THE RIGHT PLACE AT THE RIGHT TIME: THE RISE OF AND THE ADQ

Tasha Kheiriddin

The stunning election in is widely seen as a result of the Liberals’ failure to capitalize on the collapse of the PQ, resulting in a surge of dissatisfied voters to Mario Dumont and promotion of the ADQ to official opposition in a minority House. But, writes Tasha Kheiriddin, there is another story, a gradual shift “from a federalist- separatist paradigm to a left-right axis.” The ADQ’s “autonomist” ambiguity on the national question “opens the door to a different level of debate,” she writes, “one which much of the rest of the world has been indulging in since the late 1970s.” It is a debate on the appropriate role of the state in the economy and in society as a whole.

L’incroyable dénouement des élections québécoises est largement attribué à l’incapacité des libéraux de profiter de l’effondrement du PQ, cette défaillance ayant provoqué le transfert d’une vague d’électeurs insatisfaits vers l’ADQ de Mario Dumont, qui forme aujourd’hui l’opposition officielle d’un gouvernement libéral minoritaire. Mais selon Tasha Kheiriddin, on a aussi assisté au passage d’un « paradigme fédéralisme-indépendance à un axe gauche-droite ». C’est ainsi que l’ambivalence « autonomiste » de l’ADQ sur la question nationale a « ouvert la voie à un débat d’un autre type », écrit l’auteure, « ce même débat auquel s’adonne le reste du monde depuis la fin des années 1970 ». À savoir le débat sur le rôle de l’État dans l’économie et la société dans son ensemble.

ommon wisdom has it that there were three stories controversy of 1926? Or the drama over the adoption of in the recent Quebec election. The first was the col- ’s flag in 1964? Yet these were the dominant politi- C lapse of the Parti Québécois vote. The second was cal debates of their times, inflaming passions and dividing the failure of the Liberals to capture that vote. The third was loyalties in our houses of Parliament and beyond. the meteor-like ascendancy of the Action démocratique du In a similar vein, after 40 years of passion, conflict and, Québec and its leader, “Super Mario” Dumont. On the eve in its earliest stages, civil unrest and violence, the Quebec of the election call in February the ADQ was polling 17 per- separatist movement seems to be losing its fire. Two failed cent; by the time the votes were counted on election night, provincial referendums, the death of the it had captured 31 percent of the popular vote, outpacing and the rejection of the have left a the PQ at 28 percent, right on the heels of the Liberals at 33 lingering haze of constitutional fatigue over the land. A fed- percent and increasing its representation in the National eral Conservative government committed to “open federal- Assembly from 5 to 41 seats. ism” holds power in Ottawa. In Quebec, the ADQ is now the But there is a fourth story. It provides a backdrop to the official opposition, while the PQ is now the third party, gar- other three, and it has been simmering in Quebec for the nering its lowest percentage of the popular vote since its better part of a decade. That story is a gradual shift in the first election in 1970. political zeitgeist from a federalist-separatist paradigm to a Ironically, Dumont cut his political teeth on the very left-right axis. This shift has been slow in coming and is far issue — Quebec’s place in Canada — that his party’s success from absolute; indeed, there is no guarantee the “national is now helping to move to the back burner. Dumont first question” will never again be the pre-eminent issue for rose to prominence in 1991 when as president of the Quebec voters. But in politics pendulums always swing. provincial Liberal youth wing he broke with the party over Issues come and go, and the preoccupations of our forefa- its failure to endorse the Allaire Report. That document rec- thers often seem archaic to subsequent generations. Who ommended a sweeping transfer of powers from Ottawa to today can relate to the famous King-Byng constitutional the provinces. After its repudiation by the Liberal Party,

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Dumont and its author, , identify him as a federalist. To The importance is not where he left to form the ADQ; when Allaire some extent he may represent a stands but where he doesn’t resigned for health reasons, Dumont bigger threat to the cohesion of stand. I think people have per- took over as leader. He was first elected the country than the sover- ceived quite rightly that it’s not to the National Assembly as the mem- eignists, who are so easy to tar- a priority for him. He spoke ber for Rivière-du-Loup in 1994 and get if you are a federalist. about autonomism only when subsequently endorsed the Yes side in That fear is shared by many colum- he was asked about it. On the the . nists in who see in other hand Boisclair was forced On the “national question,” Dumont a return to the “knife at the to put the sovereignty agenda at Dumont later moved to the more throat” strategy used by Bourassa to the forefront of his campaign, amorphous position of “autonomy.” extract constitutional or financial con- and tried to use the Autonomy is not a new concept on the cessions from English Canada. Before constitutional debate as a prime international scene. Politically speak- the election results were even in, Globe source of support…From the ing, an autonomous area is one which and Mail columnist Jeffrey Simpson beginning I thought Charest was enjoys a degree of freedom from speculated, “If Mr. Dumont holds the shooting himself in the foot, and national authority, and it is usually balance of power for either a PQ or the results of [the] election have defined by geography and/or validated that perception. the presence of an ethnic What is the role of the state in Tétû thinks Quebecers are minority. Around the world society, in the economy, in our daily ready to listen to something there are autonomous lives? How do we balance demands new instead of the same old cities (for example, Buenos for security with the cry for freedom, should-we-stay-or-should-we-go Aires in Argentina, Tashkent discussion. The ADQ’s refusal to in Uzbekistan), autonomous on political, military and economic get mixed up in that debate provinces (such as all six levels? How do we keep up with the opens the door to a different provinces of Madagascar) and galloping pace of technology and level of debate, one which autonomous regions (Inner the changes it brings to the way we much of the rest of the world Mongolia in China and the has been indulging in since the Tripura tribal areas of India are communicate, trade and relate to late 1970s. What is the role of but two examples). Here in one another? These are the big the state in society, in the econ- Canada, Dumont has not fully questions of the 20th and 21st omy, in our daily lives? How do fleshed out his vision of centuries, questions Quebec and the we balance demands for security Quebec autonomy other than with the cry for freedom, on to describe it as a state of “affir- rest of the country have failed to political, military and economic mation without separation.” grapple with because our leaders levels? How do we keep up with Dumont’s political evolu- were too busy trying to prevent the the galloping pace of technolo- tion and current ambiguous country from breaking apart. gy and the changes it brings to stance are of concern to some the way we communicate, trade federalists in Quebec. Says John Liberal government, the pressures on and relate to one another? These are the Parisella, long-time Liberal insider and Mr. Harper’s ‘open’ (or ‘open cheque- big questions of the 20th and 21st cen- former chief of staff to Premier Robert book’) federalism will intensify to give turies, questions Quebec and the rest of Bourassa: more and more and more.” Following the country have failed to grapple with To a large extent Mario Dumont the election, National Post columnist because our leaders were too busy try- is a unique product of a modern Andrew Coyne wrote, “If, on the other ing to prevent the country from break- Quebec. He came through the hand, [Dumont] pushes his undefin- ing apart. Liberal Party, which has been able, unworkable ‘autonomism’ model, the party associated with the demanding powers from Ottawa that umont himself has endorsed a re- modernization of Quebec on an cannot and should not be delivered, D examination of the role of the economic, social and political then Mr. Harper has a problem on his state. In 2005, he told L’Actualité mag- level. He left the Liberal Party hands — and so does the country.” azine, “An honest and healthy social on a clear confrontation between debate must take place. The Quebec Quebec and Canada. He flirted ut others believe that Dumont’s social-democrat model is failing more with sovereignty without ever B ambiguity could be a good thing every day. In the 1960s and 70s, we saying he’s a sovereignist…and for Canada. Frédéric Tétû, a philosophy innovated, the state was an accelerant he has been very clear that the professor at Collège François-Xavier- for young entrepreneurs. Today, it puts rest of the country should not Garneau in , affirms: the brakes on innovation.”

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Tasha Kheiriddin

What is the Quebec model? It is behind both Arkansas and Alabama. In he media are also becoming more the term for Quebec’s welfare state, 2005, according to the T and more critical of the Quebec which, while generous, exacts a high Economic Institute (MEI), Quebec had model. From its humble beginnings in price from its citizens and the econo- the highest unemployment rate 1998, the libertarian Internet journal my. The Quebec model had its roots in among the Canadian provinces, apart Le Québécois Libre now garners 120,000 the 1960s, when successive Liberal and from three of the Atlantic provinces, hits a month. In 2006 La Presse colum- PQ governments began using the and an average of 6.8 percent of the nist Alain Dubuc published Éloge de la Richesse, a paean to wealth Another distinguishing feature is close collaboration, verging on creation that bluntly says the corporatist, between governments, businesses and unions. “Quebec is poor” and pro- Quebec’s rate of unionization is the highest in Canada — 40 poses a series of mostly market-oriented reforms to percent, compared with 32 percent for the rest of Canada and change this state of affairs. a mere 12 percent in the . The disproportionate In 2007 two amateur weight of unions in the political discourse of Quebec has Quebec filmmakers, Denis encouraged high rates of labour regulation and the expansion Julien and Joanne Marcotte, produced the documentary of social programs. It has also produced some interesting L’Illusion Tranquille, a terminology: Quebec is the only province in Canada to harbour scathing critique of a Ministry of Employment and Social Solidarity. Quebec’s welfare state. Meanwhile, economist levers of the state in an attempt to Quebec population was drawing social Nathalie Elgrably appears regularly on “modernize” Quebec (by transferring assistance, compared with the Canal Argent and in Le Journal de control over education and health care Canadian average of 5.2 percent. Montréal chastising the government from the church to the state, for exam- Meanwhile, the net worth of Quebec for excessive spending and interfer- ple) and establish a francophone busi- households (their assets minus their ence in citizens’ lives. And she is not ness elite (such as through state debts) was $61,300 in 1999 compared alone; after the Quebec election support for Quebec-owned businesses). with $101,400 in Ontario. results, her fellow columnist Richard Another distinguishing feature is Dumont is far from alone in ques- Martineau wrote that while a strong close collaboration, verging on the cor- tioning the “Quebec model.” In the government was necessary to advance poratist, between governments, busi- past decade a growing chorus of voices Quebec society in the 1960s, now the nesses and unions. Quebec’s rate of have been calling for its reform, start- state “has become fat, obese…and it is unionization is the highest in Canada — ing with think tanks and pressure Quebec society as a whole 40 percent, compared with 32 percent groups. The MEI opened its doors in which…bleeds itself to feed it. I believe for the rest of Canada and a mere 12 1998 and over the years has produced that’s why the ADQ has made such a percent in the United States. The dispro- reams of research showing that breakthrough. Because there are more portionate weight of unions in the polit- Quebec’s economy is underperforming and more people who are fed up with ical discourse of Quebec has encouraged because of overregulation and overtax- this way of thinking.” high rates of labour regulation and the ation. In 2001 another Montreal-based Finally, politicians and public fig- expansion of social programs. It has also research institute, CIRANO, published ures inevitably got into the act. In 2005 produced some interesting terminology: the Rapport Bourgogne, which con- former premier and a Quebec is the only province in Canada cluded that the province’s economic number of other Quebec intellectuals to harbour a Ministry of Employment situation had deteriorated over the published the Manifeste pour un and Social Solidarity. past 25 years and if left on the same Québec Lucide, calling for reform of the path would result in “more and more Quebec model. In 2006 the former pres- o build and sustain the Quebec serious crises.” In 2006, a student ident of the Montreal Economic T model required a massive appro- organization called Esprits Libres Institute, Michel Kelly Gagnon, became priation of private resources, and until began holding regular meetings to pro- head of the Conseil du Patronat du recently, Quebec had the dubious dis- mote free-market ideas in the Montreal Québec, the province’s most powerful tinction of being the highest-taxing academic community. And earlier this employers’ lobby, and wasted no time jurisdiction in North America. It is also year SOS Contribuables, a taxpayers’ criticizing special interest groups who one of the least productive: in 2003 rights group, was launched to act as a were impeding Quebec’s economic the ranked Quebec 54th tax-and-spending watchdog, much as development. In the 2003 provincial out of 60 provinces and states in terms the Canadian Taxpayers Federation election Liberal leader Jean Charest of gross national product per capita, does in the rest of Canada. campaigned against the incumbent PQ

56 OPTIONS POLITIQUES AVRIL 2007 The right place at the right time: the rise of Mario Dumont and the ADQ

CP Photo Why is this man smiling? Because he has plenty to smile about. Mario Dumont increased his share of the popular vote from 18 percent in 2003 to 31 percent in 2007, vaulting from 5 to 41 seats to become leader of the opposition in a minority legislature, with an opportunity for the ADQ to become Quebec’s government in waiting. Dumont’s rise, writes Tasha Kheiriddin, could reshape Quebec’s public dis- course away from the national question to more of a debate between left and right. on the need for reform, and his recent filled it with policy proposals from one and private systems and abolish school electoral comeuppance can be directly end of the election to the other. In his boards. It also proposed policies along traced to his failure to deliver on that concession speech on March 26 — the lines of ’s federal promise. Charest pledged to cut $1 bil- which sounded more like a victory Child Care Allowance, such as giving lion in taxes per year and re-engineer speech — Dumont proclaimed that this parents a weekly stipend of $100. the Quebec state by trimming its bloat- was a campaign of ideas, and that the Over the years, however, the ADQ ed bureaucracy. Instead of sticking to ADQ’s ideas had triumphed. While this has not been ideologically consistent. this plan, he delivered only a quarter of is not entirely accurate, it is true that Martin Masse, founder of Le Québécois his tax pledge and barely snipped the the ADQ put forward many ideas, of Libre, believes that “Mario has always edges off the state. which some were very right-of-centre. had free market tendencies but they This left a political vacuum for the Notably, the ADQ proposed to allow have been tempered by interventionist ADQ in the 2007 campaign — and it choice in health care between public tendencies for the youth and the fam-

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ily.” He notes that Dumont espoused a of 12 years of Quebec politics in which ing for this moment. So where does he flat tax policy in the 2003 election, but big reforms have not been really pub- go from here? In a minority House, that it was nowhere to be found in the licly debated in electoral campaigns. compromise will be the name of the current platform. Masse thinks It’s no surprise that Quebec voters are game, but based on his past record, Dumont is labelled right-wing quite thirsty for leaders or parties that “the nature of his flexibility is very “because he says things that used to be make them feel like they are listening much in question,” according to John Parisella. Paul Muller, presi- Dumont is far from alone in questioning the “Quebec dent of the MEI and former model.” In the past decade a growing chorus of voices have policy adviser to Dumont, been calling for its reform, starting with think tanks and describes him as “market- leaning with a keen sense pressure groups. The MEI opened its doors in 1998 and over of what the electorate is the years has produced reams of research showing that willing to swallow.” In Quebec’s economy is underperforming because of over- recent editorials, Dumont regulation and overtaxation. In 2001 another Montreal-based has been compared to everyone from Jean-Marie research institute, CIRANO, published the Rapport Le Pen to Maurice Bourgogne, which concluded that the province’s economic Duplessis, but in the end, situation had deteriorated over the past 25 years and if left on he will be his own man. the same path would result in “more and more serious For one thing is clear: Mario Dumont is a leader. crises.” In 2006, a student organization called Esprits Libres He has led a party for 13 began holding regular meetings to promote free-market ideas years in the political wilder- in the Montreal academic community. ness, with little money, organization or respect from taboo, like health care. He is the only — and make them feel like they are the political and media elites. Many political leader in Canada who clearly going to advertise what they will do people wrote him and the ADQ off and says we need to open our health care beforehand.” He notes that the biggest assumed he might leave politics alto- system to more private care. He has asset of the federal Conservatives in gether. Last year he was even courted to been consistent in saying that for the Quebec is that they are “perceived as a be head of the MEI, which, in light of past couple of years.” Masse notes that party which announced a program of his recent electoral success, is a job he is after 2002, when Dumont backed action in a campaign and [have] been probably more than happy to have away from the flat tax, his poll num- acting according to that program declined. But thanks to his electoral bers started to drop. Taboo-breaking when they were elected.” breakthrough, he will finally have the may indeed be key to both his popu- chance to show what he and the ADQ larity and his definition. “Mario breaks egardless of whether he is a pop- are made of. And he will also have the taboos — health care, school boards, R ulist surfing a conservative wave chance to build on the right-of-centre reasonable accommodation. And any- or a genuine free-market reformer, in currents swirling in Quebec politics, time you say something that doesn’t this election Mario Dumont was at the further shifting the public discourse conform to the Quebec model, you right place at the right time. Frustrated from the tired debates of yesterday to a sound right wing.” with Jean Charest and his failure to new paradigm, holding the govern- Frédéric Tétû thinks another ele- deliver on his 2003 election promises, ment to account and giving the Quebec ment of Dumont’s success is populism: Liberal voters wanted a change of model the re-examination it deserves. people are hungry for someone who scene but could not bring themselves This is something all Quebecers — and sets out a clear platform and listens to to vote for a separatist party. Frustrated — should applaud. the population. In the last 12 years, with the social-democratic tradition of Tétû notes, successive Quebec govern- big unions, high taxes and left-wing Tasha Kheiriddin, a former executive ments have implemented four major discourse, nationalist voters in the vice-president of the Montreal Economic reforms without ever subjecting them regions sought an alternative to the Institute, is a sessional lecturer at the to public approval in an election: PQ, and Mario’s autonomism present- McGill Institute for the Study of Canada, Bouchard’s “zero deficit,” which neces- ed an acceptable compromise. where she teaches a course on the conser- sitated cuts to the health care system; In that sense, Dumont is not so vative movement in Canada. She is the $5-a-day (now $7) subsidized daycare; much leading the parade as getting co-author of the bestselling Rescuing medical insurance reform; and munic- out in front of it. Indeed, he has been Canada’s Right, available from Wiley, ipal amalgamation. “We’re coming out traipsing along for 13 years now, wait- 2005. [email protected]

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