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Perestroika and Glasnost in the Soviet Armed Forces

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Perestroika and Glasnost in the Soviet Armed Forces Natalie A. Gross* Perestrojka and glasnost in the Soviet armed forces** During the year of the INF Treaty, Mikhail Gor- suggests that in the past civilian reform leaders re- bachev's buzzwords perestroika (restructuring) lied on the military to support their programs. For and glasnost (public openness) have become part their part, the military establishment usually ap- of our political vocabulary, but we are still puzzled proved economie changes when it could anticipate and confused about their meaning. Does the So- from them the long-term growth of its own capa- viet leader harbor a plot to deceive the gullible bilities. Conforming with this historical pattern, Western public, or is hè genuinely interested in the current Soviet military has appreciated the ur- liberalizing Soviet society? To explore possible gency of Gorbachev's economie reforms for de- answers to these questions, this essay will examine veloping sophisticated military technologies and how Soviet generals have been implementing Gor- weapon systems2, but has a hard time understand- bachev's policies in the armed forces.1 ing the link between enhanced military power and a more open society. Initially, officers at different levels of command, from the defense minister Perestrojka: changing the leadership and command down to platoon leaders, resisted the restructuring concepts policy.3 They we re naturally confused about ways of implementing perestroika in the armed forces: Shortly af ter Mikhail Gorbachev came to power, the very idea of granting more autonomy to subor- hè outlined the policy of perestroika, which dinates ran counter to the core premise of the cen- stressed the role of the individual in revitalizing tralized Soviet military system, which is rooted in the sluggish Soviet economy and ossified party bu- deference to authority and unquestioned obe- reaucracy. To restore trust and confidence in the dience to the commander. As the new defense system and make Soviet citizens responsible for minister, Army general Dimitri Yazov, admitted: their work, Gorbachev claimed, corruption should be eradicated, the public should enjoy more free- Generals, admirals and officers have no profound understanding of re- dom, and party leadership should respond to the structuring, they have not identified their role and place in it and have not public's needs. The leader made it clear that hè ex- come to understand that they have to start restructuring with themselves. pected restructuring to be implemented in all So- They do not serve as models in enforcing discipline, upgrading pro/es- viet institutions, including the military. sionalism, and ideological tempering of troops* The USSR's history of experiments with reform It was only after June 1987, when Gorbachev had * The author is a professor of political-military studies at the reshuffled the Soviet high command following the US Army Russian Institute, Garmisch (BRD). Born in the So- viet Union, she received her undergraduate degree and reserve Cessna aircraft incident in Red Square, that re- officer commission from Moscow State University. She holds structuring of the armed forces got off the ground. an M. A. in Russian area studies from Georgetown University and is a Ph. D. candidate at the University of California, Los 2 For a perceptive analysis of Gorbachev's economie reforms Angeles. During 1987-88 she has been a visiting research fellow and the military see: P. Petersen and N. Trullock — Gorbachev at the Soviet army studies office, Combined arms center, Fort and the Soviet force development process (unpubl. manuscript). Leavenworth, Kansas, and at the Rand/UCLA Center for the US Dept of Defense, Washington DC. study of Soviet international behavior. 3 The military's initial response to restructuring is discussed in ** Met toestemming van de auteur overgenomen uit Para- great detail in: D. Herspring — On perestroika: Gorbachev, meters 18(1988)(9)68. {©1988 Natalie A. Cross] Yazov and the military. Problems of Communism 36(1987) 1 A version of this paper was presented in January 1988 at the (7/8)99-107. conference 'Gorbachev and the Soviet military' at the French 4 D. T. Yazov — Restructuring in the work of the military National foundation for political sciences in Paris. cadres. Voyenno-Istoricheski Zhurnal (1987)(7)3-12. MS 158(1989)(6) 279 Restructuring the Soviet army meant some decen- breaker techniques, AirLand Battle doctrine, and tralization of decision making to lower levels, re- Follow-on forces attack), which will fundamental- duction of red tape, and a freer exchange of views, ly change the nature of battlegrounds of the fu- especially regarding shortcomings in training and ture. As First deputy minister of defense, Army cadre policies. Initiative and individual sugges- general P. Lushev, has noted: tions are now encouraged, some criticism of com- The main component [in combat readiness] is the human element (. .) mand decisions is permitted, and closer interper- Achieving high training standards is a difficult mission (.. .) This is due sonal relations between leaders and those being to changes in military af/airs, the conduct of operations under conditions led are sought.5 Not unlike Western military ex- of use by the enemy of high-precision weapons, when de/enses against perts, under perestroika reform-minded Soviet fire, strike and reconnaissance complexes will have to be set up.1 commanders stress realistic and flexible training, 'accessible leadership', and self-motivated com- Gorbachev's new military establishement favors mitment in place of subordination and blind obe- perestroika precisely because it recognizes the po- dience.6 Traditionally, Soviets regarded the highly tential benefit of making the Soviet soldier more centralized senior command authorities which im- effective on the technologically complex modern plemented elaborate operational plans as the battlefield. linchpin of total combat power. Today, Soviet mil- itary reformers emphasize smaller combat units, Although the Soviet high command may find per- junior leaders and individual combatants as criti- estroika compatible with the army's military-tech- cal elements of success on the ever-changing mod- nological requirements, Gorbachev's policy has ern battlefield, which is characterized by an accel- not been easily accepted by military bureaucrats erated tempo of operations, unforeseen changes in with vested interests in the old system. As with ci- situation, and massive disruptions in command vilian bureaucracies, groups of senior officers who and control systems. This shift in Soviet thinking owe their careers to the traditional ways obviously has been reflected in the gradual transition to the feel threatened by a more open military where regimental/brigade structure as the building block their performance is subject to greater scrutiny. of the Warsaw Pact armies.7 The right to criticize command decisions granted There is nothing new or surprising about Soviet at- to the lower ranks has provoked angry complaints tention to flexibility and soldiers' initiative; these from seasoned officers that perestroika is eroding discussions have continued in the military press for the sacred unity of command.9 To mitigate the years. What seems new today is that the debate conflict between competing interests within the has evolved into an authoritative, doctrinal reap- military, general Yazov has reassured officers that praisal of the rigid, centralized military system, the marxist dialectical approach can reconcile sub- which is now seen as a potential liability in modern ordinates' criticism with the unity of command. combat. The Soviets have come to recognize the Holding out a carrot to opponents of military per- positive relationship between a more accommo- estroika, Yazov has promised his military im- dating military system in peacetime and a soldier's proved housing and consumer services as part of motivation and initiative on the battlefield during the military restructuring package.10 Again, as in war. In reexamining some of their leadership and the civilian sector, losers in the military restruc- training concepts, the Soviets have responded to turing are the older, less technically competent Western technological as well as doctrinal de- career officers and NCO's, who are entrenched in velopments (e.g. high-precision weapons, assault the military bureaucracy and are used to manipu- 5 Krasnaya Zvezda (1987)(19 Aug); (1988)(23 Jan). lating it for personal gain without having their per- 6 For a perceptive discussion of Western concepts of lea- formance subjected to scrutiny. On the other dership on the modern battlefield see: R. Gal — Military lea- hand, restructuring is more fully supported by the dership for the 1990s: commnmenl-derived leadership (paper 1987 Leadership conference, US Naval Academy, Annapolis younger, motivated, and technically versatile Md). 8 P. Lushev — High military readiness of the Soviet armed 7 Gorbachev and the struggle for the future (memorandum for forces the most important factor in defending socialism. Voyen- the Assistant deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and plans for no-lstoricheski Zhurnal (1987)(6)8. force development). Soviet armed studies office, Fort Leaven- 9 Krasnaya Zvezda (1987)(9 June). worth, Kansas (1987)10. 10 Krasnaya Zvezda (l987)(lSMy). 280 MS 158(1989)(6) combat arms officers, many of whom have grown Chief of the political administration of the Air to maturity in the fighting army in Afghanistan. Force, colonel general L. Batekhin, public open- ness should be used to discuss
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