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Re-Imagining the City of Liverpool As a Capital of Consumption Anthony Patterson, University of Liverpool, UK Julia Hodgson, University of Liverpool, UK

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Re-Imagining the City of Liverpool As a Capital of Consumption Anthony Patterson, University of Liverpool, UK Julia Hodgson, University of Liverpool, UK ASSOCIATION FOR CONSUMER RESEARCH Labovitz School of Business & Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth, 11 E. Superior Street, Suite 210, Duluth, MN 55802 Re-Imagining the City of Liverpool As a Capital of Consumption Anthony Patterson, University of Liverpool, UK Julia Hodgson, University of Liverpool, UK The purpose of this paper then is to explore whether or not the city of Liverpool, during its ‘cultural moment’, has really become representative of anything distinctive and different, or has, in fact, the project seen the place become just another conventional landscape of consumption, characterized only by the homogenized symbols of multinational stores that line its streets, losing along the way, something of its true identity? Naturally, the focus will be on the consumers not inconsiderable role in Liverpool’s cultural metamorphosis. The promise of consumer marketing, after all -- whether it is called ‘place marketing’, ‘city branding’, ‘tourism marketing’, ‘destination marketing’, or ‘place branding’ -- serves as the rationale behind all of these cultural transformational packages (OECD 2009; Miles and Miles 2004). Two main empirical issues will be explored: whether the negative perceptions of Liverpool have been altered by the project; and the extent to which local people are involved or not. Finally, some conclusions will be drawn about the future Liverpool faces in respect of the ECoC project’s legacy. [to cite]: Anthony Patterson and Julia Hodgson (2011) ,"Re-Imagining the City of Liverpool As a Capital of Consumption", in E - European Advances in Consumer Research Volume 9, eds. Alan Bradshaw, Chris Hackley, and Pauline Maclaran, Duluth, MN : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 297-303. [url]: http://www.acrwebsite.org/volumes/1007147/eacr/vol9/E-09 [copyright notice]: This work is copyrighted by The Association for Consumer Research. For permission to copy or use this work in whole or in part, please contact the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com/. Re-Imagining The City of Liverpool as a Capital of Consumption Anthony Patterson, University of Liverpool, UK Julia Hodgson, University of Liverpool, UK WHAT THE FLOCK? might be, for the purposes of public display. Ultimately, the goal Have “ewe” heard that over a hundred Superlambananas re- is to create a more palatable and exciting place tale. The danger is, cently roamed through the city of Liverpool? More of a playful and of course, that if everyone follows this trajectory then it becomes a colourful way to brighten up the city than a commentary on genetic zero-sum game, one culture-led regeneration project simply cancels cloning, the public art event called “Wild in Art” was a huge success, out another. One of the authors of this paper was vividly alerted to and has been one of many novel ideas the Liverpool Culture Com- this incongruity recently on returning to his obscure hometown in pany have called upon to re-imagine the city of Liverpool. For until Ireland, where he discovered that the new town hall extension had recently, Liverpool has a thoroughly maudlin narrative, a mawkish been artfully etched, no doubt to the mayor’s gleeful satisfaction, mythology that cast it as a blot on the landscape, a national cultural with words and phrases lifted directly from what seemed like some joke, Cinderella at the national city ball (Grunenberg and Knifton generic “how to do culture-led regeneration projects” manual. 2007; Belchem 2006). Thoroughly woe betided, Liverpool was Facile and non-descript statements like, “from weaving cloth we frequently characterized as “one of Britain’s most blighted cities” weave thoughts,” “wind bouncing on my face” and “feels like (Kivell 1993, p.164), a dystopia mired in “decay and dereliction, freedom” were everywhere, and any semblance of deeper meaning high levels of unemployment, poor housing conditions” (Savage and was entirely precluded (Ward 1998). It made us wonder if these Warde 1996, p.267), and as “a scarred, de-industrialized landscape” schemes, which rely on intangible notions like culture and creativity (Childs and Storry 1999, p.283). From the comical “calm down to market destinations, are now too frequent in number to actually caricature” to the cheerless hardscrabble image of “shell suited benefit the places themselves or is the Organisation for Economic scallies,” scousers have been derogatorily labeled and stereotyped Co-Operation and Development correct in asserting that all regions like no other city-dwellers in England (Boland 2008). Such has should be “trying to increase their comparative advantage by adding been Liverpool’s downtrodden stature, its reversal of fortune in the to their stock of cultural attractions” (OECD 2009). wake of industrial decline, the yawning gap between it and the rest The purpose of this paper then is to explore whether or not of England, that despite once being the second city of the English Liverpool, during its “cultural moment,” has really become repre- empire (Haggerty and White 2008), it is now, somewhat speciously sentative of anything distinctive and different, or has, in fact, the perhaps, cast as a postcolonial city on a par with those in the Third project seen the place become just another conventional landscape World (Munck 2003). Jacqueline Brown (2005, p.131) goes so far of consumption, characterized only by the homogenized symbols as to say that “its postcolonial displacement, its dislocation from the of multinational stores that line its streets, losing along the way, would-be embodiment of British modernity” stands as “a signifier something of its true identity? Naturally, the focus will be on the of all that is wrong with Britain.” consumer’s not inconsiderable role in Liverpool’s cultural metamor- The good news, of course, is that Liverpool’s plight sufficiently phosis. The promise of consumer marketing, after all—whether it plucked the heartstrings of the Capital of Culture jury such that it is called “place marketing,” “city branding,” “tourism marketing,” secured serious funding for a mega-makeover. Against strong com- “destination marketing,” or “place branding”—serves as the ratio- petition from other UK cities such as Belfast, Newcastle-Gateshead, nale behind all of these cultural transformational packages (OECD Bristol, Cardiff, Oxford and Birmingham, it was awarded the status 2009; Miles and Miles 2004). The latest textbooks in the field of European Capital of Culture (ECoC) 2008, an achievement that purport to be able to reposition a city suffering from a seemingly has injected some 800 million pounds into the region. Liverpool terminal case of bad press and to promise to transform destina- was acknowledged for its strong cultural heritage, regeneration tions in crisis into places that people might once again like to visit plans and recent UNESCO World Heritage site status to name but (Anholt 2007; Avraham and Ketter 2008). Nonetheless, marketing a few winning elements. Such a win also served as a huge catalyst centrality in this process is not without controversy. The objectives to Liverpool’s ongoing culturally led redevelopment project that of place marketing schemes, some argue, are entirely misplaced has made only incremental progress since the 1980s, partly be- and counterintuitive (Kavaratzis and Ashworth 2005; Jamrozy and cause it always came a poor second to its eternal resources rival, Walsh 2009). Urban planners and geographers have been most vo- Manchester. Of course, the radical remodeling of a place’s urban ciferous in their condemnation of such schemes. They argue that, reality by capitalizing on its cultural assets is an increasingly popu- “Packaging and promoting the city to tourists can destroy its soul. lar route taken by many towns and cities (Philo and Kearns 1993; The city is commodified, its form and spirit remade to conform Miles and Miles 2004; Roodhouse 2006; Mark 2006). The hope of to market demand, not residents’ dreams.” (Holcolm 1999, p.69); such schemes is not only to ensure that such a reinvigoration and and that using place marketing is an “extremely fragile basis on revitalization will provide a competitive advantage over its nearest which to build the fortunes of a city” (Oatley 1998, p.xiii). Bearing neighbors, but that it will also boost visitor numbers, enhance the this in mind, this paper will commence with an elaboration of the city’s appearance, make it a more conducive place for residents to methodology, and then proceed by introducing the capital of culture live and, more broadly, to place the city in an advantageous position concept and Liverpool’s brand heritage. Two main empirical issues in relation to the dynamic global currents of finance, information, will be explored: whether the negative perceptions of Liverpool have and public perception (Williams 1997; Hambleton and Gross 2007). been altered by the project; and the extent to which local people The tried and tested format of such a makeover, to a cynic at are involved or not. Finally, some conclusions will be drawn about least, involves: scouring the history books for points of hometown the future Liverpool faces in respect of the ECoC project’s legacy. distinction; celebrating a sense of place by making local landmarks more tourist friendly, perhaps by installing a touch-screen kiosk or IN MY LIVERPOOL HOME two, erecting plinths in honor of famous locals from the past and To thoroughly address this research agenda we adopted a present, renovating and renewing public architecture, shopping three-pronged ethnographic-style methodology. The first element precincts and generally polishing the town’s jewels, whatever they consisted of in-depth interviews with Liverpool residents aged 297 European Advances in Consumer Research Volume 9, © 2011 298 / Re-Imagining The City of Liverpool as a Capital of Consumption from 19-65 years, and the second consisted of in-depth interviews Year of Innovation (2010). By employing this strategy, Liverpool with the organizers of the ECoC events. In total, 8 key informants cleverly illustrated not only its strong cultural heritage, but also its were interviewed by a research student, Amy Smith, without whose desire to create a lasting legacy (Liverpool Culture Company 2007).
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