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North Atlantic Treaty from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia North Atlantic Treaty From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The North Atlantic Treaty, signed in Washington, D.C. on 4 April 1949, is the treaty establishing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). North Atlantic Treaty Contents 1 Background 2 Members 2.1 Founding members 2.2 Later members 3 Content 3.1 Article 4 North Atlantic Treaty authentication page 3.2 Article 5 Type Military Alliance Signed 4 April 1949 3.3 Article 6 Location Washington, D.C. 4 See also Effective 24 August 1949 Condition Ratification by the majority 5 References of the signatories including 6 External links Belgium, Canada, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United Background States. The treaty was signed in Washington on 4 April 1949 by a committee which was chaired by US diplomat Theodore Achilles. Signatories 28 Earlier secret talks had been held at the Pentagon between 22 March and 1 April 1948, of which Achilles said: Depositary Government of the United States of America The talks lasted about two weeks and by the time they finished, it had been secretly agreed that there would be Languages French, English a treaty, and I had a draft of one in the bottom drawer of my safe. It was never shown to anyone except Jack North Atlantic Treaty at Wikisource [Hickerson]. I wish I had kept it, but when I left the Department in 1950, I dutifully left it in the safe and I have never been able to trace it in the archives. It drew heavily on the Rio Treaty, and a bit of the Brussels Treaty, which had not yet been signed, but of which we were being kept heavily supplied with drafts. The eventual North Atlantic Treaty had the general form, and a good bit of the language of my first draft, but with a number of important differences.[1] According to Achilles, another important author of the treaty was John D. Hickerson: More than any human being Jack was responsible for the nature, content, and form of the Treaty...It was a one-man Hickerson treaty.[1] The treaty was created with an armed attack by the Soviet Union against Western Europe in mind, but the mutual self-defense clause was never invoked during the Cold War. Rather, it was invoked for the first time in 2001 in response to the 11 September 2001 attacks against the World Trade Center and The Pentagon in Operation Eagle Assist. Members Founding members The following twelve nations signed the treaty and thus became the founding members of NATO. The following leaders signed the agreement as plenipotentiaries of their countries in Washington D.C.:[2] Belgium – Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak and Ambassador Baron Robert Silvercruys Canada – Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and Ambassador H. H. Wrong Denmark – Foreign Minister Gustav Rasmussen and Ambassador Henrik de Kauffmann France – Foreign Minister Robert Schuman and Ambassador Henri Bonnet Iceland – Foreign Minister Bjarni Benediktsson and Ambassador Thor Thors Italy – Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza and Ambassador Alberto Tarchiani Luxembourg – Foreign Minister Joseph Bech and Ambassador Hugues Le Gallais Netherlands – Foreign Minister Dirk Stikker and Ambassador Eelco van Kleffens Norway – Foreign Minister Halvard M. Lange and Ambassador Wilhelm von Munthe af Morgenstierne Map of NATO countries chronological membership. Portugal – Foreign Minister José Caeiro da Mata and Ambassador Pedro Teotónio Pereira United Kingdom – Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and Ambassador Oliver Franks, Baron Franks United States – Secretary of State Dean Acheson Later members The following 16 nations joined the treaty after the 12 founding countries: Greece (1952) Estonia (2004) Turkey (1952) Latvia (2004) Federal Republic of Germany (1955) Lithuania (2004) Spain (1982) Romania (2004) Czech Republic (1999) Slovakia (2004) Hungary (1999) Slovenia (2004) Poland (1999) Albania (2009) Bulgaria (2004) Croatia (2009) Content Article 4 The treaty includes Article 4, which triggers not military intervention but merely consultation over military matters when "the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any of the parties is threatened".[3] It has been invoked three times by Turkey: once in 2003 over the Second Persian Gulf War (Iraq War), once in June 2012 after the shooting down of a Turkish military jet, and once again in October 2012 after Syrian attacks on Turkey and their counterattacks.[4] An Article 4 meeting was also convoked by Latvia,[5] Lithuania,[6] and Poland[7] in March 2014 as a response to the extraterritorial 2014 Crimean crisis. Turkey announced plans to convoke under Article 4 an extraordinary meeting on 28 July 2015, ostensibly in response to the 2015 Suruç bombing, which it attributed to ISIS, and other security issues along its southern border.[3][8] A press statement released by the Alliance declared that "Turkey requested the meeting in view of the seriousness of the situation after the heinous terrorist attacks in recent days, and also to inform allies of the measures it is taking."[3] The US announced through the New York Times on 27 July that it had already agreed "in general terms on a plan that envisions American warplanes, Syrian insurgents and Turkish forces working together to sweep Islamic State militants from a 60-mile-long strip of northern Syria along the Turkish border... long- range artillery could be used across the border."[9] Concerns were expressed that the plan would put allied warplanes closer than ever to areas that Syrian aircraft regularly bomb; the plan did not determine the reaction if Syrian warplanes attack allied personnel on the ground in what is Syrian territory.[9] Turkish Prime minister Ahmet Davutoglu said the operations will continue as long as Turkey faces a threat, and discussed the situation with UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon in a telephone call over the weekend of 26 July.[3] The US said that Turkey "has a right to take action" against the PKK, a Kurdish insurrectionary group that has sought since 1984 autonomy from Turkey.[3] A news report also disclosed prior to the 28 July meeting that Turkey had violated Iraqi airspace in its pursuit of the PKK.[3] Article 5 The key section of the treaty is Article 5. Its commitment clause defines the casus foederis. It commits each member state to consider an armed attack against one member state to be an armed attack against them all. This article has been invoked only once in NATO history: by the United States after the September 11 attacks in 2001.[10] The invocation was confirmed on 4 October 2001 when NATO determined that the attacks were indeed eligible under the terms of the North Atlantic Treaty.[11] The eight official actions taken by NATO in response to the 9/11 attacks included Operation Eagle Assist and Operation Active Endeavour, a naval operation in the Mediterranean Sea which was designed to prevent the movement of terrorists or weapons of mass destruction, as well as enhancing the security of shipping in general. Active Endeavour began on 4 October 2001.[12] In April 2012, Turkish PM Erdogan considered invoking Article 5 of the NATO treaty to protect Turkish national security in a dispute over the Syrian Civil War.[13][14] The alliance responded quickly and spokeswoman Carmen Romero said the alliance was "monitoring the situation very closely and will continue to do so" and "takes it very seriously protecting its members.”[15] On April 17, Turkey said it would raise the issue quietly in the next NATO ministerial meeting.[16] On April 29, the Syrian foreign ministry wrote that it had received Erdogan's message, which he had repeated a few days before, loud and clear.[17] On 25 June, the Turkish Deputy Prime Minister said that he intended to raise Article 5[18] at a specially-convened NATO meeting[19] because of the downing of an "unarmed" Turkish military jet which was "13 sea miles" from Syria over "international waters" on a "solo mission to test domestic radar systems".[20] A Syrian Foreign Ministry spokesman insisted that the plane "flying at an altitude of 100 meters inside the Syrian airspace in a clear breach of Syrian sovereignty" and that the "jet was shot down by anti-aircraft fire," the bullets of which "only have a range of 2.5 kilometers (1.5 miles)" rather than by radar-guided missile.[21] On 5 August, Erdoğan stated that "The tomb of Suleyman Shah [in Syria] and the land surrounding it is our territory. We cannot ignore any unfavorable act against that monument, as it would be an attack on our territory, as well as an attack on NATO land... Everyone knows his duty, and will continue to do what is necessary."[22] NATO Secretary-General Rasmussen later said in advance of the October 2012 ministerial meeting that the alliance was prepared to defend Turkey, and acknowledged that this border dispute concerned the alliance, but underlined the alliance's hesitancy over a possible intervention: “A military intervention can have unpredicted repercussions. Let me be very clear. We have no intention to interfere militarily [at present with Syria].”[23] On 27 March 2014, recordings were released on YouTube[24] of a conversation purportedly involving then Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Feridun Sinirlioğlu, then National Intelligence Organization (MİT) head Hakan Fidan, and Deputy Chief of General Staff General Yaşar Güler. The recording has been reported as being probably recorded at Davutoğlu's office at the Foreign Ministry on 13 March.[25] Transcripts of the conversation reveal that, as well as exploring the options for Turkish forces engaging in false flag operations inside Syria, the meeting involved a discussion about using the threat to the tomb as an excuse for Turkey to intervene militarily inside Syria.
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