (Ll.) 1–18 (subsequent citations will be in the form of 83/1/3/1–18). On the approval of the pact, see “Vypiska iz protokola No. 13 zasedaniya Byuro Prezidiuma TsK ot 4–5 marta 1953 g.: O sovmestnom zasedanii Plenuma TsK KPSS, Soveta Ministrov SSSR i Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR,” No. BP13/XIII (Strictly Secret), March 5, 1953, in Arkhiv Prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii (APRF), 45/1/1485/13. 5. “Protokol sovmestnogo zasedaniya Plenuma Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, Soveta Ministrov Soyuza SSR i Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR ot 5 marta 1953 goda,” 222 Notes

Protocol Account (Strictly Secret), March 5, 1953, in Rossiiskii Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Noveishei Istorii (RGANI), 2/1/23/1–7. The resolution abolished the Bureau of the CPSU Presidium (the equivalent of what later was renamed the Politburo), and the CPSU Presidium took over its responsibilities. The ten members of the CPSU Presidium are listed in the order presented at the joint meeting. (Stalin’s name origi- nally was listed fi rst among the Presidium members, but it was removed when he died less than an hour after the conclusion of the joint meeting.) Because the listing is not alphabetical, it presumably represents some sort of pecking order. 6. “Postanovlenie Byuro Prezidiuma TsK KPSS ot 4–5 marta 1953 g. o dokumentakh i bumagakh tovarishcha Stalina I. V.,” Resolution No. BP13/XIII (Strictly Secret), March 5, 1953, in RGASPI, 558/1/1486/136. See also “Postanovlenie sovmestnogo zasedaniya Plenuma TsK KPSS, Soveta Ministrov SSSR, Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR o dokumentakh i bumagakh Stalina I.V.” Joint Resolution (Strictly Secret), March 5, 1953, in RGASPI, F. 558, Op. 1, D. 1486, L. 145; and “Vypiska iz protokola No. 34 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK ot 18 sentyabrya 1953 g.: O materialakh lichnogo arkhiva Iosifa Vissarionovicha Stalina,” No. P34/III (Strictly Secret), September 19, 1953, in RGASPI, 558/1/1485/109. 7. “Protokol sovmestnogo zasedaniya Plenuma Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, Soveta Ministrov Soyuza SSR i Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR ot 5 marta 1953 goda,” Ll. 1–7. 8. See the retrospective account by Dmitrii Shepilov, the editor in chief of Pravda in 1953, who later became Soviet foreign minister and a member of the CPSU Presidium in “Vospominaniya,” Voprosy istorii (Moscow), No. 8 (August 1998), esp. pp. 11–12. 9. The Presidium of the Council of Ministers was an important collective decision-making body during the brief period when Malenkov was regarded as the top offi cial in Moscow from March 1953 until at least September 1953, but the CPSU Presidium (whose key members other than Khrushchev and Voroshilov were also on the Presidium of the Council of Ministers) remained the paramount organ in the USSR even after Malenkov was forced to relinquish his post as a CPSU Secretary on March 14. For a while Malenkov continued to chair meetings of the CPSU Presidium, but eventually he had to relinquish that function to Khrushchev. (Malenkov retained his membership on the CPSU Presidium until 1957.) The CPSU Presidium continued to decide issues that, in principle, should have been handled by the Soviet government, and it also con- tinued to issue orders and directives to government ministries and agencies. The fact that the CPSU Presidium regained supremacy over the Presidium of the Council of Ministers in the late summer of 1953 was an adumbration of Khrushchev’s eventual success in displacing Malenkov altogether. 10. “Pokhorony Iosifa Vissarionovicha Stalina: Traurnyi miting na Krasnoi ploshchadi 9 marta 1953 goda,” Pravda (Moscow), March 10, 1953, pp. 1–2. Malenkov’s speech was printed in full on page 1. Beria’s and Molotov’s speeches were printed side by side on page 2. All three offi cials were identifi ed solely by their positions on the Presidium of the USSR Council of Ministers. See also the declassifi ed preparatory documents from the funeral organizing committee, chaired by Khrushchev, in RGASPI, 558/1/1486/148–202; and the account by a senior party offi cial who attended the funeral, Nuriddin Mukhitdinov, Gody, provedennye v Kremle, 3 vols. (Tashkent: Izdatel’stvo Narodnogo Naslediya, 1994), vol. 1 (O deyatel’nost; TsK KPSS i ego Politbyuro v 50-e gody), pp. 87–95. 11. Yoram Gorlizki and Oleg Khlevniuk, Cold Peace: Stalin and the Soviet Ruling Circle, 1945–1953 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 26–28. 12. Ibid., pp. 109–113. 13. Ibid., pp. 145–163. See also A. V. Pyzhikov, “Poslednie mesyatsy diktatora (1952–1953 gody),” Otechestvennaya istoriya (Moscow), No. 2 (March–April 2002): 152–158. 14. Conquest, Power and Policy in the USSR, p. 29. Notes 223

15. Untitled typescript of Malenkov’s draft remarks, April 1953, in RGASPI, 83/1/3/ 26–30. 16. For a valuable selection of declassifi ed materials pertaining to many of the domestic political reforms introduced in the USSR in the spring of 1953, with an interesting (albeit at times overly generous and inaccurate) introduction by A. I. Pozharov, see “‘Novyi kurs’ L. P. Berii 1953 g.,” Istoricheskii arkhiv (Moscow), No. 4 (1996): 132–164. The reforms covered in Pozharov’s survey were promoted by Beria. Many other formerly secret documents relating to Beria’s proposals for reforms of the state security apparatus, MVD, and administrative structures are available in Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), 9401/2/416/1299, 1300, 1329, and 1337. 17. “Soobshchenie Ministerstva vnutrennikh del,” Pravda (Moscow), April 4, 1953, p. 2. For the CPSU Presidium’s resolution authorizing publication of the announcement, see “Vypiska iz protokola No. 3 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 3 aprelya 1953 goda: O doklade MVD SSSR po ‘delu vrachakh-vreditelyakh’,” No. P3/IV (Strictly Secret), April 3, 1953, in APRF, 3/58/423/17. 18. “Sovetskaya sotsialisticheskaya zakonnost’ neprikosnovenna,” Pravda (Moscow), April 6, 1953, p. 1. 19. “V Prezidium TsK KPSS,” No. 31/B (Top Secret), May 8, 1953; “V Prezidium TsK KPSS,” No. 42/B (Top Secret), May 16, 1953; and “V Prezidium TsK KPSS,” No. 98/B (Top Secret), June 8, 1953, all in GARF, R9401/2/416/72–74, 79–82, 113–116. These dealt, respectively, with Lithuania, western Ukraine, and Belorussia. 20. Quoted by A. Sneckus, fi rst secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party, in “Plenum Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, 2–7 iyulya 1953 g.: Zasedanie vtoroe,” July 2, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/32/212–213. 21. Elena Zubkova, Poslevoennoe sovetskoe obshchestvo: Politika i povsednevnost’, 1945–1953 (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2000). For a valuable collection of declassifi ed documents attesting to the revival of hope, see E. Yu. Zubkova et al., eds., Sovetskaya zhizn’, 1945–1953 (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2003). 22. See, for example, “O reagirovanii trudyashchikhsya Ukrainskoi SSR na Ukaz Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR ob amnistii,” Memorandum 11-sv (Top Secret) from L. G. Mel’nykov, fi rst secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party, to Soviet Prime Minister G. M. Malenkov, April 1, 1953, in APRF, 3/52/101/12–16. 23. For a fi rst-rate collection of recently declassifi ed documents from GARF on the upris- ings, strikes, and riots in the Gulag in 1953, see vol. 6 (Vosstaniya, bunty i zabastovki zaklyuchennykh, ed. V. A. Kozlov) of V. P. Kozlov et al., eds., Istoriya stalinskogo Gulaga: Konets 1920kh-pervaya polovina 1950kh godov—Sobranie dokumentov, 7 vols. (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2004), esp. pp. 85–101, 309ff. 24. “Postanovlenie Prezidiuma TsK KPSS ‘Ob amnistii,’” No. 2, p. 1 (Top Secret), March 27, 1953, in RGANI, 3/8/20/1. The amnesty was published in the main Soviet newspapers the next day as a decree of the Soviet legislature, “Ukaz Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR ‘Ob Amnistii,’” Pravda (Moscow), March 28, 1953, p. 1. 25. “Ob obostrenii obstanoki v lageryakh posle amnistii v aktivizatsii pretypnykh gruppiro- vok,” Draft Instructions (Top Secret) from Soviet Minister of Justice K. P. Gorshenin, May 12, 1953, and “O merakh po obespecheniyu soblyudeniya sovetskoi zakonnosti v ispravitel’no-trudovykh lageryakh i koloniyakh Ministerstva Yustitsii SSSR,” Draft Directive (Top Secret) from Soviet Minister of Justice K. P. Gorshenin, May 18, 1953, in GARF, R9414/1/664/131–137 and 149–150, respectively. 26. “O predvaritel’nykh rezul’tatakh spetsial’nogo rassledovaniya gruppovoi draki i ubiistva zaklyuchennykh v 8-m lagernom otdelenii ITL stroitel’stva No. 16 MVD 4 maya 1953 g.,” Encrypted Telegram (Top Secret) to Soviet Minister of Justice K. P. Gorshenin and Gulag Administration Head I. I. Dolgikh, May 9, 1953, in GARF, R9414/1/ 664/154–158. 27. See Kozlov, ed., Vosstaniya, bunty i zabastovki zaklyuchennykh, pp. 320–355. 224 Notes

28. “Protokol sovmestnogo zasedaniya Plenuma Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, Soveta Ministrov Soyuza SSR i Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR ot 5 marta 1953 goda,” Ll 1. 29. The account here is derived from an analysis and cross-checking of all available memoirs and newly declassifi ed sources, including documents from the June 26 meeting of the CPSU Presidium (cited below); the proceedings of three CPSU Central Committee plenums (in July 1953, January 1955, and June 1957); Beria’s prison letters; and a large volume of materials from the investigation and trial of Beria. 30. See “Vesna 1953 goda: Diktovka t. Mikoyana A. I., 30.IV.60g.,” Aide-mémoire by A. I. Mikoyan, No. 231-op (Secret/Special Dossier), April 30, 1960, in RGASPI, 39/3/119/57–58. Most of this document, which was highly classifi ed until very recently, is featured in chapter 49 (“Kollektivnoe rukovodstvo i bor’ba za vlast’ posle smerti Stalina”) of Mikoyan’s newly published memoirs, Tak bylo (Moscow: Vagrius, 1999). This volume of memoirs is far more valuable than the two volumes published during Mikoyan’s lifetime. 31. This is evident from memoir accounts on all sides as well as from events in 1953–1955. 32. “Protokol No. 2 zasedaniya Plenuma Tsentral’nogo Komiteta ot 14 marta 1953 goda,” Plenum Record (Top Secret), March 14, 1953, in RGANI, 2/1/25/1–10. Whether Malenkov actually intended to try to concentrate all power in his own hands is far from clear. A considerable amount of evidence suggests that he might have been willing to stick with a collective leadership structure for a long while and perhaps indefi nitely. The ambition that drove Khrushchev (and evidently Beria) to seek untram- meled power appeared to be much less pronounced in Malenkov, who was ambitious but, unlike his main rivals, may have been willing to accept the principle of collective leadership. 33. D. T. Shepilov, “Vospominaniya,” Voprosy istorii (Moscow), No. 8 (August 1998), pp. 11–12. 34. See the comments by Malenkov in “Plenum Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, 2–7 iyulya 1953 g.: Zasedanie pervoe,” July 2, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/29/ 22–23. 35. “V Prezidium TsK KPSS,” No. 109/B (Top Secret), June 15, 1953, accompanied by a draft resolution of the CPSU Presidium, a draft decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, and draft guidelines for the MVD’s Special Board, in Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), R9401/2/416/123–131. 36. Khrushchev provides an amusing account of his meeting with Kaganovich: When Kaganovich returned [from Siberia], I requested that he come by the Central Committee headquarters. By the time he got there, it was evening. He and I met for a very long time. He recounted to me in elaborate detail his trip to Siberia and the lumber sites. I did not interrupt him, but I was completely distracted by something very different. Displaying politeness and tact, I waited until he fi nally paused for breath and was fi nishing his report to me. When I saw that he had actually stopped speaking, I said to him: “That’s all good what you’ve said, but now I want to tell you what’s going on here.” Quoted from N. S. Khrushchev, “Aktsiya,” in V. F. Nekrasov, eds., Beriya: Konets kar’ery (Moscow: Politizdat, 1991), p. 272. 37. Ibid., pp. 274–275. See also Shepilov, “Vospominaniya,” pp. 15–16. 38. On this point, see V. P. Naumov, “K istorii sekretnogo doklada N. S. Khrushcheva na XX S’ezda KPSS,” Novaya i noveishaya istoriya (Moscow), No. 4 (July–August 1996): 152–153. 39. For a detailed accounting of the large volume of kompromat at Beria’s disposal, see the nine pages of handwritten lists appended to “TsK KPSS,” Memorandum No. 1169 (Top Secret/Special Dossier) from I. Serov, chairman of the Soviet Committee on Notes 225

State Security (KGB) and R. Rudenko, Soviet procurator-general, December 4, 1958, in APRF, 3/24/435(sekretno)/61–70. Following Beria’s arrest, these fi les were trans- ferred to a special part of the CPSU CC General Department Archive, where they were stored until July 1954. At that point, according to the Serov/Rudenko memo- randum and the appended lists, “the materials and documents [formerly] stored in the personal archive of the enemy of the people Beria (photographs, certifi cates, deeds), as well as documents containing infl ammatory and slanderous information, were destroyed.” The destruction of these materials was carried out at the behest of the CPSU Presidium. See also the testimony of Nikolai Shatalin, the head of a commission formed right after Beria’s arrest to examine Beria’s personal belongings, in “Plenum Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, 2–7 iyulya 1953 g.: Zasedanie vtoroe,” July 2, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/30/113–115, 2/1/31/57–64. 40. Conquest, Power and Policy in the USSR, p. 228. 41. For an extraordinary account of Stalin’s campaign against Molotov and of Beria’s pos- sible role in it, which draws from still-classifi ed materials from Stalin’s personal fond, see Vladimir Pechatnov, “‘Soyuzniki nazhimayut na tebya dlya togo, chtoby slomit’ u tebya volyu . . .’: Perepiska Stalina s Molotovym i drugimi chlenami Politbyuro na vneshnepoliticheskim voprosam v sentyabre–dekabre 1945 g.,” Istochnik, No. 2 (1999): 70–85, esp. 83. This matter was raised at the July 1953 plenum of the CPSU Central Committee by several speakers; see, for example, “Doklad tov. G. M. Malenkova” and “Rech’ tov. V. A. Malysheva,” both from “Plenum Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, 2–7 iyulya 1953 g.,” July 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/45/5, 40. 42. For Beria’s denial, which responded to criticisms voiced by Molotov at the CPSU Presidium meeting on June 26, 1953, see “V TsK KPSS tovarishchu Malenkovu,” letter from Beria to Malenkov (written from captivity), July 1, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/ 463/170. 43. Stalin chaired the Soviet government from May 1941 until his death in March 1953. Bulganin was one of several deputy chairmen of the government from September 1938 to May 1944 and again from March 1947 until March 1953. During this latter period, Stalin had been ready to appoint Bulganin as fi rst deputy chairman, but never did. Bulganin did informally become a fi rst deputy to Stalin and chaired meetings when Stalin was not present, but Stalin eventually became dissatisfi ed with Bulganin and decided to rotate the chairmanship, a step that Beria undoubtedly welcomed. Bulganin raised this issue during the June 26 meeting of the CPSU Presidium, claim- ing that Beria had told Stalin that Bulganin was “poorly prepared and unable to cope with his job.” Beria later denied this and said he had “always spoken to Comrade Stalin about what a wonderful comrade and Bolshevik” Bulganin was and about Bulganin’s ability to “cope with his job.” See ibid., L. 171. 44. Cited in “Pokazanie A. N. Poskrebysheva,” 14 August 1953 (Top Secret), in APRF, 3/24/463/210. 45. This issue was raised by Saburov at the CPSU Presidium meeting on June 26, but Beria later claimed that, far from having tried to dislodge Saburov, he had “supported him for the post of chairman of Gosplan.” See “V TsK KPSS tovarishchu Malenkovu,” L. 170. Beria and Saburov were among the twelve deputy chairmen of the Council of Ministers in the late 1940s, as was Nikolai Voznesenskii, the offi cial who headed Gosplan at the time of the alleged scandal. Voznesenskii had been slated for promotion to fi rst deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, joining Molotov in that capacity. A high-ranking Soviet offi cial later claimed that “the Gosplan affair was benefi cial for Beria because he did not want to have competition from Voznesenskii for the post of fi rst deputy chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, a spot he was aspiring to fi ll himself.” See the statement by Nikolai Dudorov, Soviet minister of internal affairs, in “Plenum TsK KPSS: Iyun’ 1957: Zasedanie pervoe (Nepravlennaya stenogramma),” June 22–29, 1957 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/223/42–43. 226 Notes

46. See “Pokazanie A. N. Poskrebysheva,” L. 211. 47. This issue was raised by Pervukhin at the CPSU Presidium meeting on June 26, but Beria insisted that he had never tried to undercut Pervukhin and had in fact awarded him a Socialist Hero of Labor medal in October 1949. See “V TsK KPSS tovarishchu Malenkovu,” letter from Beria to Malenkov (written from captivity), July 1, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/463/171. 48. “Konets Berii: Diktovka t. Mikoyana A. I., 21.V.60 g.,” Aide-mémoire by A. I. Mikoyan, No. 231-op (Secret/Special Dossier), May 21, 1960, in RGASPI, 39/3/ 119/70. 49. Mukhitdinov, O deyatel’nosti TsK KPSS i ego Politbyuro v 50-e gody, vol. 1, p. 99. Beria was also chosen to nominate Malenkov as prime minister on March 15 at a special session of the Supreme Soviet (the fi gurehead Soviet parliament), which unanimously endorsed the proposal. 50. See footnote 12 supra. 51. This issue, which is discussed in various memoirs, was raised by Malenkov, Khrushchev, and others at the CPSU Presidium meeting on June 26. From captivity, Beria wrote to Malenkov that “your criticism, the criticism of Cde. N. S. Khrushchev, and the criticism of the other comrades on the CPSU Presidium were completely justifi ed regarding my improper desire, at my urging, to have the MVD’s memoranda sent out together with the CC [Presidium’s] decisions. Of course, this practice substantially detracted from the signifi cance of the CC [Presidium’s] own decisions, thereby creating an unacceptable situation in which the MVD appeared to be correcting the [party’s earlier decisions] rather than just fulfi lling the instructions of the CPSU CC and Government. I want to say forthrightly that it was stupid and politically ill-conceived for me to have insisted on the distribution of the [MVD’s] memoranda, all the more so because you advised me that it would not be wise to do it.” See “V TsK KPSS Tovarishchu Malenkovu,” July 1, 1953, from L. Beria, in APRF, 3/24/463/164–166. The issue was featured prominently in the top-secret report fi led against Beria at the beginning of his trial; see the section on “Prestupnaya deyatel’nost’ zagovorshchikov posle konchiny I. V. Stalina/mart-iyul’ 1953 goda/,” December 1953 (Top Secret/ Special Dossier), in APRF, 3/24/471/93. 52. “Protokol No. 3 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 3 aprelya 1953 goda,” April 3, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 3/10//18/1–3. 53. Ignat’ev had been appointed a CPSU CC Secretary on March 5, 1953, but he was removed from that post on April 5 (the day before the condemnation of him appeared), as stipulated in the resolution adopted by the CPSU Presidium on April 3, “O doklade MVD SSSR po ‘delu vrachakh-vreditelyakh.’” 54. “Protokol No. 4 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 10 aprelya 1953 goda,” April 10, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 3/10/20/11. 55. See Shepilov’s fi rst-hand account, “Vospominaniya,” pp. 14–15. See also the comments by Kaganovich and Nikolai Shatalin in “Plenum Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, 2–7 iyulya 1953 g.: Zasedanie vtoroe,” July 2, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/30/ 75, 2/1/31/59. 56. See, for example, Shepilov, “Vospominaniya,” pp. 13–15; Mukhitdinov, Gody, provedennye v kremle, vol. 1, pp. 107–109; Khrushchev, “Aktsii,” pp. 276–277; and Mikoyan, “Vesna 1953 goda” and “Konets Berii,” Ll. 57–58 and 68–69, respectively. 57. Although Beria did not formally step down as People’s Commissar of Internal Affairs until January 14, 1946, he relinquished day-to-day control over the security forces to Sergei Kruglov shortly after being appointed head of the Special Committee on nuclear weapons in August 1945. Kruglov did not formally assume the ministerial title until Beria stepped down, but the real transfer had occurred three to four months earlier. As a deputy prime minister and a senior party offi cial, Beria retained consider- able infl uence over the security organs, but his direct role largely ceased until March 1953. Notes 227

58. On Beria’s criticism of Stalin, see “V Prezidium TsK KPSS,” Memorandum No. 13/B (Top Secret), April 2, 1953, in APRF, 3/58/536/103–107. 59. “Tov. G. Kh. Malenkovu, Tov. N. S. Khrushchevu,” Memorandum No. 7/A (Strictly Secret), March 11, 1953, in TsA FSB, 4-os/11/1/394. 60. For a very useful discussion of Beria’s changes of personnel at the MVD, based on new archival sources, see Nikita Petrov, Pervyi predsedatel’ KGB Ivan Serov (Moscow: Materik, 2005), pp. 133–140. See also David E. Murphy, Sergei A. Kondrashev, and George Bailey, Battleground Berlin: CIA vs. KGB in the Cold War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 151–162. Although Murphy, Kondrashev, and Bailey rely much too heavily and uncritically on the top secret bill of indictment against Beria (a document that is at best tendentious and misleading, and at times fl atly inaccurate, as discussed below), their account is illuminating. 61. See the documents reproduced in V. F. Nekrasov, “Final (po materialam sudebnogo protsessa),” in Nekrasov, ed., Beriya: Konets kar’ery, p. 400. 62. It turned out, however, that Beria did not move fast enough. As of June 26, he had not yet replaced two high-ranking offi cials who had long been close to Khrushchev and Malenkov, respectively: Ivan Serov and Sergei Kruglov. Beria’s willingness to retain these two offi cials for so long was a critical mistake because, as events showed, Serov’s and Kruglov’s loyalties ultimately lay elsewhere. Although both Serov and Kruglov had worked very closely and loyally with Beria for many years, they were willing—if only reluctantly—to cast their lot with Khrushchev and Malenkov against Beria. According to Marshal Georgii Zhukov, who led the arrest of Beria, Serov aided in the detention of Beria’s chief personal bodyguards, Rafael Sarkisov and Sardeon Nadaraya, at around the same time that Beria himself was arrested. See G. K. Zhukov, “Riskovannaya operatsiya,” in Nekrasov, ed., Beriya: Konets kar’ery, p. 282. Moreover, on that same day, when the CPSU Presidium was discussing Beria’s fate, Malenkov had proposed Kruglov as a replacement for Beria at the MVD, thus indicating that Kruglov was a full-fl edged participant in the plot against Beria. The following day, both Serov and Kruglov were given responsibility for the fi rst stage of the interrogation of Beria. Responsibility for the interrogation was soon transferred to the new Soviet procurator-general, Roman Rudenko, to resolve a jurisdictional dispute; but the very fact that this important task had been entrusted at all, albeit briefl y, to Serov and Kruglov was a further sign that they were actively complicit in the conspiracy. Over the next few months, both of them facilitated the efforts of the anti-Beria forces to assert full control over the MVD. 63. Conquest, Power and Policy in the USSR, pp. 195–227. 64. V. P. Naumov, “Byl li zagovor Berii? Novye dokumenty o sobytiyakh 1953 g.,” Novaya i noveishaya istoriya (Moscow), No. 5 (September–October 1998): p. 23 (emphasis added). My interpretations diverge sharply from Naumov’s on several points, but his article is worth reading. See also his earlier assessment, coauthored with Aleksandr Korotkov, “Beriya: tainyi i yavnyi,” Moskovskie novosti (Moscow), No. 19 (May 17–24, 1998): 21, which gave a brief, preliminary look at his fi ndings. . . . 65. Nijole Gaškaite-Žemaitiene, ed., Partizanai apie pasauli, politika ir save: 1944–1956 m. partizanu spaudos publikacijos (Vilnius: Lietuvos gyventoj_u genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimo centras, 1998); Arvydas Anušauskas, ed., The Anti-Soviet Resistance in the Baltic States (Vilnius: Du Ka, 1999); Mart Laar, Zabytaya voina: Dvizhenie vooruzhenogo soprotivleniya v Estonii v 1944–1956 gg. (Moscow: Grenader, 2005); Yurii Shapoval, OUN i UPA na tereni Polschi, 1944–1947 rr. (Kyiv: Institut Istorii Ukrainy NAN Ukrainy, 1997); David R. Marples, Stalinism in Ukraine in the 1940s (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1992); and Alfred J. Rieber, “Civil Wars in the Soviet Union,” Kritika 4, No. 1 (Winter 2003): 129–162. 66. See footnote 19. 67. “Zasedanie No. 3 Sekretariata TsK VKP(b) 20.2.1952 g.,” February 20, 1952 (Strictly Secret), in RGASPI, 17/116/643/9. 228 Notes

68. Quoted by A. Sneckus, fi rst secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party, in “Plenum Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS, 2–7 iyulya 1953 g.: Zasedanie vtoroe,” July 2, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 2/1/32/212–213. 69. “Protokol No. 9 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 20 maya 1953 goda,” May 20, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 3/8/27/82–83; “Protokol No. 10 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 26 maya 1953 goda,” May 26, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 3/8/27/86; and “Protokol No. 11 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 12 iyunya 1953 goda,” June 12, 1953 (Strictly Secret), in RGANI, 3/10/21/7. 70. “V Prezidium Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS,” June 8, 1953 (Top Secret), from N. S. Khrushchev, in RGANI, 5/30/6/20–29; “V Prezidium Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KPSS,” June 8, 1953 (Top Secret), from N. S. Khrushchev to the CPSU Presidium, in RGANI, 5/15/445/46, 267–277; and “V Prezidium TsK KPSS,” June 13, 1953 (Top Secret), from N. S. Khrushchev, in RGANI, 5/15/443/29–37. 71. “Tovarishchu Beriya L. P.,” Situation Report No. 1098 (Top Secret), June 18, 1953, evening, from Colonel I. Fadeikin to L. P. Beria, in TsA FSB, 4/11a/8/82–83. 72. These directives were recounted by Vitalii Chernyavskii, who served as the Soviet intelligence station chief in Bucharest in June 1953, in a lengthy interview in 2005. See Leonid Mlechin, “Moi pervyi nachal’nik podpolkovnik Chernyavskii,” Nezavisimoe voennoe obozrenie (Moscow), No. 26 (July 15, 2005): 7. 73. Some of the retrospective comments by Molotov, as recorded in Feliks Chuev, comp., Sto sorok besed s Molotovym: Iz dnevnika F. Chueva (Moscow: Terra, 1991), pp. 334–335, suggest that Beria suspected there was a plot against him, but may not have known any of the details. 74. Dmitrii Sukhanov, who was both the chief aide to Malenkov for many years and the head of the chancellery of the CPSU Presidium from March 1953 to late 1954 (when the chancellery was replaced by the CPSU General Department headed by Vladimir Malin), wrote in 1993, when he was 89 years old, that Beria had been conspiring with Khrushchev and Bulganin to remove Malenkov and seize power on June 26, 1953. According to Sukhanov, Malenkov learned of the conspiracy (though Sukhanov does not say how), and on June 25 Malenkov “invited Khrushchev and Bulganin to his offi ce, where instead of greeting them he told them that he had been informed both about Beria’s conspiracy and about their participation in it. Khrushchev and Bulganin were warned that they could save their lives if Bulganin’s [defense ministry] cars could be used to bring to the Kremlin a group of military commanders selected by Marshal G. K. Zhukov. Khrushchev and Bulganin, having been exposed in the plot, accepted the conditions.” Quoted from “Iz vospominanii Sukhanova D. N. byvshego pomoshchnika Malenkova G. M.,” March 1993, pp. 20–21, on microfi lm reel 8 of the Volkogonov Papers. Sukhanov offers a number of other comments about Beria’s arrest that are clearly fanciful and are contravened by the documents and other evi- dence cited below. His allegations of a conspiracy involving Beria, Khrushchev, and Bulganin cannot be dismissed altogether, but the notion that Beria was planning to seize power on the 26th is patently incorrect. The documents cited below leave no doubt that Malenkov and the others were not at all worried that Beria was planning to oust them on the 26th; nor is there the slightest evidence that Beria had been preparing to do anything that particular day. The glaring inaccuracies in Sukhanov’s testimony are unfortunate because he could have provided an invaluable account. After all, Sukhanov was the offi cial who was posted just outside the CPSU Presidium meeting on June 26 to wait for a signal from Malenkov indicating that it was time to arrest Beria. Some of Sukhanov’s observations in his memoirs are interesting and valuable, but his account of the Beria affair is gravely marred by his animus toward Khrushchev, whom Sukhanov blamed not only for Malenkov’s decline but also for his own arrest in May 1956 on corruption charges. These errors do not necessarily mean that a conspiracy with Beria was not afoot (either genuinely or as a ruse to trick Notes 229

Beria), but Sukhanov’s specifi c scenario for June 26 is clearly not the one that would have been pursued. 75. See K. S. Moskalenko, “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” Moskovskie novosti (Moscow), No. 22 (June 10, 1990), pp. 10–11. Moskalenko writes that “after Beria’s arrest, during a rou- tine report to Malenkov, he [Malenkov] happened to tell me and Cde. R. A. Rudenko, the General Procurator, that ‘before turning to K. S. Moskalenko to carry out this operation, we [Malenkov and Khrushchev] approached one of the Marshals of the Soviet Union, but he refused to do it.’ Who this marshal was, Comrade Rudenko and I didn’t ask.” The context suggests that it may have been Aleksandr Vasilevskii, who was then a deputy defense minister. (Vasilevskii and Bulganin alternated as defense minister from 1947 to 1955: Bulganin was minister from 1947 to 1949, Vasilevskii was minister from 1949 to March 1953, and Bulganin returned to the ministerial post in March 1953.) Moskalenko writes that when he suggested bringing Vasilevskii into the operation, Bulganin “for some reason immediately rejected this proposal.” 76. In “Byl li zagovor Berii?” p. 27, Vladimir Naumov mistakenly writes that Moskalenko was commander of the Moscow Military District rather than the Moscow Air Defense Region. The Moscow Air Defense Region (renamed the Moscow Air Defense District in August 1954) and the Moscow Military District were closely tied to one another, and Moskalenko did become commander of the Moscow Military District the day after Beria’s arrest; but at the time of the arrest, Moskalenko did not yet hold that post. It was held instead by General Pavel Artem’ev. This may seem like a trivial point, but in fact it is crucial. Within the Moscow area, the anti-Beria conspirators could seek to rely on troops from the Moscow Military District, the Moscow Air Defense Region, or both. They decided not to approach the commander of the Moscow Military District, General Artem’ev, because he had been a high-ranking offi cial in the internal affairs commissariat when Beria was in charge there in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The plotters felt far more confi dent about relying on Moskalenko, who had no previous ties with Beria. The offi cers whom Moskalenko recruited (other than Batitskii) were all from the Air Defense command and thus had no connection at all with Artem’ev. One of the offi cers in a supplementary group (see note 77), Colonel-General A. M. Pronin, was from the Moscow Military District, but he had long-standing ties with Khrushchev and thus was deemed reliable to bring in. 77. Moskalenko, “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” pp. 10–11. 78. See ibid., p. 10. 79. G. K. Zhukov, “Riskovannaya operatsiya,” in Nekrasov, ed., Beriya: Konets kar’ery, p. 281. 80. Ibid., pp. 281–282. 81. See the section titled “O Staline” in N. S. Khrushchev, Vospominaniya—Vremya, lyudi, vlast’, 4 vols. (Moscow: Moskovskie novosti, 1999), vol. 2, pp. 117–129. I have compared the published version with the original, 3,600-page verbatim typescript of Khrushchev’s oral testimony as well as with the recordings themselves, which were provided to me by Khrushchev’s son Sergei. The typescript and recordings correspond well to the published version in “Aktsii” (cited above) and in the 4-volume set. 82. As with Khrushchev’s memoir, all of the newer fi rsthand accounts of the Beria affair must be treated with great circumspection. Some of the authors had their own bitter scores to settle, and several who had little or no fi rsthand knowledge of the plotting were unduly infl uenced by Khrushchev’s account, which they obviously had seen before writing their own versions. Of particular interest is the portion of Mikoyan’s memoir that deals with the events of late June 1953, “Konets Berii,” Ll. 70–74. Also invaluable are the recollections of several military offi cers who arrested Beria. See the testimony of Colonel (later General) Ivan Zub in “Zadanie osobogo svoistva: Istoriya i sud’by” (3 parts), Krasnaya zvezda (Moscow), March 18, 19, and 20, 1988, pp. 3, 6, and 4, respectively; the recollections of Colonel-General (later Marshal) Kirill Moskalenko in “Kak byl arestovan Beriya” (republished in abridged form in Nekrasov’s 230 Notes

book, as cited above); and the brief but interesting account by Marshal Georgii Zhukov, “Riskovannaya operatsiya” (also cited above). In April 1985, before these accounts were published, Zub and two of the other fi ve offi cers, General Aleksei Baksov and Colonel Viktor Yuferev, wrote a top secret letter to the CPSU Central Committee briefl y reviewing the events of June 26, 1953. The letter was declassifi ed in 1992 and published in “Net neobkhodimosti govorit’ o nashikh boevykh zaslugakh . . .,” Rodina (Moscow), No. 10 (November 1992): 64. Other fi rsthand observations well worth consulting are Shepilov, “Vospominaniya,” pp. 3–20; Mukhitdinov, Gody, provedennye v kremle, pp. 95–119; Mátyás Rákosi, Visszaemlékezések (Budapest: Napvilag, 1997), pp. 437–478; and the comments by Molotov recorded in Chuev, ed., Sto sorok besed s Molotovym, pp. 335–336. Unfortunately, the relevant section of Lazar’ Kaganovich’s memoir, Pamyatnye zapiski rabochego, kommunista-bol’shevika, profsoyuznogo, partiinogo i sovetsko-gosudarstvennogo rabotnika (Moscow: Vagrius, 1996), pp. 499–502, is vacu- ous and sheds no new light on the affair. Some of the other new accounts, especially those by children of the main actors, are too fanciful or unreliable to be of any real use. Books in this last category include Sergo Beria, Lavrentii Beriya: Moi otets (Moscow: Sovremennik, 1994); A. G. Malenkov, O moem ottse Georgii Malenkove (Moscow: NTTS Tekhnoekos, 1992); and Pavel Sudoplatov, Spetsoperatsii: Lubyanka i Kreml’, 1930–1950 gody (Moscow: Olma-press, 1997), which is a slightly expanded version of the controversial book published in English in 1994. 83. For the published (and often misleading) version, see “Delo Beria,” two parts, in Izvestiya TsK KPSS (Moscow), No. 1 (January 1991): 139–214, and No. 2 (February 1991): 141–208. The full proceedings of the plenum, including the verbatim tran- script, the marked-up pages, the stenographic account, and the supporting documen- tation, are stored in RGANI, 2/1/27–45. Unless otherwise indicated, the verbatim transcript is the version cited here. 84. The January 1955 plenum materials, stored in RGANI, 2/1/110–138, did not become available until late 1995, but the lengthy stenographic account of the June 1957 plenum was published in six installments under the rubric “Poslednyaya ‘anti- partiinaya’ gruppa” in the journal Istoricheskii arkhiv (Moscow), Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6 (1993): pp. 4–94, 4–82, 4–78, and 4–75, respectively, and Nos. 1 and 2 (1994): pp. 4–77 and 4–88, respectively. The full proceedings of the June 1957 plenum are stored in RGANI, 2/1/222–259. 85. “Pis’ma iz tyuremnogo bunkera—Lavrentii Beria: ‘Cherez 2-3 goda ya krepko ispravlyus’ . . .’,” Istochnik, No. 4 (1994): 3–14. It is not known how many letters Beria wrote in captivity before his writing equipment was taken away. These three are the only ones unearthed so far. One of Beria’s guards during his imprisonment, General Kirill Moskalenko, later recalled that Beria at fi rst often wrote letters to the CC Presidium urging that the decision be reconsidered on the grounds that he was innocent, and so forth. Then he began to write letters only to Malenkov, complaining that a mistake had been made in arrest- ing him and that they had been fi rst getting even with me [Beria] and now will come after you, that is, with Malenkov. We handed over all these letters to members of the Presidium: Malenkov, Khrushchev, and Bulganin. We subsequently received instructions that we should no longer give [Beria] paper, pencils, or pens, that is, we should prohibit him from writing. The instructions were carried out. Quoted from Moskalenko, “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” pp. 10–11. Evidently, it was the letters that Beria began writing to Malenkov that prompted the order to take away his writing equipment. Dmitrii Shepilov wrote that “Beria marshaled all his inventive- ness so that he could (as he mistakenly thought) secretly send a note to Malenkov. The note began as follows: ‘Georgii, don’t believe Nikita . . .’ But Malenkov immedi- ately read this note aloud to the CC Presidium. Beria tried his best again and again.” Quoted from “Vospominaniya,” p. 20. Notes 231

86. For most of these, I am grateful to the family of the late General Dmitrii Volkogonov, who obtained them from the Russian Presidential Archive and the Russian defense ministry archive. Specifi c items are cited below. 87. Khrushchev, “Aktsii,” pp. 274–275; and Zhukov, “Riskovannaya operatsiya,” pp. 281, 282. 88. The resolution adopted on March 5, 1953, specifi ed that the Presidium of the USSR Council of Ministers would consist of the chairman, fi rst deputy chairmen, and deputy chairmen of the Council of Ministers. However, from March 5 until December 7, 1953, the Council of Ministers had no deputy chairmen. Hence, the Presidium of the Council consisted of only fi ve standing members. See Vladimir Ivkin, “Rukovoditeli Sovetskogo pravitel’stva (1923–1991): Istoriko-biografi cheskaya spravka,” Istochnik (Moscow), No. 4 (1996): 152–192, esp. 157–163. 89. Mikoyan, “Konets Berii,” L. 71. 90. Ibid. 91. “K resheniyu voprosa o Beriya,” draft remarks by Malenkov, June 26, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/463/136. 92. Ibid., L. 137. 93. Ibid. Irrespective of whether this was Beria’s intention, declassifi ed materials indicate that his signed memoranda did bring him a good deal of notice within the Commu- nist parties of the three republics. See, for example, “Stenogramma V-go Plenuma Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KP Litvy, 11–13 iyunya 1953 goda,” June 13, 1953 (Top Secret), in Lietuvos Visuomenòs Organizacij_Archyvas (LVOA), Fondo (F.) 1771, Apyrasas (Apy.) 131, Bylo (B.) 180, Lapai (La.) 4–289; “Postanovlenie 5-go Plenuma Tsentral’nogo Komiteta KP Litvy: O Postanovlenii TsK KPSS ‘Voprosy Litovskoi SSR’,” June 13, 1953 (Top Secret), in LVOA, F. 1771, Apy. 131, B. 178, La. 6–14; “TsK KPSS: tovarishchu N. S. Khrushchevu,” No. 2/98 (Top Secret), June 10, 1953, from A. Kyrychenko, fi rst secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party (UkrCP), in Tsentral’nyi Derzhavnyi Arkhiv Hromads’kykh Ob’ednan’ Ukrainy (TsDAHOU), F. 1, Op. 24, Sprava (Spr.) 3474, Ll. 15–29; and “TsK KPSS tovarishchu Khrushchevu N. S.,” June 15, 1953 (Top Secret), from I. Hrushets’kyi, fi rst secretary of the UkrCP’s Volyns’k oblast committee, in TsDAHOU, 1/24/ 2774/68–74. Mukhitdinov describes at some length a similar memorandum that Beria supposedly circulated about Uzbekistan, but Mukhitdinov seems to be confusing this with another document prepared by Khrushchev, not by Beria. See Mukhitdinov, Gody, provedennye v kremle, pp. 113–119. 94. For a full account of these negotiations, see Mark Kramer, “The Early Post-Stalin Succession Struggle and Upheavals in East-Central Europe (Part 1),” Journal of Cold War Studies 1, No. 1 (Winter 1999): 3–56, esp. 31–40. 95. This issue had already been mentioned by Bulganin, albeit in a more positive light, during the negotiations with Hungarian leaders. Bulganin began his remarks there by claiming that “we [the Soviet leadership] have not discussed anything in advance” and that “there are many things I heard for only the fi rst time when Comrade Beria delivered his remarks.” Quoted from “Jegyzo᝿könyv a Szovjet és a Magyar párt-és állami vezetök tárgyalásairól,” June 13, 14, and 16, 1953 (Top Secret), in MOL, 276, F. 102/65, o᝿rzési egység (o᝿.e.), oldal (ol.) 4. 96. Even if Beria had been deliberately keeping information from some of his colleagues, that was (and is) a very common practice in most countries. In the United States, for example, Henry Kissinger was notorious for maintaining a tight grip on the fl ow of information, keeping as much as possible from others in the national security bureau- cracy. Such tactics are bound to arise in the policy making process. 97. See, for example, “Ministru inostrannykh del SSSR tov. Vyshinskomu A. Ya.” No. 251/vs (Top Secret), December 25, 1952, from Evgenii Kiselev, Soviet ambassador in Hungary, to Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Vyshinskii, transmitting “Spravka o podpol’noi deyatel’nosti vrazhdebnykh elementov v Vengrii i o bor’be s nimi,” in AVPRF, 077/32/Pa. 158/60/261–262, 263–268. 232 Notes

98. “A Titkárság határozata a hibák kijavitását szolgáló egyes intézkedésekröl, 1953. június 3,” June 3, 1953 (Top Secret), in MOL 276, F. 54/246, o᝿.e. 99. “K resheniyu voprosa o Beriya,” L. 137. 100. The proposals to name Kruglov as a replacement and to assert stricter control by the Central Committee were both added by Malenkov in parentheses (KruglovϩCC) right after the proposal to dismiss Beria from the MVD. 101. Malenkov’s hesitation was illustrated here by a question mark that he placed before the word “chairman.” 102. This account is pieced together from Malenkov’s marginal notations and Beria’s letters from captivity, as cited above. 103. “V TsK KPSS tovarishchu Malenkovu,” letter from Beria to Malenkov (written from captivity), July 1, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/463/173. 104. The reaction of these Presidium members is well conveyed by Colonel Ivan Zub, one of the offi cers who arrested Beria: “When we entered the room, some members of the Presidium jumped up from their seats, evidently because they did not know the details about carrying out an arrest.” Quoted from “Zadanie osobogo svoistva” (part 2), p. 6. See the nearly identical comments by Moskalenko in “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” p. 10. 105. Moskalenko, “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” p. 10. 106. Cited by Colonel Zub in “Zadanie osobogo svoistva” (part 2), p. 6 107. Moskalenko, “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” p. 10; and Mikoyan, “Konets Berii,” L. 71. 108. Beria’s letters from captivity (see footnote 85) reveal that he was deeply fearful of being summarily executed without a trial. Evidently, Khrushchev had raised this possibility even before Beria had been taken out of the room. 109. “Ukaz Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR: O prestupnykh antigosudarstvennykh deistvii L. P. Beriya,” No. 127/13 (Top Secret), June 26, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/463/5. 110. Moskalenko, “Kak byl arestovan Beriya,” p. 11. 111. Ibid. 112. This order is recounted by both Colonel Zub in “Zadanie osobogo svoistva” (part 2), p. 6, and Major Hizhnyak Gurevich, an adjutant to Moskalenko who was respon- sible for guarding Beria during the whole period of his captivity, in Mark Franchetti, “Kremlin Guard Reveals How He Shot Hated Beria,” The Times (London), January 4, 1998, p. 3. 113. U.S. Department of State, Foreign Service Dispatch No. 368 (Secret), April 6, 1954, in National Archives (NA), Record Group (RG) 59, Box 3810, pp. 1–2. 114. A. Skorokhodov, “Kak nas ‘gotovili na voinu’ s Beriei,” in Nekrasov, ed., Beriya: Konets kar’ery, pp. 289–295. 115. See “Opera ‘Dekabristy’ v Bol’shom teatre,” Pravda (Moscow), June 28, 1953, p. 1. 116. “Vypiska iz protokola No. 12 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK ot 29 iyunya 1953 g.: Ob organizatsii sledstviya po delu o prestupnykh antipartiinykh i antigosudarstvennykh deistviyakh Beriya,” No. P12/II (Strictly Secret), June 29, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/ 463/138. 117. In “Aktsii,” p. 278, Khrushchev affi rmed that “it was decided [on June 29] to dismiss the Procurator-General of the USSR [G. N. Safonov] because we did not trust him and we doubted that he would objectively carry out the investigation. Comrade Rudenko was appointed as the new Procurator-General and was instructed to carry out the inves- tigation of Beria’s case.” Rudenko had been serving as procurator-general in Ukraine since late 1944. During his fi rst several years there he worked under Khrushchev, who, as fi rst secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party until 1949, was complicit in widespread atrocities and mass bloodshed during the campaigns against underground armed resistance movements. 118. These instructions to Rudenko are refl ected in “Plan operativno-sledstvennykh mate- rialov po delu Berii,” No. 004/R (Top Secret), July 9, 1953, from R. Rudenko to the CPSU Presidium, in APRF, 3/24/464/12–13. Notes 233

119. See footnote 39. 120. Informatsionnoe soobshchenie,” Pravda (Moscow), July 10, 1953, p. 1. 121. “Postanovlenie Prezidiuma TsK KPSS o predlozheniyakh General’nogo Prokurora SSSR po delu Beriya,” No. P33/III (Strictly Secret), September 17, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/468/29. 122. Materials from the investigation and trial of Beria are scattered among several archives in the Moscow area: the Russian Presidential Archive (APRF), the Main Archive of the Russian Ministry of Defense (TsAMO), the Special Archive of the Main Military Procuracy in Russia (Osobyi arkhiv Glavnoi voennoi prokuratury RF, or OAGVP), and the Central Archive of the Federal Security Service (formerly the KGB). Among the specifi c collections are dozens of dela (fi les) in APRF, 3/24. The dela I saw in this opis’ were 435–471, some of which were marked “sekretno” in parentheses after the fi le number, indicating that they were from a separate part of the archive that houses the most sensitive materials. From TsAMO, I obtained one fi le of documents, “Materialy k voprosu o prestupnoi deyatel’nosti Beriya,” 15/178612ss/86, but other materials stored there are inaccessible. The full trial documents are in OAGVP (and copies of many are in the APRF fi les cited above), but the OAGVP fi les are off limits. Some portions of the trial materials were released and published in 1989–1991. See M. I. Kuchava, “Iz dnevnika chlena Spetsial’nogo sudebnogo prisutstviya,” and V. F. Nekrasov, “Final (po materialam sudebnogo protsessa),” both in Nekrasov, ed., Beriya: Konets kar’ery, pp. 296–300 and 381–415, respectively; and the seven-part series of materials published by B. S. Popov and V. G. Oppokov, “Berievshchina,” Voenno-istoricheskii zhurnal (Moscow), Nos. 5 and 7 (May and July 1989), pp. 38–41 and 82–87, respectively; Nos. 1, 3, and 5 (January, March, and May 1990), pp. 68–78, 81–90 and 85–90, respectively; and Nos. 1 and 10 (January and October 1991), pp. 44–56 and 56–62, respectively. The archives have declined to predict when (or whether) the full set of documents might be released. 123. “Vypiska iz protokola No. 9 zasedaniya Prezidiuma TsK KPSS 10 dekabrya 1953 goda: Ob obrazovanii i sostave spetsial’nogo sudebnogo prisutstviya Verkhovnogo Suda SSSR dlya rassmotreniya dela po obvineniyu Beriya i drugikh,” No. P14/III (Strictly Secret), December 10, 1953, in APRF, 3/24/468/37. 124. These were L. A. Gromov, chairman of the Moscow City Court, and E. L. Zeidin, fi rst deputy chairman of the USSR Supreme Court. The fi ve other members were Moskalenko; Konstantin Lunev, the fi rst deputy minister of internal affairs; Nikolai Shvernik, the head of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions; Nikolai Mikhailov, fi rst secretary of the CPSU’s Moscow Oblast Committee; and Mitrofan Kuchava, chairman of the Georgian Council of Trade Unions. 125. “V Verkhovnom Sude SSSR,” Izvestiya (Moscow), December 24, 1953, p. 2. 126. See Gurevich’s fi rsthand account in “Kremlin Guard Reveals,” p. 3, which is amply corroborated by other sources, including the offi cial report to the CPSU Presidium on Beria’s execution, “Akt 1953 goda dekabrya 23 dnya,” handwritten by Colonel- General P. F. Batitskii, December 23, 1953, co-signed by R. A. Rudenko and Army- General K. S. Moskalenko, in APRF, 3/24/473/248. Batitskii writes that, at 7:50 p.m., he “carried out the verdict of the Special Judicial Tribunal, which condemned Lavrentii Pavlovich Beria to be shot, the highest criminal penalty.” 127. Conquest, Power and Policy in the USSR, pp. 9, 195. 128. Ibid., pp. 11, 14.

Chapter 5 1. Arcadi Vaksberg, Le laboratoire des poisons: De Lenine a Poutine (Paris: Buchet/ Chastel, 2007), pp. 224–225. The author would like to thank Martin Dewhirst of the University of Glasgow, Peter Reddaway of George Washington University, and 234 Notes

Edward W. Walker of the University of California at Berkeley for their most helpful comments on a draft of this essay. The responsibility for the fi nal version of the text is, of course, mine alone. 2. “Vstrecha s proshlym,” Novaya gazeta, November 30, 2006. Fragments from a book by Khokhlov. 3. Vaksberg, Le laboratoire des poisons, p. 34, 40–41. 4. Ibid., pp. 113–114. Vaksberg discusses Wallenberg’s murder on pp. 105–125 of his book. 5. Igor’ Korol’kov, “Zapasnye organy,” Novaya gazeta, January 11, 2007. 6. Alex Goldfarb with Marina Litvinenko, Death of a Dissident: The Poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko and the Return of the KGB (New York: Free Press, 2007), p. 124. Italics in the original. Goldfarb is, of course, recalling here what Litvinenko related to him. For the book mentioned by Kamyshnikov, see Pavel Sudoplatov and Anatoli Sudoplatov, Special Tasks: The Memoirs of an Unwanted Witness—a Soviet Spymaster (Boston: Little, Brown, 1994). The book contains a foreword by Robert Conquest. In his book, Sudoplatov writes that his best estimate is that Raul Wallenberg was poisoned by Grigorii Maironovskii. 7. For a detailed discussion of Litvinenko’s complex relationship with Berezovskii, see Martin Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File: The True Story of a Death Foretold (London: Macmillan, 2007), passim. Sixsmith served as a BBC correspondent in Moscow and was from 1997 to 2002 Director of Communications for the British government. 8. For this biography see New Times, February 2007. URL: http://newtimes.ru/journal/ journal_pages001/10.html 9. “Alla Dudaeva: Menya doprashival Litvinenko,” Grani.ru, December 13, 2006. 10. “Tak rabotala FSB, i Sasha byl ne isklyuchenie,” Kommersant-vlast’, July 9, 2007. 11. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, p. 39. 12. Ibid., pp. 39–40. 13. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, p. 85. 14. Ibid., p. 92. 15. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, p. 125. 16. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, p. 93. 17. Ibid., p. 100. 18. Alan Cullison, “In Russian Murder Case, a Long List of Enemies,” The Wall Street Journal, May 23, 2007. 19. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, p. 104. 20. Ibid., p. 105. 21. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, p. 136. 22. Ibid., p. 145. 23. Martin Sixsmith, “The Moscow Plot,” Sunday Times (London), April 1, 2007. 24. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, pp. 109–110. 25. “Who killed Alexander Litvinenko?” NBC Dateline Sunday, MSNBC.com, February 25, 2007. 26. Elena Tregubova, Baiki kremlevskogo diggera (Moscow: Ad Marginem, 2003), p. 156. 27. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, p. 303. 28. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, pp. 193–194. 29. Peter Conradi, “KGB colonel tells of escape to London,” Sunday Times, November 5, 2000. In his book, Alex Goldfarb discusses in detail (pp. 3–19, 215–225) how Litvinenko managed to escape from Russia to Turkey and from Turkey to Britain. 30. Ibid. 31. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, p. 150. 32. Ibid., pp. 192–193. On this, see the interview with former FSB lieutenant Mikhail Trepashkin: Mark Franchetti, “Agents ‘asked me to betray Litvinenko,’” Sunday Times, December 9, 2007. Trepashkin, who had been imprisoned for four years for Notes 235

“revealing a state secret,” was released in late November 2007. During the course of the interview, he “revealed that a former colleague tried three times to recruit him for a state-sponsored operation to ‘get rid’ of Aleksandr Litvinenko . . . Trepashkin alleges that Russia’s security services had been planning to kill Litvinenko for years.” 33. “Pokazaniya Akhmeda Zakaeva po delu Aleksandra Litvinenko,” Kommersant web site, July 9, 2007. 34. Vaksberg, Le laboratoire des poisons, p. 11. 35. Neil Mackay, Sunday Herald, “Russia’s new cold war,” www.craigmurray.co.uk, November 27, 2006. See also: “Top judge warned he may be the real target of colonel’s killer,” The Times, January 15, 2004. 36. Olga Craig, et al., “The rotten heart of Russia,” Sunday Telegraph, November 12, 2006. 37. “Britanskii posol v Moskve zyavil, chto ‘Nashi’ travyat ego s soglasiya Kremlya, a FSB vykralo ego dokumenty,” newsru.com, December 13, 2006. 38. “Agents get life in Qatar bombing,” moscowtimes.ru, July 1, 2004. 39. Vaksberg, Le laboratoire des poisons, pp. 10–11. 40. Igor’ Korol’kov, “Zapasnye organy,’ Novaya gazeta, January 11, 2007. 41. Charles Gurin, “Roman Tsepov, R.I.P.,” Eurasia Daily Monitor (Jamestown Foun- dation), September 27, 2004; “Rassledovanie otravleniya radioaktivnym izotopom Romana Tsepova, byvshego telokhranitelya Anatoliya Sobchaka i Vladimira Putina,” sbobodanews.ru, January 12, 2007. In this second item, journalist Igor’ Korol’kov of Novaya gazeta states: “I was told by sources in the city [Petersburg] procuracy that an autopsy had been conducted and that Roman Tsepov had died from a radioactive element.” On Tsepov, see also Banditskii Peterburg, vol. 1 (St. Petersburg: “Neva,” 2005), pp. 188–199. 42. Pavel Korduban, “Will Russia help investigate Yushchenko poisoning?” Eurasia Daily Monitor, September 19, 2007. 43. For the text of these two laws—Law 153-F3 and 148-F3—see the offi cial government newspaper Rossiiskaya gazeta, July 29, 2006. 44. In Jamie Glazov, “Symposium: From Russia with Death,” FrontPageMagazine.com, January 19, 2007, p. 6. 45. “Lugovoi, Andrei. Byvshii glava sluzhby bezopasnosti ORT,” lenta.ru, June 1, 2007. 46. Ibid. 47. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, p. 309. 48. “Aktivy Andreya Lugovogo,” Kommersant, May 1, 2007. 49. Edward W. Walker, “The Litvinenko Affair,” UC Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies, December 18, 2006, posted on Johnson’s Russia List, no. 284, December 19, 2006. 50. Steven Lee Myers and Alan Cowell, “Russian’s account further clouds a poisoning mystery,” The New York Times, March 18, 2007, p. A11. 51. Boris Volodarskii, “Dva fi l’ma—odna sud’ba,” svobodanews.ru, January 23, 2007. The active planning for the assassination presumably began several months before Lugovoi’s telephone call to Litvinenko. 52. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, pp. 319–320. 53. Myers and Cowell, “Russian’s account.” 54. Ibid. 55. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, p. 341. 56. “Oleg Gordievskii: Litvinenko otravili posle ‘general’noi repetitsii,’” svobodanews.ru, January 23, 2007. 57. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, pp. 247–248. 58. Ibid., pp. 203–204. 59. Ibid., p. 205. 60. “Boris Zhuikov,” echo.msk.ru, July 27, 2007. 236 Notes

61. Il’ya Barabanov, “Gruz-210,” gazeta.ru, December 18, 2006. On the medical effects of polonium poisoning, see John Harrison, et al., “Polonium-210 as a poison,” Journal of Radiological Protection, online version, March 2007. 62. Balabanov, “Gruz-210,” gazeta.ru, December 8, 2006. 63. Peter Finn and Craig Whitlock, “Two old friends at center of poison mystery,” Washington Post, December 13, 2006. 64. “Oleg Gordievskii: ‘Ubiitsa Litvinenko umret cherez 3 goda’,” mk.ru, January 25, 2007. 65. See “‘Litvinenko ubezhdal menya, chto eta informatsiya unikal’na,” Kommersant-vlast’, June 25, 2007. 66. See Limarev’s confi rmation of this relationship in his interview with Kommersant-vlast’, June 25, 2007. 67. “My meal with poison spy,” SkyNews, November 21, 2006. Peter Reddaway has written in a message dated October 20, 2007: “Limarev had had contacts (and I think also a meeting) with Aleksander Litvinenko and Goldfarb, but Litvinenko told me on 6 September 2006 that he did not trust Limarev at all, he probably had ties to the FSB/SVR, and he was always demanding cash for his services. Goldfarb was interested in Limarev at fi rst, but had not taken up the offer of his services. Thus, if Scaramella told Litvinenko that he had come to London on the basis of information from Limarev, this would defi nitely have aroused Litvinenko’s suspicions.” 68. “Pokazaniya Akhmeda Zakaeva po delu Aleksandra Litvinenko,” Kommersant web site, July 9, 2007. See also: “Litvinenko waiter recounts polonium poisoning,” Sunday Telegraph, July 15, 2007. 69. “Litvinenko otravili polonium-210 imenno v londonskom otele Millennium,” izvestia.ru, January 26, 2007. 70. Mary Jordan and Peter Finn, “Radioactive poison killed ex-spy,” Washington Post, November 25, 2006. 71. Ibid. 72. Yegor Gaidar, “How I was poisoned and why Russia’s political enemies were surely behind it,” Financial Times, December 7, 2006, p. 13. 73. Goldfarb, Death of a Dissident, pp. 346–347. 74. Steve Boggan, “Who else was poisoned by polonium?” The Guardian, June 5, 2007. 75. Jeff Edwards, “We know KGB spy poisoner,” Daily Mirror, January 8, 2007. 76. “Report: British police to issue arrest warrants against three Russians,” Associated Press, April 22, 2007. 77. “Gordievskii nagrazhden britanskim ordenom za zaslugi protiv otechestva,” Kommersant, June 18, 2007. 78. Mark Franchetti et al., “Putin: How worried should the West be?” The Sunday Times, June 10, 2007. 79. Sean O’Neil and Tony Halpin, “Was the murder plot a sign of frustration with Britain?” The Times, July 20, 2007. It has been suggested that British law enforcement used wiretaps to track the movement of this suspect that could not legally be admitted as evidence in court. 80. “Attorney General Statement,” FT.com, May 22, 2007. See also Alan Cowell and Steven Lee Myers, “British accuse Russian of poisoning ex-K.G.B. agent,” New York Times, May 23, 2007, p. A3. 81. Richard Beeston, “Spy murder row poisons relations with Russia,” The Times, May 23, 2007. 82. David Leppard and Mark Franchetti, “Litvinenko: clues point to Kremlin, Britain blames FSB for killing,” The Sunday Times, July 22, 2007. 83. Ibid. 84. “Symposium: From Russia with Death,” FrontPageMagazine.com, January 19, 2007, p. 6. Notes 237

85. Leppard and Franchetti, “Litvinenko.” 86. Sixsmith, The Litvinenko File, pp. 301–302.

Chapter 6 1. Vladimir Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 5 (Moscow: Foreign Language Publishing House, 1961), p. 23. 2. Ibid., p. 24. For further discussion of Iskra and Lenin’s famous pamphlet What Is to Be Done? see Bertram Wolfe’s defi nitive work Three Who Made a Revolution (New York: Dial Press, 1948), pp. 156–160. 3. William Henry Chamberlin, The Russian Revolution: 1917–1921 (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1935), p. 350. 4. Paul Johnson, Modern Times: The World from the Twenties to the Eighties (New York: Harper & Row, 1990), pp. 64–65. 5. Richard Pipes, Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime (New York: Knopf, 1993), p. 297. 6. Ibid., p. 499. 7. Richard Pipes, Communism: A History (New York: Modern Library, 2001), pp. 73–74. 8. Ibid., p. 69. 9. Jeffrey Brooks, “Pravda and the Language of Power in Soviet Russia, 1917–1928” in Media and Revolution, ed. Jeremy D. Popkin (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1995), p. 157. 10. Pipes, Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime, p. 72. 11. Nicolas Werth, “A State against Its People: Violence, Repression, and Terror in the Soviet Union,” in The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression, Stephane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panne, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartosek, Jean-Louis Margolin, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), pp. 159–160. 12. Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 5. 13. Ibid., p. 308. 14. Ibid. p. 312. 15. Ibid., pp. 319–320. 16. Ibid., p. 343. 17. Stephane Courtois et al., The Black Book of Communism,, pp. 184–185. 18. Ibid., pp. 201–202. 19. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: Stalin’s Purge of the Thirties (New York: Macmillan, 1968), p. 120. 20. Ibid., pp. 184–185. 21. Ibid., p. 197. 22. Ibid., p. 214. 23. Ibid., p. 263. 24. Ibid., p. 272. 25. Ibid., p. 277–278. 26. Ibid., p. 282. 27. Paul Hollander, Political Pilgrims: Travels of Western Intellectuals to the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1981), pp. 169–171. 28. Robert Conquest, Stalin: Breaker of Nations (New York: Viking, 1991), p. 212. 29. Ibid., pp. 302–303. 30. Ibid., pp. 306, 309. 31. Ibid., p. 314. 32. Pipes, Communism, pp. 78–79. 33. Ibid., p. 80. 238 Notes

34. Ibid., p. 84. 35. Paul Hollander, “Crossing the ‘Moral Threshold’: The Rejection of the Communist System in Hungary and Eastern Europe,” in Resistance, Rebellion and Revolution in Hungary and Central Europe: Commemorating 1956, ed. Lazslo Peter and Martyn Rady (London, 2008). 36. Pipes, Communism, p. 85 37. Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Return to Leninist Orthodoxy,” in Perestroika: How New Is Gorbachev’s New Thinking? ed. Ernest W. Lefever and Robert D. Vander Lugt (Washington: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1989), p. 49. 38. Eli Noam, Television in Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 276. 39. Ellen Mickiewicz, Split Signals: Television and Politics in the Soviet Union (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 3. 40. Ibid., p. 181. 41. Ibid., p. 182. 42. Ibid., p. 207. 43. For the comment about Gorbachev and Mao, see Leonard Sussman, Power, the Press, and the Technology of Freedom: The Coming Age of ISDN (New York: Freedom House, 1989), p. 108; Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the Revolution (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1856), p. 214. 44. Robert Delfs, “Repression and Reprisal,” Far Eastern Economic Review, July 6, 1989, p. 10. 45. Robert Delfs, “Speak No Evil,” Far Eastern Economic Review, December 14, 1989, p. 27. 46. Lee Hockstader, “Russian Media Stack the Deck for Yeltsin,” Washington Post, April 3, 1996. 47. Charles Fenyvesi, “Protecting the Russian State from the Russian News Media,” RFE/RL Watchlist, August 26, 1999. 48. Peter Baker and Susan Glasser, Kremlin Rising: Vladimir Putin’s Russia and the End of Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2007), pp. 61–62. 49. Ibid., p. 96. 50. Ibid., p. 294. 51. Ibid., p. 311. 52. Ibid., pp. 333–334. 53. Richard Pipes, “Flight from Freedom: What Russians Think and Want,” Foreign Affairs, May–June 2004. 54. Baker and Glasser, Kremlin Rising, p. 377. 55. Ibid., p. 379. 56. Ibid., p. 384. 57. http://wciom.ru/novosti/press-vypuski/press-vypusk/9271.html 58. Baker and Glasser, Kremlin Rising, p. 389. 59. Steven Erlanger, “Up from Propaganda,” New York Times, November 13, 1994. 60. Ibid.

Chapter 7 1. For a comparative survey of such mass murders see Stephane Courtois et al., The Black Book of Communism (Cambridge, MA, 1999). 2. For an excellent study of the subject see Jürgen Domes, Socialism in the Chinese Countryside: Rural Social Policies in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1979 (London, 1980). 3. For this, and much else, see Michael Dutton, Policing Chinese Politics: A History (Durham, NC, 2005). Notes 239

4. Tony Saich, The Rise to Power of the Chinese Communist Party (Armonk, NY, 1994), p. 510. 5. See John Byron and Robert Pack, The Claws of the Dragon: Kang Sheng (New York, 1992). “Byron” is the pseudonym of a former Australian diplomat who had long experience in China. 6. Bao Ruo-wang and Rudolph Chelminski, Prisoner of Mao (Harmondsworth, Middle- sex, 1976); Hungdah Harry Wu, Laogai: The Chinese Gulag (Boulder, CO, 1992). 7. Chang Jung and Jon Halliday, Mao: The Unknown Story (New York, 2006), caption facing page 561. 8. Alexander N. Yakovlev, A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia (New Haven, CT, 2002), p. 234. 9. The text is found in James Legge, trans. The Chinese Classics (1892; Taipei, 1971) 1:355–381. 10. John Lust, The Revolutionary Army: A Chinese Nationalist Tract of 1903 (Paris: Mouton, 1968); Jerome B. Grieder, Intellectuals and the State of Modern China: A Narrative History (New York: Free Press, 1981); John Fitzgerald, Awakening China: Politics, Culture and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (Stanford, CA, 1998). 11. Selected Works of Lu Xun (Peking, 1980), 2:267–272. Reproduced at Marxists Internet Archive (2005), http://www.marxists.org/archive/lu-xun/1926/04/01.htm. 12. Yang Mo, Song of Youth (Peking, 1964), p. ii. 13. Chang and Halliday, Mao, p. 41. 14. “Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Peking, 1967), 1:23–59, at pp. 22–23. 15. Edward McCord, The Power of the Gun (Berkeley, 1993). 16. I have discussed the Chinese understandings of violence during this period in “Warlordism versus Federalism: The Revival of a Debate?” The China Quarterly no. 121 (March 1990): 116–128. The Western and Japanese Marxist origins of the term “warlord” are documented in: “The Warlord: Twentieth Century Chinese Understand- ings of Violence, Militarism, and Imperialism,” The American Historical Review 96, no.4 (October, 1991): 1073–1100. 17. William Hinton, Fanshen: A Documentary of Revolution in a Chinese Village (New York, 1966). 18. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carmelita_Hinton. 19. David Hare, Fanshen (London, 1976). 20. See the review in the New York Times, http://theater2.nytimes.com/mem/theater/ treview.html?resϭ9400E6D9163BF930A35751C0A9659460. 21. Hinton, Fanshen, pp. ix, vi. 22. William Hinton, Shenfan (New York, 1983), p. xiii. 23. Hinton, Fanshen, p.126 24. Hinton, Shenfan, p. 33–34. 25. For “Idealism in Violence” see Great Soviet Encyclopedia (New York, 1973–1983). 26. Karl Marx, Capital (New York, 1977), p. 916, members.cox.net/fweil/marx2.html. 27. See, for example, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago (New York, 1978), 3: 507–514. 28. See the important study by Alfred B. Evans Jr., Soviet Marxism-Leninism: The Decline of an Ideology (Westport, CT, 1993), esp. pp 130–137. 29. Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 1:311–347, at p. 345. 30. Jürgen Domes, The Internal Politics of China (New York, 1973), pp. 34–35. 31. Ibid., pp. 37, 38. 32. Ibid., p. 38. 33. Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts: Mao’s Secret Famine (New York, 1996), p. 68. See also Jean-Luc Domenach, The Origins of the Great Leap Forward (Boulder, CO, 1995). 240 Notes

34. Becker, Hungry Ghosts, p. 69. 35. Ibid. pp. 70–72. 36. Edward E. Rice, Mao’s Way (Berkeley, CA, 1972), pp. 180–181. 37. Domes, The Internal Politics of China, p. 115. 38. Ansley J. Coale, Rapid Population Change in China, 1952–1982 (Washington, D.C., 1984). 39. Becker, Hungry Ghosts, pp. 270–272. 40. Ibid., pp. 35–36. 41. Robert Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror Famine (Oxford, 1986). 42. See Jurgen Domes, P’eng Te-huai: The Man and the Image (Stanford, CA, 1985). 43. William Hinton, Hundred Day War: The Cultural Revolution at Tsinghua University (New York, 1972). 44. Roderick Macfarquahar and Michael Schoenhals, Mao’s Last Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2006), pp. 13–19. 45. Ibid., pp. 273–284. 46. Liang Heng and Judy Shapiro, Son of the Revolution (New York, 1984). 47. Ibid., p. 4. 48. Ibid., pp. 45–46. 49. See Ken Ling, Red Guard: Schoolboy to “Little General” in Mao’s China (London, 1972), pp. 348–363. 50. Zheng Yi, Scarlet Memorial (Boulder, CO, 1966). See also “Eat People—A Chinese Reckoning,” Commentary, August, 1997. 51. Macfarquahar and Schoenhals, Mao’s Last Revolution, p. 214. 52. Ma Bo, Red Sunset: A Memoir of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (New York, 1995). 53. Ibid., pp. 239, 241. 54. Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism, vol. 3 (Oxford, 1978), p. 523.

Chapter 8 1. Brian Latell, After Fidel (New York, 2005). See, in particular, Chapter 4, “My True Destiny.” Latell conducted years of research into Fidel’s childhood and youth. The author shares his fi ndings after having studied Castro for years and after having had numerous conversations with many individuals who have known him since childhood, during his revolutionary days, and as ruler of Cuba. 2. Ibid., pp. 84, 89. 3. Ibid., p. 89. 4. Fidel Castro in “Conversation with the students at the University of Concepción,” November 18, 1971. See Education for Socialists, National Education Department of the Socialists Workers Party, Fidel Castro on Chile (New York, 1982), p. 46. 5. Nestor Carbonell provides a compelling, fi rsthand account of Castro’s alignment with the Soviet Union, beginning immediately after Castro’s takeover. See Nestor Carbonell, And the Russians Stayed: The Sovietization of Cuba (New York, 1989). 6. Fidel Castro, Fidel: My Early Years (Melbourne; New York, 1998). See, in particular, Chapter 2, “University Days,” pp. 73–96. 7. General Fulgencio Batista had staged a coup d’etat in March of 1952 and suspended constitutional rule in Cuba. The attack on the Moncada Barracks of July 26, 1953, is considered the start of the revolutionary struggle against the Batista dictatorship. On that day Fidel and his brother Raúl led an attack of 160 rebels, mostly ill-trained young men, against the second largest military garrison, located in the city of Santiago de Cuba. Sixty-one rebels were killed in the fi ghting, and one third of them were cap- tured, including Fidel, who was sentenced to fi fteen years in prison. Less than two years later, in 1955, the Cuban Congress passed a bill granting amnesty to political Notes 241

prisoners in response to a pro-amnesty campaign for political prisoners that had gained strong support among intellectuals, political leaders, and editors. With Batista’s approval, the rebels were freed. 8. See Tad Szulc, Fidel: A Critical Portrait (New York, 1986), p. 328. 9. See Fidel’s speech at the Universidad Popular, Cuba, December 2, 1961 in Leovigildo Ruíz, Diario de una traición: 1961 (Miami, 1972), pp. 206–207. 10. Castro, Fidel, p. 90. 11. Fidel Castro, as cited in Leovigildo Ruíz, Diario de una traición: 1959 (Miami, 1965), p. 84. Translated from Spanish by the author. 12. Castro, Fidel, p. 90. 13. In economic terms, every industry in as well as the infrastructure of the entire country has been devastated, the population has been impoverished, subsisting under food rationing for over four decades, and the country has one of the lowest per capita incomes in the world (a major departure from the socioeconomic indices at the time Castro took over). For extensive scholarly work on economic and socio-political topics, see www.AsceCuba.org (see Index under Publications). 14. Castro, Fidel, p. 91. 15. Tad Szulc, who interviewed Castro and many of his associates extensively, repeatedly emphasizes this point, which is shared by many other biographers. See Szulc, Fidel. 16. Castro, “Conversation with the students,” 38. 17. Arguably the best accounts of Castro’s international subversion have not been trans- lated from Spanish. See Juan Benemelis, Las guerras secretas de Fidel Castro (Miami, 2003) and Enrique Ros, Castro y las Guerrillas en Latinoamérica (Miami, 2001). The literature on Castro’s more overt international interventions and direct military campaigns is considerable in both languages but two works in Spanish stand out. See Rafael del Pino, Proa a la Libertad (Mexico, 1991) and Enrique Ros, La Aventura Africana de Castro (Miami, 1999). 18. Castro’s involvement with terrorist groups worldwide is well-documented in pub- lished accounts of participants. The Argentine Jorge Masetti provides details in his In the Pirate’s Den (San Francisco, 1993) of his activities as an international terrorist under Cuba’s command. The author has had extensive conversations with him and other former high-ranking participants who have offered fi rsthand details of these activities. (See Maria Werlau, “Fidel Inc.: A Global Conglomerate,” Cuba in Transition: Volume 15—Papers and Proceedings of the Fifteenth Annual Meeting of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE), Miami, August 2005 (Washington, D.C., 2005), Ͻhttp://www1.lanic.utexas.edu/project/asce/pdfs/volume15/pdfs/ werlau.pdfϾ. 19. Castro was forced to transfer power to his brother after severe bleeding from an “acute intestinal crisis” led to emergency surgery and ensuing complications and surgeries. See Fidel Castro, “Proclama del Comandante en Jefe” (Julio 31 del 2006), Granma, Organo Ofi cial del Partido Comunista de Cuba, 1 de agosto 2006, Ͻhttp://www. granma.cubaweb.cu/secciones/siempre_con_fi del/art-021.htmlϾ. After apparently overcoming several life-threatening complications, the Cuban government has given many indications that he is running the show from the sidelines, at least to a degree. He has also been photographed and fi lmed with world leaders, and the Cuban media still publishes his writings and statements. 20. These volumes were published by small printing presses probably in very small numbers and are treasured relics. The author has unconfi rmed reports that Mr. Ruíz died shortly after reaching exile, which explains why only three annual volumes were produced. See Ruíz, Diario, 1959 ; Leovigildo Ruíz, Diario de una traición: 1960 (Miami, 1970); and Ruíz, Diario, 1961. 21. Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Zenith and Eclipse: A Comparative Look at Socio-Economic Conditions in Pre-Castro and Present Day Cuba 242 Notes

(February 9, 1998), revised June 2002, Ͻhttp://www.state.gov/p/wha/ci/14776. htmϾ. This report, citing the U.N. Statistical Yearbook, indicates that in 1957 Cubans had a choice of fi fty-eight daily newspapers, twenty-three television stations—more than any other country in Latin America—and had 160 radio stations, leading Latin America in media market rankings and ranking eighth in the world for the same. 22. In 1998 approximately 8 percent of the land was in private hands, all of it in small family plots that, unsurprisingly, produced almost 50 percent of the food and 62 per- cent of the meat. (Alfredo Romero, Centro de Estudios de Economía Internacional, Universidad de la Habana, in “Cuba: Transformaciones económicas y el sector agro- pecuario en los noventa,” and in remarks delivered at his presentation of this paper at the conference cosponsored by the University of Florida, “Role of the Agricultural Sector in Cuba’s Integration into the Global Economy” [Washington, DC, March 31, 1998].) Since the 1990’s there has been some liberalization in production and prices as well as joint ventures of the Cuban state with foreign capital in agriculture, but no attempts to put more land in private hands. 23. Enrique Encinosa provides an excellent overview of the history of resistance to the Castro regime in Unvanquished: Cuba’s Resistance to Fidel Castro (Los Angeles, 2004). 24. Robert Conquest’s The Great Terror, fi rst published in 1970, is a classic work on Stalinism in the Soviet Union. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment. (New York, 1990.) 25. See Szulc, Fidel, pp. 334–335 and Georgie Anne Geyer, Guerrilla Prince: The Untold Story of Fidel Castro (Kansas City, 2001), pp. 128–129. 26. Ché Guevara is known to have executed personally at least fourteen men in the Sierra Maestra. See “216 documented victims of Ché Guevara in Cuba: 1957 to 1959,” Cuba Archive, July 2007, www.cubaarchive.org/downloads/CA08.pdf. 27. On January 7, 1959, Col. Cornelio Rojas Fernández, who was in charge of the Santa Clara garrison under the Batista government, was executed by fi ring squad under direct order of Ché Guevara without a trial on charges of torture and assassinations. The execution was shown on Cuban television. Humberto Fontova, Exposing the Real Che Guevara and the Useful Idiots who Idolize Him (New York, 2007), p. 106; “Ya tienen la revolución: no la pierdan,” Recuento1, no. 2 (1975); Manuel Feijoo, Bohemia51, no. 3 (18–25 de enero de 1959): 20–21. 28. The Cuba Archive project has details of fi fty-six of the men executed on that day. See Database of Documented Deaths, www.CubaArchive.org/rms. It also has testimonies from several family members whose loved ones perished in the massacre. 29. There was no death penalty in Cuba before Castro came to power. Article 25 of the Constitution of 1940 prohibited the death penalty except for military treason, but it had never been applied in times of peace since Cuba’s independence from Spain in 1898. (In Armando M. Lago, Cuba: The Human Cost of Social Revolution, forthcoming.) This constitution was soon scrapped by the Castro government and Cuba did not have a constitution until 1976, when a Communist constitution was approved. 30. Armando Lago, Ph.D., has documented 915 extrajudicial killings by Batista forces and supporters for the almost six years the Batista dictatorship lasted (March 10, 1952, to December 31, 1958). Armando Lago, “El fraude de los 20 mil muertos de Batista,” Encuentro en la red, Año III. Edición 469. Jueves, 10 octubre 2002, http: //arch.cubaencuentro.com/rawtext/sociedad/2002/10/10/10203.html. 31. In addition to a bibliography in Spanish on these practices, including men who served under Ché at La Cabaña, the Cuba Archive project has several fi rsthand testimonies of the family members of victims. 32. Cuba Archive (work in progress to 12/31/07) has documented 1039 executions for the year 1959, with details of the victims and their deaths. There are many anecdotal accounts that suggest the actual number is considerably higher. See Database, www. CubaArchive.org/rms. To put the numbers in context, the population of Cuba at the time was around six million. Notes 243

33. Cuba Archive (work in progress to 12/31/07) has documented 1006 executions or extrajudicial killings of members of the opposition and resistance or rebel fi ghters for the years 1960 to 1969. See Database, www.CubaArchive.org/rms. 34. Cuba Archive (work in progress to 12/31/07) has documented 1,781 members of the armed insurgency and resistance who were executed or killed in combat between 1960 and 1968 by Castro militia or armed forces. See Database, www.CubaArchive.org/rms. 35. Cuba Archive (work in progress to 12/31/07). See Database, www.CubaArchive. org/rms. 36. As of 12/31/2007 Cuba Archive had documented 214 executions in 1970–1980, 185 in 1981–1990, and 39 in 1991–2000. See Database, www.CubaArchive.org/rms. 37. See Summary, www.CubaArchive.org. 38. Cuba Archive has reports of 254 such cases, but believes these are grossly underreported. See Database, www.CubaArchive.org/rms. 39. See www.CubaArchive.org for accounts of both incidents. 40. See, “Cubans killed for attempting to fl ee Cuba,” Cuba Archive, http://www.cubaarchive. org/english_version/articles/89/1/Cubans-killed-for-attempting-to-fl ee-Cuba. 41. Informe sobra la situación de los derechos humanos en Cuba, Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Organización de Estados Americanos, OEA/Ser. L/V/II.17, Doc. 4 (español), 7 de abril de 1967, http://www.cidh.org/countryrep/Cuba67sp/ indice.htm. 42. Francisco Fernández Zayas, a resident of Miami and a former political prisoner held at Boniato prison in Santiago de Cuba from 1963 to 1968. (Telephone interview, Cuba Archive, February 17, 2006. Translation from Spanish by the author.) Chapter 8 of Juan Clark, Cuba: Mito y Realidad, 2nd edition (Miami-Caracas, 1992), details the practice of blood extraction at Boniato prison. 43. Speech by Fidel Castro on February 6, 1961, in Ruíz, Diario, 1961, p. 36. 44. “Cuba vende sangre al Canadá,” Noticias de Cuba, Julio 1964, www.beruvides.com/ anuario1964_idx.html. 45. This was related to the author by a colleague, an economist in the United States who had done research on Cuban economic statistics for the 1960s and 1970s in the Anuario del Comercio Exterior Cubano, published by the Cuban government. 46. See Cuba Archive, “Victims under age 18 of the Castro regime in Cuba,” Summary Report of May 4, 2004, Cuba Archive, http://www.cubaarchive.org/english_version/ articles/8/1/Minors. 47. Ibid. 48. Clark, Cuba, p. 164. 49. Jorge L. García Vázquez, “El MININT: Espada y escudo o guillotina de la dictadura comunista,” Misceláneas de Cuba, 13 de febrero 2007. 50. For an estimate of the number of men held, see Emelina Nuñez-Prado, Vice-Secretary of Cultural for the Cuban Historical Political Prisoners, “U.M.A.P. “here there was never a gesture that was human,” Ideal 292 (1999): 41. 51. Ibid. 52. Clark, Cuba, p. 164, citing Amnesty International Report 1978 (London 1979). 53. Informe de la Coordinadora Nacional de Presos y Ex presos Politicos, LiberPress, Net For Cuba, 10 de Diciembre de 2006, http://espanol.netforcuba.org/News-SP/ 2006/Dec/DOCUMENTO_COMPLETO_8_12_06.pdf. 54. The human rights group Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation regularly monitors and reports on the number of political prisoners. In July 2007 it reported that the number for the fi rst six months of 2007 was 246, down from 283 for the previous six months. (“Cuba baja a 246 número de presos políticos en último semestre [oposición],” AFP, La Habana, July 5, 2007). In 2003, the Commission had reported 336 political prisoners. (“Número de presos politicos cubanos es el mayor en 20 años,” La Habana, AP, Yahoo Noticias, La Nueva Cuba, July 14, 2003.) 244 Notes

55. Amnesty International reports only sixty-two prisoners of conscience in Cuba because many political prisoners are held for offenses such as “illegal exit,” which does not meet the criteria for prisoner of conscience. (“Cuba releases prisoner of conscience,” Amnesty International, August 22, 2007, http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/ good-news/cuba-releases-prisoner-of-conscience-20070822.) 56. Estimate provided by Elizardo Sánchez Santa Cruz, director of the human rights group on the island, Comisión for Human Rights and Nacional Reconciliation. Eric Umansky, “Diary: A weeklong electronic journal,” http://slate.com/Default.aspx?idϭ 2104649&. 57. Lista parcial de cárceles, correccionales y centros de detención de Cuba por provincias, http://www.puenteinfocubamiami.org/PrisionesCubanas/001.htm. 58. See, for example, Cuba’s Repressive Machinery: Human Rights Forty Years After the Revolution, Human Rights Watch, June 1999 http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/cuba/; Cuba: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2004, Amnesty International Report 2004, http://web.amnesty.org/report2004/cub-summary-eng; and the U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, annual reports, Country Report on Human Rights Practices: for Cuba, published each year. See http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/. 59. Armando Valladares, Against all Hope: A Memoir of Life in Castro’s Gulag, trans. Andrew Hurley (San Francisco, 2001). First published in Spanish in 1985; the English translation was published in 1986 by Alfred Knopf. 60. Ana Rodríguez and Glenn Garvin, Diary of a Survivor: Nineteen Years in a Cuban Women’s Prison (New York, 1995). 61. The literature on prison conditions in Cuba is extensive. Among international human rights organizations’ numerous reports, Cuba’s Repressive Machinery, Human Rights Watch, stands out. The chapters on prisons and political prisoners provide an excellent summary of a situation described by many former political prisoners. 62. See Database, www.CubaArchive.org/rms. 63. The International Committee of the Red Cross visited Cuban prisons in 1988, but, according to Cuban dissident leader Elizardo Sánchez, the visit yielded a report that did not please the authorities and remains “highly confi dential.” (Umansky, “Diary.”) 64. “Dissident study calls Cuban prisons ‘tropical gulag,’” AFP, Havana, May 11, 2004, CubaNet.org, 5/10/2004. 65. Clark, Cuba, p. 161. 66. Cheka is the abbreviation of its longer name in Russian, “Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage.” 67. The author has been twice briefed in Berlin (December 2005 and April 2007) by offi cers of the commission that keeps the Stasi fi les on Stasi-MININT links and had a private visit of the Stasi archives, which used a system of processing information believed to be used by Cuban State Security today. 68. The offi cial name of the former Communist East Germany was German Democratic Republic (GDR). 69. For details, see Michael Levitin, “E. Germans drew blueprint for Cuban spying,” The Miami Herald, November 4, 2007. 70. Surveillance per capita in the former Soviet Bloc—USSR, 1:595 (480,000 agents); Czechoslovakia, 1:867 (18,000 agents); Rumania, 1:1,553; Poland 1:1,524 (24,390 agents); East Germany, 1:180 (91,000 agents for a population of approx. 17 million). Briefi ng/interview with Bert Rosenthal, BStU (the Stasi Records Offi ce), Berlin, December 9, 2005. 71. Juan Antonio Rodríguez Menier, Cuba Por Dentro: El MINIT (Miami, 1994), p. 51. Manuel Beunza, a former high-ranking Cuban intelligence offi cer who defected in 1989, has confi rmed this to the author. 72. Rodriguez Menier, Cuba Por Dentro. 73. Two such student records are reproduced in Clark, Cuba, pp. 227–229. Notes 245

74. See footage of these incidents at http://www.metacafe.com/watch/524996/cc5_ act_of_repudiation_trailer/. (Agustín Blazquez, Acts of Repudiation, Trailer, AB Independent Productions, n.d.) Cuban dissident journalists and human rights activ- ists as well as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and other international organizations have reported on many of these acts. 75. Rolando García Quiñones, Director del Centro de Estudios Demográfi cos (CEDEM), Universidad de La Habana, “International Migrations in Cuba: persisting trends and changes,” Seminar on Migration and Regional Integration, Havana, August 1–2, 2002. (The 2000 U.S. census provides slightly higher numbers for the foreign-born population of Cuban origin that arrived before 1959.) 76. For an estimate of the hard-currency earnings this leaves the Cuban government, see Maria C. Werlau, “U.S. Travel Restrictions to Cuba: Overview and Evolution,” Cuba in Transition: Volume 13, Papers and Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE), Miami: August 2003 (Washington, D.C.: 2003), pp. 384–409, http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/asce/pdfs/ volume13/werlau.pdf. 77. On this subject, see Maria C. Werlau, “International Law and other Considerations on the Repatriation of Cuban ‘balseros’ by the United States,” Cuba in Transition, Volume 14, Papers and Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE), August 2004 (Washington, D.C.: 2004), http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/asce/pdfs/volume14/werlau.pdf. 78. Lenin’s New Economic Plan (NEP)made small concessions to the capitalist and free- market instincts of the peasants and the petty bourgeois by, among other things, restoring private ownership to small parts of the economy and allowing peasants to lease and hire labor. Stalin abolished the NEP in 1929. 79. On this topic, see Maria C. Werlau, “Foreign Investment in Cuba: The Limits of Commercial Engagement,” World Affairs 160, no. 7 (Fall 1997): 51–69. 80. From 1992–1996 remittances are reported to have grown by 242 percent. (Pedro Monreal, “Las remesas familiares en la economía cubana,” Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana 14 (otoño del 1999): 49–62.) 81. See http://www.heritage.org/research/features/index/countries.cfm. Ordinary Cuban citizens are banned from engaging in most independent economic activity—including owning businesses; engaging in private commercial enterprises, manufacturing, import and export, fi nancial transactions, or any sort of business enterprise; and investing in enterprises with foreigners. 82. For a detailed overview of this topic, see Maria Werlau, “Fidel Inc.” 83. General Rafael del Pino explains that Castro believes that anyone who had been given free education or medical attention will become an ally or at least never be an enemy. (Pino, Proa a la Libertad, p. 250). 84. Clive Foss, The Tyrants: 2,500 Years of Absolute Power and Corruption (London, 2006). 85. Clive Foss, Fidel Castro (Phoenix Mill, 2000). 86. American Association for World Health published a report, Denial of Food and Medicine: The Impact of the U.S. Embargo on Health and Nutrition in Cuba (Washington, D.C., 1997). 87. See Maria C. Werlau, “The Effects of the U.S. Embargo on Health and Nutrition in Cuba: A Critical Analysis,” Cuba in Transition: Volume 8, Papers and Proceedings of the Eight Annual Meeting of Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE), Miami, August 1998 (Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy [Washington, 1998], reproduced by the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, University of Miami, http://ctp.iccas.miami.edu/CTPDocs/ctp1_00532.pdf”http://ctp.iccas. miami.edu/CTPDocs/ctp1_00532.pdf. For a recent informative study of the short- comings of the Cuban healthcare system see Katherine Hirschfeld: Health, Politics and Revolution in Cuba Since 1898, New Brunswick, NJ, 2007. 246 Notes

88. The Cuba Archive project has a list, soon to be published, of incidents in which and dates when journalists, researchers, and human rights activists were detained, expelled, or banned from Cuba.

Further Reading Barrionuevo, Alexei. “Cash-stuffed suitcase splits Venezuela and Argentina.” International Herald Tribune, August 14, 2007, . Bullock, Alan. Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives. New York: Vintage Books, 1990. Conquest, Robert. Refl ections on a Ravaged Century. New York: Norton & Company, 2000. Conquest, Robert. The Harvest of Sorrow. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Hernández Cuellar, Jesús. “Cuba: The Price of Dissent—Cuban Political Prisons.” Contacto, May 22, 1998. Hitler and Stalin: Roots of Evil. History Channel, 2002. Hitler, Stalin and Saddam. History Channel, n.d. Hollander, Paul. Political Pilgrims. New York: Oxford University Press, 1981; New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1997. Hollander, Paul. The End of Commitment: Intellectuals, Revolutionaries and Political Morality. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2006. Index of Economic Freedom. Heritage Foundation www.heritage.org/research/features/ index/countries.cfm. Iskander Maleras and Luis Angel Valverde. Case Profi le. Cuba Archive. http:// www.cubaarchive.org/english_version/articles/44/1/Iskander-Maleras-and-Luis- Valverde”www.cubaarchive.org/english_version/articles/44/1/Iskander-Maleras- and-Luis-Valverde. Líneas Generales del Plan de Desarrollo Económico y Social de la Nacion 2007–2013. República Bolivariana de Venezuela. Caracas, Septiembre 2007. www.minci.gov.ve/ doc/lineas_gen_nacion.pdf. Report of the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation. Santiago, Chile, 1991. http://www.usip.org/library/tc/doc/reports/chile/chile_1993_toc.html. Oppenheimer, Andrés. “Chávez destabilizes, and U.S. pays bill.” The Miami Herald, October 18, 2007. www.miamiherald.com/news/columnists/andres_oppenheimer/ story/275738.html. “The sinking of the ‘13 de marzo’ tugboat.” Cuba Archive. http://www.cubaarchive.org/ english_version/articles/97/1/The-Tugboat-Massacre-of-July-13%2C-1994. “Update of Findings.” Cuba Archive. October 31, 2007. http://www.CubaArchive.org. U.S. Cuba Policy Report. September 30, 2003. RLINK. http://www1.lanic.utexas.edu/project/asce/pdfs/volume15/pdfs/werlau.pdf. Yañez, Eugenio. “La riqueza de Fidel Castro: Mito y Realidad.” La Nueva Cuba, August 17, 2005. www.futurodecuba.org/la_riqueza_de_fi del_castro_.htm.

Chapter 9 1. Romeo R. Flores Caballero, La contrarevolución de la independencia: los españoles en la vida política, social y económica de México (México, DF, 1969). 2. John Reed, Insurgent Mexico (New York, 1914). 3. Ten Days That Shook The World (New York, 1919). 4. See the remarkable memoir of the great-grandson of dictator Porfi rio Díaz, Carlos Tello Díaz, El exilio: memorias de una familia (México, DF, 1998). 5. James Malloy and Richard S. Thorn, eds., Beyond the Revolution: Bolivia Since 1952 (Pittsburgh, 1971). Notes 247

6. Though not housing. On a visit to Cuba in 2001 I was astounded by how little had been built since 1959. Moreover, housing stocks inherited from the previous regime are in serious disrepair. 7. Guevara summarized his entire doctrine in one paragraph (published in the Cuban army journal Verde Olivo in 1961) thus: The objective conditions for [armed] struggle are created by the hunger of the people, the reaction to that hunger, the fear induced to suffocate the popular reaction, and the wave of hatred which repression originates. Absent from [Latin] America were the subjective conditions of which the most important is the conscious- ness of the possibility of victory by violent means in the face of the imperialist powers and their internal allies. Those conditions are created in the process of the armed struggle which progressively clarifi es the necessity of the change . . . and the defeat of the army and its fi nal annihilation by the popular forces. John Gerassi, ed., Vencermos: The Speeches and Writings of Ernesto Ché Guevara (London, 1968), p. 136. Emphasis added. 8. It is perhaps worth mentioning here that some of the most prominent dissidents to emerge in recent years have been disillusioned members of the party. 9. In fact Guevara has become the Trotsky of the Cuban revolution, as if somehow, had he survived and remained in Cuba, the revolution would have taken a more democratic or at least more humane course. This is sheer nonsense, although I must record here that in 1986 I heard an extremely high-ranking cabinet member of the Spanish government of Felipe González make precisely that claim for Trotsky at a private gathering. Given the enormity of Trotsky’s crimes while in power in the Soviet Union, it is more than reasonable to assume our Spanish friend would have said the same thing about Guevara. 10. Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World (New York, 2005), p. 71. 11. Ibid., p. 70. 12. In fact, he only outperformed the candidate of the Right, former president Jorge Alessandri, by 1.8 percent of the popular vote. 13. Under orders from President Richard Nixon, the US CIA attempted to bribe the Senate into refusing to confi rm Allende; the legislators refused to accept the bait. See Mark Falcoff, Modern Chile, 1970–1989: A Critical History (New Brunswick, NJ, 1989), pp. 207–217. 14. While Allende himself was an admirer of the Castro revolution he did not believe it was an appropriate model for Chile. This was a source of some tension between the two governments during the 1970–1973 period. On the other hand, his own party and some of the younger people in other leftist groups that supported him regarded an eventual violent seizure of power as inevitable. 15. Eduardo Frei Montalva, who preceded Allende in the presidency (1964–1970) once remarked to me apropos the 1970–1973 period, “we had all the crazies of Latin America here.” 16. The Houghton Miffl in Dictionary of Biography (Boston, 2003), p. 36. 17. The literature on the role of the CIA in Chile is enormous. A fairly accurate summary can be found in my own Modern Chile, pp. 199–250; Paul Sigmund, The Overthrow of Allende and the Politics of Chile, (Pittsburgh, 1977); and Nathaniel Davis, The Last Two Years of Salvador Allende (Ithaca, NY, 1985), esp. pp. 307–365. Davis was the U.S. ambassador in Chile for most of Allende’s presidency and for a short time thereafter. 18. The similarities are extraordinary. See Anthony Lake, Somoza Falling (Boston: Houghton Miffl in, 1989) or Lawrence Pezzullo and Ralph Pezzullo, At the Fall of Somoza (Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993). Lake was director of 248 Notes

policy planning at the Carter State Department and Lawrence Pezzullo was Carter’s fi rst ambassador to the Sandinista regime. 19. The Carter people subscribed to the fallacious notion that Castro had been driven into the arms of the Soviet Union by an unfeeling and ungracious Eisenhower admin- istration. The Latin American specialist of the Carter National Security Council, Roberto Pastor, even wrote a book to this effect with the telling title Condemned to Repetition: The United States and Nicaragua (Princeton, NJ, 1987). 20. Timothy C. Brown, The Real Contra War: Highlander Peasant Resistance in Nicaragua (Norman, OK, 2001). 21. For example, John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder, CO, 1982). See my extended discussion in “The Struggle for Central America,” Problems of Communism (March–April 1984). 22. See, for example, Jorge Castañeda, Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York, 1993). 23. He is also fi nancing groups in the United States, notably some left-wing Washington think tanks, and—through the Venezuelan state-owned CITGO refi neries—he is offering discounted heating oil to the poor of the cold weather areas of the United States. His partner in this venture is one of the junior members of the Kennedy family. 24. Chávez has also contracted to buy 100,000 AK-47s, ostensibly to arm his followers in the event of a civil war. These fi rearms are soon to be produced locally in Venezuela under a joint venture with a Russian enterprise. 25. As this paper was being completed Chávez had lost a plebiscite—his fi rst defeat at the ballot box—whose purpose was to ratify a “Socialist” constitution which would, among other things, allow him indefi nite reelection and amplify his already considerable personal power. The outcome—a total surprise to seasoned observers—suggests that if he cannot win such contests when the price of oil is at $100 a barrel, he faces very grave challenges when it plunges to, say, $60, an eventuality which cannot be ruled out. 26. There has been a purge of the management and staff of the state oil company, with many thousands of engineers and technical people leaving the country to take jobs elsewhere. 27. This applies not only to General Raúl Castro, Fidel Castro’s designated successor, but many high offi cials of the regime who are related at least by marriage to the ruling family. 28. Andrés Oppenheimer, the Latin American editor of the Miami Herald, astutely characterizes it as “narcissism-Leninism.”

Chapter 10 1. Elie Kedourie, “The Middle East and the Powers,” in The Chatham House Version (Brandeis, UP, 1984), p. 3. 2. Robert Conquest, The Dragons of Expectation, (London, 2006), p. 56. 3. P. T. Bauer, From Subsistence to Exchange and Other Essays, (Princeton, 2004), p. 15. 4. Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost (Boston, 1998). See this for a general history of the Congo Free State under the rule of Leopold, cataloguing the cruelties and popu- lation decline under his rule; William Rogers Louis and Jean Stengers, E. D. Morel’s History of the Congo Reform Movement (Oxford, 1964). E. D. Morel was a pioneering journalist who exposed the situation in the Congo contemporaneously; Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness. This famous literary treatment of conditions in the Congo is based on what Conrad saw for himself. 5. See Albert Londres, Terre d’Alene (Paris, 1929) for the cruelty of French colonialism in Africa;See Andre Gide, Voyage au Congo (Paris, 1927) likewise. 6. See Caroline Elkins, Imperial Reckoning (New York: Henry Holt, 2005) for an unnuanced interpretation of the uprising. Notes 249

7. Conquest, The Dragons of Expectation, p. 52. 8. For example, Alan Coren, The Further Bulletins of President Idi Amin (London, 1975). 9. Emmanuel Wallenstein, The World System (New York, 1974) and Andre Gunder Frank, Latin America: Development or Revolution (New York, 1970). 10. David Caute, Fanon (London, 1975), p. 97. 11. P. T. Bauer, Dissent on Development (London, 1971). 12. P. T. Bauer, West African Trade (Cambridge, MA, 1954). 13. UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa: Reclaiming Policy Space, Domestic Resource Mobilization and Development, (Geneva, 2007). 14. John Hatch, Africa Emergent (London, 1974), p. 56. 15. Obituary of Ian Smith, Daily Telegraph, November 27, 2007. 16. Andrzej Walicki, The Slavophile Controversy (Oxford, 1975). 17. Jose Carlos Mariategui, Seven Interpretive Essays of Peruvian Reality (Austin, TX, 1971). 18. Anthony Daniels, Sweet Waist of America (London, 1987). 19. Fenner Brockway, African Socialism (London, 1963), p. 29. 20. Brockway, African Socialism, p. 111. 21. Hatch, Africa Emergent, p. 58. 22. Ted Honderich, Violence for Equality (Harmondsworth, UK, 1982). 23. Quoted in Caute, Fanon, p. 85. 24. Norman Mailer, “The White Negro,” in Advertisements for Myself (New York, 1959). 25. Norman Mailer, Introduction to Abbott, Jack Henry, In the Belly of the Beast (New York, 1989). A strikingly similar incident occurred in Austria in the 1990s when distin- guished intellectuals, including Noble Prize winner Elfriede Jelinek, rallied to the defense of, and succeeded in gaining parole for, serial murderer Jack Unterweger, who after his release proceeded to murder more women. See Robert MacFarlane, “A Murderous Talent,” New York Times Book Review, January 13, 2008. 26. Basil Davidson, Partisan Picture (London, 1946), p. 339. 27. Basil Davidson, Turkmenistan Alive (London, 1957), p. 244. 28. Basil Davidson, The Liberation of Guinea (Harmondsworth, UK, 1969), p. 160. 29. Basil Davidson, The Fortunate Isles (London, 1989), p. 201. 30. Ibid., p. 141. 31. Samuel Decalo, Psychoses of Power (Boulder, CO, 1988). This and the following book records the bizarre and terrible nature of Macias Nguema’s dictatorship; see also Max Liniger-Goumaz, Small Is Not Always Beautiful (London, 1989). The latter has written many works on the disaster of Equatorial Guinea. 32. Conquest, The Dragons of Expectation, p. 29. 33. Basil Davidson, Africa in Modern History (Harmondsworth, UK, 1985), p. 298. 34. Mandiouf Mauro Sidibe, La fi n de Sekou Toure (Paris, 2007). 35. P. Raikes, “The Agricultural Sector,” in Jannik Boesen, Kjell J. Havnevik, Juhani Kaponen, and Rie Odgaard, Tanzania: Crisis and Struggle for Survival (Uppsala, Sweden, 1986), p. 127. 36. Jean-Pierre Tuquoi, Paris-Alger: Couple Infernal (Paris, 2007). 37. Aime Cesaire, Lyric and Dramatic Poetry, 1946–1982 (Charlottesville, VA, 1990).

Chapter 11 1. Charles Watson, The Muslim World 28, no. 1 (January 1938): 1–107, 6. 2. G. -H. Bousquet, L’Ethique sexuelle de l’Islam, (1966; Paris, 1990), p. 10. 3. C. Snouck Hurgronje, Selected Works, ed. G. -H. Bousqet and Joseph Schacht (Leiden, The Netherlands, 1957), p. 264. 4. Bertrand Russell, The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism (London, 1920), pp. 5, 29, 114. 5. Jules Monnerot, Sociology and Psychology of Communism (Boston, 1953), pp. 18–22. 6. Czeslaw Milosz, The Captive Mind (New York, 1959), pp. 51–77. 250 Notes

7. Carl Jung, The Collected Works: Volume 18, The Symbolic Life (Princeton, 1939), p. 281. 8. Karl Barth, The Church and the Political Problem of Our Day (New York, 1939), pp. 43, 64–65. (I owe these references to Dr. Andrew Bostom). 9. Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich (New York, 1970), p. 96. 10. Manfred Halpern, Politics of Social Change in the Middle East and North Africa (Princeton, 1963), quoted in Martin Kramer, “Islamism and Fascism: Date to Compare,” on his web site, http://www.geocities.com/martinkramerorg/2006_09_20.htm [accessed on October 22, 2007]. 11. Maxime Rodinson, “Islam Resurgent?” Le Monde, December, 1978, 6–8, quoted in Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution (Chicago, 2005), p. 233. 12. Quoted on Martin Kramer’s web site. 13. H. A. R. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam (Chicago, 1947). 14. Norman Daniel, Islam and the West (Edinburgh, 1960), p. 307. 15. William Montgomery Watt, “Religion and Anti-Religion,” in A. J. Arberry ed., Religion in the Middle East: Three Religions in Confl ict and Concord (Cambridge, 1969), pp. 625–627. 16. William Montgomery Watt, Introduction to the Quran (Edinburgh, 1977), p. 183. 17. Julien Benda, The Betrayal of the Intellectuals (Boston, 1955), pp. 76–77. 18. William Montgomery Watt, Islam and the Integration of Society (London, 1961), p. 278. 19. Samuel Zwemer, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Marinus_Zwemer, (accessed on November 15, 2007). 20. August, 2007, Bishop of Breda, Tiny Muskens: http://www.worldnetdaily.com/ staticarticles/article57178.html. 21. Martin Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand. The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in America, (Washington, D.C., 2001), p. 49. 22. Ibid., p. 50. 23. John Voll and John L. Esposito, “Islam’s Democratic Essence,” Middle East Quarterly 1, no. 3 (September, 1994): 11, quoted in Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand, p. 50. 24. Quoted in Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand, p. 50. 25. Ibid., pp. 50–51. 26. All quotes in the last three paragraphs are from Campus Watch, “Esposito: Apologist for Militant Islam,” FrontPage Magazine, September 3, 2002. 27. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror (London, 1968), pp. 678–679. 28. Mitchell Cohen, “An Empire of Cant: Hardt, Negri, and Postmodern Political Theory,” Dissent, Summer 2002, 17. 29. Quoted in Afary and Anderson, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution, p. 206. 30. Quoted in James Burnham, Suicide of the West. An Essay on the Meaning and Destiny of Liberalism (Chicago, 1985), pp. 75–76. 31. Quoted in Afary and Anderson, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution, p.259 32. Burnham, Suicide of the West, p. 201. 33. Afary and Anderson, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution, pp. 15, 210, 185, 82, 83, 129, 210. 34. Christopher Hitchens, “Bush’s Secularist Triumph,” Slate, November 9, 2004. 35. Nick Cohen, What’s Left? How Liberals Lost their Way (London, 2007), p. 273. 36. Ibid., p. 274. 37. Francis Wheen, How Mumbo Jumbo Conquered the World: A Short History of Modern Delusions (New York, 2005), p. 274. 38. Cohen, What’s Left? p. 261. 39. All three quoted in Alan B. Krueger and Jitka Maleckova, “Seeking the Roots of Terrorism,” Chronicle of Higher Education, June 6, 2003. Notes 251

40. The discussion of poverty and militant Islam leans heavily on the article by Daniel Pipes, “God and Mammon: Does Poverty Cause Militant Islam?” National Interest, Winter 2002. 41. Knight Ridder Newspapers summarized the fi ndings of Marc Sageman, a psychiatrist at the University of Pennsylvania, about Arab terrorists: mostly “well-educated, married men from middle- or upper-class families, in their mid-20s and psychologically stable.” See Daniel Pipes’s weblog, http://www.danielpipes.org/article/104. 42. This usually means a tendency “to belittle belief and strict adherence to principle as genuine and dismiss it as a cynical exploitation of the masses by politicians. As such, Western observers see material issues and leaders, not the spiritual state of the Arab world, as the heart of the problem.” Pipes, “God and Mammon.” 43. Quoted in Pipes, “God and Mammon.” 44. Benjamin Netanyahu, “Today, We Are all Americans,” in New York Post, September 21, 2001. 45. Benjamin Netanyahu, Fighting Terrorism (New York, 1995) quoted in Douglas Murray, Neoconservativism: Why We Need It (New York, 2006), pp. 118–119. 46. Quoted by Steven Emerson, “International Terrorism and Immigration Policy,” United States House of Representatives Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Claims, January 25, 2000. 47. Christopher Hitchens, “The Left and Islamic Fascism,” The Nation, September 2001. 48. Daniel Freedman, “Bernard Lewis: U.S. May Lose War on Terror,” New York Sun, September 13, 2006. 49. See Daniel Pipes’s weblog, http://www.danielpipes.org/. 50. Christian Godin, La Fin de l’Humanité (Seyssel, France, 2003), p. 71. 51. Sayeed Abdul A’la Maududi, Jihad in Islam, 7th Edition (Lahore, Pakistan, 2001) p. 8, 9. 52. Quoted by Eliot A. Cohen, “World War IV. Let’s Call This Confl ict What It Is.” November, 20, 2001, Opinion Journal (www.opinionjournal.com). 53. Burnham, Suicide of the West, p. 197. 54. Quoted in Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: The Economist as Savior. A Biography. 1920–1937, vol. 2 (Harmondsworth, UK, 1995), p. 520. 55. Daniel Bell, “The Fight for the 20th Century: Raymond Aron Versus Jean-Paul Sartre,” New York Times Book Review, February 18, 1990, 1, quoted in Paul Hollander, The End of Commitment. Intellectuals, Revolutionaries, and Political Morality, (Chicago, 2006), p. 3. 56. Mary Ann Weaver, A Portrait of Egypt. A Journey Through the World of Militant Islam (New York, 2001). Interview on www.theatlantic.com/unbound/bookauth/ ba990217.htm. 57. Étienne Mantoux, The Carthaginian Peace or the Economic Consequences of Mr Keynes (London, 1946). 58. Andrew Roberts, A History of the English-Speaking Peoples Since 1900 (New York, 2007), p. 161. Emphasis added. 59. Ibid., p. 162. Roberts is quoting Mantoux, The Carthaginian Peace, p. 11. 60. “Doctrine of Moral Equivalence—Address before the Royal Institute for Interna- tional Studies—transcript,” US Department of State Bulletin, September 1984, http: //fi ndarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1079/is_v84/ai_3369220 (accessed on December 2, 2007). 61. Brandon Crocker, “Moral Equivalence Rides Again,” The American Spectator, June 14, 2005.

Chapter 12 1. Daniel Pipes, The Hidden Hand (New York, 1996), p. 218. 2. Ibid., p. 26. 252 Notes

3. The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), Al-Qaeda Leader Abu Yahya Al-Liby: We Will Continue the Jihad until All the People of the World Submit to the Rule of Islam, TV Monitor Project 1998–2008, www.memritv.org/clip/en/1602.htm. 4. Pipes, The Hidden Hand, pp. 245–246. 5. Jihad and Terrorism Studies Project, “Bin Laden’s Message to the Europeans,” Special Despatch, November 30, 2007, No. 1776. 6. Nadav Safran, Egypt in Search of Political Community, p. 235, quoted in David Pryce- Jones, The Closed Circle (London, 1989), p. 111. 7. al-Khalidi, Amrika min al-dakhil bi-minzar Sayyid Qutb [Inside America in the Eyes of Sayyid Qutb] (Jeddah, 1985), p. 39, quoted in Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower (New York, 2006), p. 23. 8. Bernard Lewis, What Went Wrong? (New York, 2002), p. 115. 9. Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival (New York, 2006), p. 34. 10. Amir Taheri, Holy Terror (London, 1987), p. 13. 11. Quoted in Baqer Moin, Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah (London, 1999), p. 123. 12. At War with Humanity. A Report on the Human Rights Record of Khomeini’s Regime (London, May 1982), p. 324. 13. Gunnar Heinsohn and Daniel Pipes, “Arab-Israeli Fatalities Rank 49th,” FrontPage- Magazine, August 10, 2007. 14. Geoffrey Nash, Iran’s Secret Pogrom (Sudbury, Suffolk, 1982), p. 126. 15. Taheri, Holy Terror, p. 132. 16. Rachel Ehrenfeld and Alyssa A. Lappen, “Tithing for terrorists,” National Review Online, October 12, 2007. 17. Nick Fielding and Sarah Baxter, “Saudi Arabia is Hub of World Terror,” Sunday Times, November 4, 2007. 18. Heinsohn and Pipes, “Arab-Israeli Fatalities Rank 49th.” 19. Raphael Israeli, ed. The PLO in Lebanon. Selected Documents (London, 1983). 20. J. Dreazan, “Iraq’s Intramural Strife,” Wall Street Journal, October 25, 2007. 21. “Arab Liberals: Prosecute Clerics Who Promote Murder,” Middle East Quarterly 12, no. 1 (Winter, 2005). 22. Alasdair Palmer More, “A Heavy Cross to Bear,” Sunday Telegraph, December 9, 2007. 23. Joe Kaufman, “From Pakistan with Terror,” FrontPageMagazine, November 7, 2007. 24. Jonathan Dahoah-Halevi, “Al-Qaeda: The Next Goal Is to Liberate Spain from the Infi dels,” Jerusalem Issue Brief 7, no. 16 (October 11, 2007). 25. pressoffi [email protected] (September 5, 2007). 26. Andrew Norfolk, “Hardline Takeover of British Mosques,” The Times, London, September 7, 2007. 27. Robert Spencer, “Islamic Prejudice: Christians,” FrontPageMagazine, October 4, 2007. 28. http://www.iribnews.ir/Full en.asp?news idϭ200247. 29. Dion Nissenbaum, “Hamas TV’s Child Star Says She’s Ready for Martyrdom,” Santa Barbara News, August 14, 2007. 30. Alan Dershowitz, The Case for Israel (Hoboken, NJ, 2003), pp. 129–131, quoted in Bernard Harrison, The Resurgence of Anti-Semitism (Lanham, MD, 2007), p. 114. 31. Nicholas Noe, ed., “The Statements of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah,” Voices of Hezbollah (London, 2007), p. 286. 32. Pervez Amirali Hoodbhoy, “Science and the Islamic World,” in Physics Today, August 2007. 33. Uriya Shavit, “Should Muslims Integrate into the West?,” Middle East Quarterly 14, no. 4 (Fall, 2007). 34. Ed Husain, The Islamist: Why I Joined Radical Islam in Britain, What I Saw Inside and Why I Left (London, 2007), p. 254. 35. Ibid., p. 54. Notes on Contributors

Stephen F. Cohen is professor of 4Russian Studies and History at New York University and professor of politics emeritus at Princeton University. His books include Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography; An End to Silence: Uncensored Opinions in the Soviet Union; Rethinking the Soviet Experience: Politics and History since 1917; Sovieticus: American Perceptions and Soviet Realities; (with Katrina vanden Heuvel) Voices of Glasnost: Interviews with Gorbachev’s Reformers; and Failed Crusade: America and the Tragedy of Post-Communist Russia. Anthony Daniels was born in London in 1949. After qualifying as a doctor, he worked in Africa and the Pacifi c. He has written several travel books, including Utopias Elsewhere (about the peripheral Communist countries) and Monrovia Mon Amour, about the Liberian civil war. As Thursday Msigwa, he wrote a satire on Tanzania under Julius Nyerere. He has written extensively also as Theodore Dalrymple for the City Journal of New York and the Spectator of London. John B. Dunlop is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and is also serving as acting director of the Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies (CREEES) at Stanford University. He received his B.A. from Harvard College and his Ph.D. from Yale University. His publications include: The Rise of Russia and the Fall of the Soviet Empire; Russia Confronts Chechnya: Roots of a Separatist Confl ict; and The 2002 Dubrovka and 2004 Beslan Hostage Crises: A Critique of Russian Counter-Terrorism. Lee Edwards is a distinguished fellow at the Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., and adjunct professor of politics at the Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C. He is also the founder and chairman of The Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation and author of fi fteen books, including biographies of Ronald Reagan and Barry Goldwater. Mark Falcoff is resident scholar emeritus at the American Enterprise Institute. He has taught at the universities of Illinois, Oregon and California (Los Angeles) and at the U.S. Foreign Service Institute. His books include Modern Chile, 1970–1989: A Critical History, Panama’s Canal and Cuba the Morning After, as well as two books of essays on Latin American history and culture. Paul Hollander is professor emeritus of sociology at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst and associate of the Davis Center of Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University. A native of Hungary, he left in 1956 November and was educated at the London School of Economics (B.A.) and Princeton University (Ph.D.). His books include Political Pilgrims; Political Will and Personal Belief: The Decline and Fall of Soviet Communism; The End of Commitment: Intellectuals, Revolutionaries and Political Morality; Anti-Americans and several volumes of essays. He also edited Understanding Anti-Americanism and From the Gulag to the Killing Fields. Mark Kramer is director of the Cold War Studies Program at Harvard University and a Senior Fellow at Harvard’s Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Norman M. Naimark is Robert and Florence McDonnell Professor of East European Studies at Stanford University and Fellow of the Hoover Institution. Among his publications are Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe and The Russians in Germany: The History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation 1945–1949. 254 Notes on Contributors

David Pryce-Jones is the author of eleven works of nonfi ction, including The Closed Circle: An Interpretation of the Arabs, and Betrayal: France, the Arabs and the Jews. He has also published ten novels, of which the most recent is Safe Houses. Since 1999 he has been a Senior Editor of National Review. Joshua Rubenstein is the Northeast Regional Director of Amnesty International USA and an Associate of the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University. He has been a staff member of Amnesty International since 1975. His current responsi- bilities include organizing Amnesty membership throughout New England, New York, and New Jersey. He is also the author of Soviet Dissidents, Their Struggle for Human Rights and Tangled Loyalties; The Life and Times of Ilya Ehrenburg and co-editor (with Vladimir Naumov) of Stalin’s Secret Pogrom: The Postwar Inquisition of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee. He received a National Jewish Book Award in the category of East European Studies for Stalin’s Secret Pogrom. He is also the coeditor (with Alexander Gribanov) of The KGB File of Andrei Sakharov. His latest book, The Unknown Black Book, the Holocaust in the German-Occupied Soviet Territories, came out in January 2008. Arthur Waldron is the Lauder Professor of International Relations at the University of Pennsylvania. He is also vice president of the International Assessment and Strategy Center in Washington, D.C. Trained in Russian studies and in Chinese at Harvard, he is author, editor, or contributor to more than twenty books the best known among them The Great Wall of China: From History to Myth. Ibn Warraq studied Arabic and Persian at the University of Edinburgh under professors Montgomery Watt and L. P. Elwell-Sutton respectively. After an honors degree in Philosophy from the University of London, Warraq taught for fi ve years in primary schools in London and then at the University of Toulouse in France. Since 1998 Warraq has edited several books of Koranic criticism and on the origins of Islam: The Origins of the Koran; The Quest for the Historical Muhammad; What the Koran Really Says; Leaving Islam. Apostates Speak Out; Which Koran?, all published by Prometheus Books). Maria C. Werlau, born in Cuba, is President of the Free Society Project, Inc., a nonprofi t organization dedicated to advancing human rights through research and scholarship, whose leading project, Cuba Archive, is documenting the human costs of the Cuban Revolution. She is also a consultant specializing in international business and policy issues. Biographical Appendix: Robert Conquest

Born: July 15, 1917, in Great Malvern,4 England. Education: Winchester College, 1931–1935; University of Grenoble, 1935–36; Magdalen College, Oxford, B.A., 1939, M.A., 1972, D.Litt., 1974. Military/Wartime Service: Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry, 1939–1946; served in the Balkans. Memberships: Royal Society of Literature (fellow), British Academy (fellow), Society for the Advancement of Roman Studies, British Interplanetary Society (fellow), Travellers Club, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (fellow), Literary Society. Addresses: Home—52 Peter Coutts Cir., Stanford, CA 94305. Career: Writer and scholar; H.M. Foreign Service, 1946–1956, served in Sofi a, Bulgaria, as press attaché and as second secretary, and as fi rst secretary of British delegation to the United Nations; London School of Economics and Political Science, London, England; Sydney and Beatrice Webb Research Fellow, 1956–1958; University of Buffalo (now State University of New York at Buffalo), Buffalo, NY, visiting poet and lecturer in English, 1959–1960; Columbia University, Russian Institute, New York, NY, senior fellow, 1964–1965; Smithsonian Institution, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC, fellow, 1976–1977; Hoover Institution, Stanford, CA, senior research fellow, 1977–; senior research fellow and scholar-curator of the Russian and Commonwealth of Independent States collection, 1981–; Harvard University, Ukrainian Research Institute, Cambridge, MA, research associate, beginning 1983; Distinguished visiting scholar, Heritage Foundation, 1980–1981; member of advisory board, Freedom House; Jefferson Lecturer in the Humanities, 1993. Awards: PEN Prize, 1945, for the poem “For the Death of a Poet”; Festival of Britain verse prize, 1951; Offi cer, Order of the British Empire, 1955; Washington Monthly Book Award nomination, 1987, for The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine; grants from Ukrainian Research Institute and Ukrainian National Association; Alexis de Tocqueville Memorial Award, 1992; D.H.L. from Adelphi University, 1994; Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, 1994; American Academy of Arts and Letters Award for Light Verse, 1997; Richard Weaver Award for Scholarly Letters, 1999; W. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell Uncommon Book Award, 2001, for Refl ections on a Ravaged Century; Fondazione Liberal Career Award, 2004; Presidential Medal of Freedom, 2005; Ukranian Order of Yaroslav Mudryi, 2006.

Publications Nonfi ction (Under pseudonym J. E. M. Arden) Where Do Marxists Go from Here? London: Phoenix House, 1958. Common Sense about Russia. New York: Macmillan, 1960. 256 Biographical Appendix: Robert Conquest

The Soviet Deportation of Nationalities. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1960. Revised edi- tion published as The Nation Killers: The Soviet Deportation of Nationalities New York: Macmillan, 1970. Courage of Genius: The Pasternak Affair—A Documentary Report on Its Literary and Political Signifi cance. London: Collins, 1961. Published as The Pasternak Affair: Courage of Genius—A Documentary Report. New York: Lippincott, 1962. Power and Policy in the USSR: The Study of Soviet Dynastics. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1961. Published as Power and Policy in the USSR: The Struggle for Stalin’s Succession, 1945–60, New York: Harper, 1967. The Last Empire. Princeton, NJ: Ampersand Books, 1962. The Future of Communism. Today Publications, 1963. Marxism Today. Princeton, NJ: Ampersand Books, 1964. Russia after Khrushchev. New York, NY: Praeger, 1965. The Great Terror: Stalin’s Purge of the Thirties. New York: Macmillan, 1968. 4th revised edition published as The Great Terror: A Reassessment. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990. The Human Cost of Soviet Communism. Prepared for the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Offi ce, 1970. Where Marx Went Wrong. London: Tom Stacey, 1970. V.I. Lenin. New York: Viking, 1972. Published in England as Lenin. London: Fontana, 1972. (Translator) Aleksander Isaevich Solzhenitsyn, Prussian Nights: A Narrative Poem, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1977. (With others) Defending America, introduction by James R. Schlesinger, Basic Books (New York, NY), 1977. Kolyma: The Arctic Death Camps. New York: Viking, 1978. Present Danger—Toward a Foreign Policy. (Guide to the Era of Soviet Aggression series) Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1979. The Abomination of Moab (essays), London: M.T. Smith, 1979. We and They: Civic and Despotic Cultures. London: M.T. Smith, 1980. (With others) The Man-made Famine in Ukraine. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1984. (With Jon Manchip White) What to Do When the Russians Come: A Survivor’s Guide. New York: Stein & Day, 1984. Inside Stalin’s Secret Police: NKVD Politics, 1936–1939. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1985. The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Tyrants and Typewriters. (essays) London: Hutchinson, 1988. Published as Tyrants and Typewriters: Communiqués from the Struggle for Truth. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1989. Stalin and the Kirov Murder. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Stalin: Breaker of Nations. New York: Viking, 1991. History, Humanity, and Truth (lecture). Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace. Stanford, CA: Stanford University, 1993. Refl ections on a Ravaged Century. (New York: W. W. Norton), 1999. The Dragons of Expectation: Reality and Delusion in the Course of History. New York: W. W. Norton, 2005. Author of introduction to Vitaly Shentalinsky’s Arrested Voices: Resurrecting the Disappeared Writers of the Soviet Regime. New York: Free Press, 1993. Biographical Appendix: Robert Conquest 257

Editor (With others) New Poems: A PEN Anthology. Albuquerque, NM: Transatlantic, 1953. (And author of introduction) New Lines: An Anthology. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1956; second volume, London: Macmillan, 1963. Back to Life: Poems from Behind the Iron Curtain. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1958. (Author of introduction) Pyotr Yakir, A Childhood in Prison. (London: Macmillan), 1972. (Author of introduction) The Robert Sheckley Omnibus. London: Gollancz, 1973. (Author of introduction) Tibor Szamuely, The Russian Tradition. New York: McGraw, 1974. The Last Empire: Nationality and the Soviet Future. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution, 1986. (With Susan J. Djordjevich) Political and Ideological Confrontations in Twentieth-Century Europe: Essays in Honor of Milorad M. Drachkovitch. St. Martin’s Press. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996. Literary editor, Spectator, 1962–1963; editor, Soviet Analyst, 1971–1973.

Editor, with Kinglsey Amis Spectrum: A Science-Fiction Anthology. London: Gollancz, 1961; New York: Harcourt, 1962. Spectrum 2. London, Gollancz, 1962; New York: Harcourt, 1963. Spectrum 3. London, Gollancz, 1963. Published as Spectrum: A Third Science-Fiction Anthology. New York: Harcourt, 1964. Spectrum 4. London: Gollancz, 1964; New York: Harcourt, 1965. Spectrum 5. London: Gollancz, 1966; New York: Harcourt, 1967. Editor. Soviet Studies. Series published as The Contemporary Soviet Union Series: Institutions and Policies. New York: Praeger, 1962–1968. Industrial Workers in the USSR. London: Bodley Head, 1967; New York: Praeger, 1968. Soviet Nationalities Policy in Practice, (London: Bodley Head, 1967; New York: Praeger), 1968. The Politics of Ideas in the USSR. New York: Praeger, 1967. Religion in the USSR. London: Bodley Head, 1968; New York: Praeger, 1969. The Soviet Police System. London: Bodley Head, 1968; New York: Praeger, 1969. The Soviet Political System. London: Bodley Head, 1968; New York: Praeger, 1969. Justice and the Legal System in the USSR. London: Bodley Head, 1968; New York: Praeger, 1969. Agricultural Workers in the USSR. London: Bodley Head, 1968: New York: Praeger, 1969.

Poetry Collections Poems. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1955. Robert Conquest Reading His Poems with Comment in the Recording Laboratory, April 21, 1960. Archive of Recorded Poetry and Literature. Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.:) 1960. Between Mars and Venus. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1962. Arias from a Love Opera and Other Poems. New York: Macmillan, 1969. Casualty Ward. London: Poem-of-the-Month Club, 1974. Coming Across. Buckabest Books, 1978. Forays. London: Chatto & Windus, 1979. New and Collected Poems. London: Hutchinson, 1988. Demons Don’t. London: London Magazine Editions, 1999. Also, contributor, under pseudonym Ted Pauker, to The New Oxford Book of English Light Verse; has also written under pseudonym Victor Gray. 258 Biographical Appendix: Robert Conquest

Novels A World of Difference: A Modern Novel of Science and Imagination. London: Ward, Lock, 1955. New edition, New York: Ballantine, 1964. (With Kingsley Amis) The Egyptologists. London: J. Cape, 1965; New York: Random House, 1966. Works in Progress: A book of poems; a book of light verse; an autobiography.