IMAGINING MODERNITY IN THE UGANDA PRISONS SERVICE, 1945-1979 Katherine deVries Bruce-Lockhart Trinity College University of Cambridge June 2017 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy PREFACE This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 1 ABSTRACT This dissertation is a social history of the Uganda Prisons Service in the late colonial and early post-colonial periods. Focusing particularly on prison officers, it advances four key arguments. Firstly, it argues that global visions of the prison were crucial in shaping the Service’s development, its institutional culture, and the professional identities of its personnel. From the late colonial period onwards, this vision was anchored on notions of penal welfarism, which positioned the prison as a centre of rehabilitation, staffed by professionals who possessed technical expertise. Secondly, the penal welfare model was combined with an emphasis on the prison’s role as a driver of economic development and a source of public revenue – features that were seen as compatible with penal modernity. Thirdly, this vision of the prison gave the Service a particular imaginative capital, which prison officers used as an important resource. It provided them with a common set of principles and norms through which to define their professional role. Senior officers adopted it with alacrity, pursuing further professionalization through engagement with transnational penal reform networks. Others summoned it as a source of claim-making, using it to call on the state to provide them with greater benefits and treat them as respectable public servants. Finally, visions of penal modernity and professionalism were contested throughout the periods under study, leading officers to engage in boundary work. Officers were regularly defining their role in relation to other spaces of incarceration, such as local government prisons and informal detention sites. With the take-over of Idi Amin in 1971 and the militarization of the state, prison officers’ professional identities were profoundly challenged, but also became particularly important, providing them with a conceptual boundary that at least partially demarcated them from Amin’s regime. Ultimately, the case of the Uganda Prisons Service reminds us of the importance of studying prisons beyond their coercive capacities, paying attention to how such institutions became the focal point of debates over modernity, authority, and professionalism. More broadly, this study challenges the narrative of failure that has dominated popular and scholarly 2 portrayals of state institutions on the African continent, rejecting generic depictions of the postcolony as a site of chaos and disorder. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am tremendously grateful for the incredible support that I have received from so many people over the course of my degree. First, I am deeply thankful for the advice, guidance, and inspiration of my supervisor, Dr. Emma Hunter. From our first meeting in Cambridge to our many skype sessions across continents, she has been instrumental in shaping this dissertation, my wider approach to the study of African history, and my academic aspirations. I am continuously in awe of her tireless commitment to her students, her profound passion for teaching and research, and her outstanding intellectual contributions to the field. I have also benefited from the mentorship of many other scholars over the course of my degree, especially John Lonsdale, Derek Peterson, and Stacey Hynd. They have each provided me with valuable feedback, insight, and encouragement, and I am very grateful for their willingness to support my doctoral research and read draft chapters of this dissertation. Further comments and reflections have been provided in numerous forums, and I am very thankful for the helpful feedback received, particularly at the African Studies Association Annual Meeting in December 2016, the Imperial and Global History Seminar at Exeter, the Oxford Central Africa Forum, and the Workshop on Emerging Approaches in Uganda Studies. I have also received tremendous support from the Gates Cambridge Trust, Trinity College, the Faculty of History, and the Smuts Memorial Fund, whose generosity has made this research possible. I would also like to thank Dr. Felicitas Becker, Professor David Maxwell, Dr. Alicia Decker, and Professor Nakanyike Musisi for their assistance and advice. This dissertation has taken shape in multiple cities and communities. At Cambridge, I have been very lucky to have a wonderful community of friends and colleagues who have made my time at the university very enriching. In Uganda, many individuals gave me a warm welcome, eagerly supporting my work and helping me to navigate a new research environment. It has been a privilege to work with the many interviewees and colleagues who participated directly in this research. I am honoured to have been able to learn about their lives and share their stories, and have been so moved by their grace, resiliency, and courage in the face of tremendous challenges. Specifically, 4 I would like to thank the Ogwang family, who helped me to settle in and provided constant support throughout my fieldwork; Simon Mpanga, who provided valuable instruction in Luganda; Erin, who explored Kampala with me and helped me to feel at home; George Nabida, Moses Akugizibwe, Martin Tushabe, Lillian Kamusiime, Luke, and Henry Lubega for their assistance during my research; and the many other doctoral students who greatly enriched my fieldwork experience, especially Doreen Kembabazi, Adrian Browne, Michaela Collord, and Samantha Stevens-Hall. Finally, I would like to thank the Uganda National Council of Science and Technology for granting me permission to carry out this research, and the Makerere Institute of Social Research for helping me to secure this permission. I am also forever indebted to my friends and family in Canada for their support along this journey. I could not have done this work without Jordan, whose patience, unwavering enthusiasm, and sense of perspective has been remarkable. I cannot express my gratitude for his belief in my work and his willingness to let me pursue my academic goals while enriching my life each step of the way. Finally, I am profoundly thankful for everything that my parents, Joanne and Simon, have done to make this journey possible. Throughout my life, they have nurtured my curiosity and supported my ambitions, while also inspiring me through their lifelong commitment to education. 5 ABBREVIATIONS AND GLOSSARY Abbreviations ACTOC – Advisory Committee on the Treatment of Offenders in the Colonies CASP – Cadet Assistant Superintendent of Prisons CID – Criminal Investigation Department CIVHR – Commission of Inquiry into Violations of Human Rights CMS – Church Missionary Society CPS – Central Police Station GSU – General Service Unit IBEAC – Imperial British East Africa Company ICJ – International Commission of Jurists ILO – International Labour Organization KAR – King’s African Rifles KY – Kabaka Yekka (The King Alone) Party LRA – Lord’s Resistance Army NGO – Non-governmental organization NRM – National Resistance Movement PSU – Public Safety Unit SRB – State Research Bureau TPDF – Tanzanian People’s Defence Force UN – United Nations UNESCO – United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNODC – United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 6 UPC – Uganda People’s Congress UPS – Uganda Prisons Service WHO – World Health Organization Abbreviations – Archives and Personal Collections BAHA – Bailey’s African History Archive CPSA – Central Police Station Archive GDA – Gulu District Archive HDA – Hoima District Archive ICS – Institute of Commonwealth Studies Library, University of London JDA – Jinja District Archive KDA – Kabale District Archive KRDA – Kabarole District Archive MRC – Modern Records Centre, University of Warwick MUAC – Makerere University Africana Collection PJE – Personal Collection of J. Etima PMK – Personal Collection of M. Kamugisha PTSL – Prisons Training School Library RCA – Rubaga Cathedral Archive RCS – Royal Commonwealth Society, University of Cambridge TKA – Tooro Kingdom Archive UKNA – United Kingdom National Archives UNA – Uganda National Archives 7 UPL – Uganda Parliamentary Library UPSA – Uganda Prisons Service Headquarters Archives Glossary Affende – term of respect, often means ‘Sir’ Amasamba – stocks used in pre-colonial Buganda Askari – officer who worked in Uganda’s local government prisons; more widely used to refer to guards, police officers, or soldiers Bibanja – plots of land Gombolola – sub-county, originally used in Buganda Kabaka – ruler of Buganda kingdom Kasavnu – mandatory labour imposed by the colonial government in Uganda