Race, Policing, and Public Inquiries During the 1980-81 Collective Violence in England
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Race, Policing, and Public Inquiries During the 1980-81 Collective Violence in England Submitted by Simon George Peplow, to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, July 2015. This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 2 ABSTRACT ‘RACE, POLICING, AND PUBLIC INQUIRIES DURING THE 1980-81 COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE IN ENGLAND’ This thesis examines the collective violence throughout England in 1980- 81; these were largely spontaneous incidents of hostility directed against police from predominantly the youth of local black communities. Rejecting characterisations of ‘mindless criminality’, most often endorsed by British authorities to direct attention away from their actions and policies, this thesis argues that such violence was an aspect of broader attempts to increase political participation for black communities within Britain. A recent growth in mobilisation and resistance, fostered by the brief existence of the British Black Power movement, resulted in intensified battles with the police when it appeared that other avenues to protest the perceived harassment and discrimination that they faced had been closed. By rejecting public inquiries into all but the most controversial incidents, the British State continued the marginalisation of racial issues. Utilising newly released records this thesis examines in detail the accusations of misconduct and brutality levelled against the police during the disorders themselves which went unexamined. It argues that such refusal by the government and police to admit culpability, or even adequately investigate such allegations, was a continuation of a lack of accountability despite the clear community desire for the legitimacy of state-endorsed investigations. Other aspects, such as the limitations of blaming the media for the spread of ‘copycat’ disturbances and the persistent influence of Northern Ireland on both police and public, are further discussed throughout. Such discussion exists within a wider context regarding police accountability during the period due to recent revelations regarding Hillsborough and the miners’ strike, with this thesis adding to such discourse. However its focus remains firmly upon the black community of Britain; concluding that the dual attempts of increased political participation through ‘bargaining by riot’, as well as consistent demands for public inquiries and clear desire to remain engaged in the political process, must ultimately be seen as having failed to achieve their aims. 3 4 To Mum and Dad – I hope you don’t regret taking us as children to castles instead of banks! 5 6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly I would like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council for supporting this project. Thanks to my brilliant supervisors, Dr Matthias Reiss and Professor Andrew Thorpe, whose feedback and advice has always been extremely helpful, constructive, and unquestionably improved the quality of this project and of my own research abilities. I would also like to thank Dr Matt Rendle, whose constant advice, enthusiasm, and support on a wide range of matters has been extremely appreciated for a number of years. Also to Exeter University staff and colleagues, for providing an excellent environment for research and for me to develop as an academic, as well as numerous enjoyable teaching opportunities. My thanks also go to: Dr John Stevenson, whose personal records generously provided a great deal of unique materials; staff at Bristol Records Office and Avon and Somerset Constabulary (particularly archivist Graham Tratt and Information Access Manager Jeff Hines) who were always helpful and allowed access to sources otherwise unattainable; and to the offices of Ben Bradshaw MP who were of great help in my year-long attempts to access government records central to this thesis. Furthermore to everyone that has offered feedback on aspects of this research as presented in various research papers, or made suggestions or comments in general discussions. My thanks also go to Professor Gavin Schaffer and Professor Richard Toye for a thoughtful and rigorous examination of my thesis. I very much enjoyed discussions of this research and beyond, and am extremely grateful for your time, comments, and advice. Thanks to friends, both in Exeter and elsewhere, for support and some much-needed alternatives from the thesis. Especially Office Two and the Monkswell House, as well as Luke and Nay, and Hannah, Will, and Jack, for providing me with friendly faces, warm food, and a place to sleep after hours spent in London archives. Most of all thank you to Mum, Dad, Emma, and Lorna. Their constant love, advice, extremely helpful (and foolhardy!) proofreading endeavours, and unwavering support have been invaluable - it is absolutely no overstatement to say that I could not have got to this point without them. 7 8 CONTENTS Abstract 3 Acknowledgements 7 Contents 9 List of Abbreviations 11 Introduction 13 Chapter One: The Background Situation 47 Chapter Two: The Beginning?: St Pauls, Bristol, 2 April 1980 94 Chapter Three: Lacking Conviction?: Inquiries and Trials after Bristol 130 Chapter Four: Escalation: Brixton, 10-12 April 1981 167 Chapter Five: Development or Deterioration?: Inquiries after Brixton 202 Chapter Six: Disturbances Spread: July 1981 233 Chapter Seven: Taking Stock: Hytner and Scarman 271 Conclusion 316 Bibliography 325 9 10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACPO Association of Chief Police Officers BCRE Bristol Council for Racial Equality CCRL Council for Community Relations in Lambeth CIB Metropolitan Criminal Investigation Board CRE Commission for Racial Equality DPP Director of Public Prosecutions GMC Greater Manchester County Council IRR Institute of Race Relations MCCR Manchester Council for Community Relations MCRC Merseyside Community Relations Council NCCI National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants NCCL National Council for Civil Liberties NF National Front PACE Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 RRA Race Relations Acts (1965, 1968, and 1976) SPG Special Patrol Group TUC Trades Union Congress 11 12 INTRODUCTION Despite being a topic which includes much discussion of the UK police force, it is important to begin by noting that this thesis is not a detailed history of that institution. Rather this is a social and political study of a marginalised and disempowered ethnic group within modern Britain. The recent 2011 riots in major English cities provided a stark reminder, if needed, of the impact and devastation of such public disorder. This work examines the disturbances occurring in numerous locations around England in 1980 and 1981 which undoubtedly shocked the country in their scope and severity and whose impact remains relevant to contemporary society. Following increased immigration into Britain after World War Two, the British ethnic landscape was changing and became increasingly multiracial. However, racial discrimination and disadvantage led young black Britons to feel alienated from British society and let down by the systems ostensibly protecting them. This growing sense of discontentment was exacerbated by a police force which appeared to be unaccountable for their actions and who rejected legitimate concerns and criticisms regarding treatment of groups on the fringes of the political landscape, namely working classes and ethnic minorities. It is generally agreed that the 1980-81 collective violence began after ‘trigger events’ involving police officers and black people and those areas experiencing such disorder shared five common characteristics: racial disadvantage and discrimination, high unemployment, widespread deprivation, visible political exclusion and powerlessness, and common mistrust of and hostility towards the police.1 This thesis focusses mainly upon questions of differing levels and expressions of political engagement; i.e., the dichotomous response from local communities who continuously appealed for full independent public inquiries into events whilst others violently protested the police’s actions viewed as discriminatory and improper from obvious representatives of the state. Despite the growing distrust of the British authorities, public inquiries run by the same government and part of the British political establishment were seemingly regarded as a panacea for the problems faced. Whether this was through 1 John Solomos, Black Youth, Racism and the State: The Politics of Ideology and Policy (Cambridge, 1988) p. 237; John Benyon, ‘Interpretations of Civil Disorder’, in John Benyon and John Solomos (eds.), The Roots of Urban Unrest (Oxford, 1987) pp. 33-35. 13 genuine belief that inquiries would achieve their aims, or simply a method for obtaining resources in attention, time, and money will be discussed throughout; it is my intention to show that this dichotomy fundamentally suggests a desire to be included within the British constitutional system, rather than feelings of alienation leading to mindless chaotic violence as has been argued. Likewise the numerous meetings and attempts to liaise with the police throughout the disorder shows a desire to remain engaged with and part of the political process. It is argued that