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The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Volume 31 Issue 1 Volume 31, Number 1 (Spring 1993) Symposium: Towards the 21st Century Article 2 Canadian/Australian Legal Perspectives 1-1-1993 The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Peter W. Hogg Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Special Issue Article This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Hogg, Peter W.. "The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 31.1 (1993) : 41-61. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol31/iss1/2 This Special Issue Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Abstract The Charlottetown Accord of 1992 was a set of proposals for amendments to the Constitution of Canada. These proposals were designed to achieve a national settlement of a variety of constitutional grievances, chiefly those arising from Quebec nationalism, western regionalism, and Aboriginal deprivation. The Accord was defeated in a national referendum. In the case of Quebec, the defeat of the Charlottetown Accord, following as it did on the defeat of the Meech Lake Accord, has made the option of secession relatively more attractive, but there are sound pragmatic reasons to hope that Quebec will not make that choice. -
Charlottetown Accord
Charlottetown Accord This article was written by a law student for the general public. Following the failure of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990, a series of deliberations took place on the future of Confederation both within and outside of Quebec. In fact, there were four bodies empanelled to engage in these discussions – a parliamentary and an extra-parliamentary body within Quebec and a parliamentary and an extra-parliamentary body nationally. Specifically, within Quebec, there were the Allaire Committee (see Allaire Report) and the Belanger- Campeau Committee; and nationally, there were the Beaudoin- Edwards Committee and the Spicer Commission. These studies led to various reports including the federal documentShaping Canada’s Future Together. Subsequently, the federal government convened a series of five national conferences to discuss various aspects of this document. This, in turn, led to a federal report entitled A Renewed Canada. All of the foregoing culminated in negotiations among the federal government, the provincial governments (including Quebec in the latter stages of negotiations), the territorial governments and representatives from the Assembly of First Nations, the Native Council of Canada, the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada and the Métis National Council. These negotiations resulted in what is now referred to as the ‘Charlottetown Accord’. The Accord dealt with a number of constitutional issues. For example, regarding the division of legislative powers (see division of powers), it provided for exclusive provincial jurisdiction over forestry, mining and some other areas. It also required the federal government to conduct negotiations with the provinces in order to “harmonize” policy in such areas as telecommunications, labour development and training, regional development and immigration. -
Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord .......................................................................... -
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS a Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS A Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D. McDonald1, University of Waterloo The Constitution Act, 1982 is a document that profoundly changed the Canadian political landscape. It brought home the highest law of the land; it provided Canadians a mechanism to change their Constitution; it created a Charter of Rights and Freedoms, entrenched within the Constitution, out of the reach of one government. Perhaps its most important legacies, however, are the seemingly permanent isolation of Quebec and the primacy of place in Canadian history it gave Pierre Trudeau. This paper will examine the constitutional history of Canada with a view to determining what made the 1980 negotiating sessions successful when the sessions that led to both the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord were not. It is important, however, to note that the word “successful” is used in the sense that an agreement was reached. Unlike Meech and Charlottetown, the repatriated constitution did not have unanimity among the participants. The question that comes to mind is this: if the governments did not really agree in 1981, why was a Constitution ratified? More importantly, are there lessons that can be drawn from this agreement that can be applied to the failed accords of the Mulroney era? In order to complete this examination, the paper will be divided into two parts. In the first part, Canada’s constitutional story will be told. This is a necessary part of any examination of the constitutional negotiations, for without knowing what the players wanted historically, one cannot see what was changed by the 1980s. -
From Ethnic Nationalism to Strategic Multiculturalism
FROM ETHNIC NATIONALISM TO STRATEGIC MULTICULTURALISM: SHIFTING STRATEGIES OF REMEMBRANCE IN THE QUÉBÉCOIS SECESSIONIST MOVEMENT M. LANE BRUNER Abstract The controversy surrounding Jacques Parizeaus M. Lane Bruner is dramatically rejected address on the evening of the Assistant Professor of Québécois referendum on October 30th, 1995, provides an Communication at History opportunity to examine the shifting politics of memory in and Society Division, the Québécois secessionist movement. By tracing the Babson College, Babson historical tensions between French and English Canadians, Park, Massachusetts. the manner in which those tensions were transmuted into language and constitutional law, and how those laws reflect competing articulations of national identity, the Québécois movement is shown to have shifted from an ethnic nationalism based on French Canadien ancestry to a civic nationalism based on strategic multiculturalism. Vol.4 (1997), 3 41 Human beings are situated in both a material political economy and an ideational economy, and there is a symbiotic relationship between those economies (Baudrillard 1981; 1988).1 Contemporary rhetorical theories, premised upon the notion that lan- guage ultimately constitutes and motivates human action, are intimately concerned with the various ways in which the ideational economy, from individual identity to collective identity, is constructed. Following Benedict Andersons (1991) position that collective identities can be productively conceptualised as imagined communities, and building upon that conception by arguing that national identities are politically consequential fictions produced, maintained, and transformed in part by rhetorical processes, I analyse in this essay how the history of political and economic inequality in Canada has contributed to the evolution of public policies and public discourses designed to construct collective national identity in the province of Québec. -
Le Temps De Parole
VOLUME 19, NUMÉRO 2, JUIN 2018 LE TEMPS DE PAROLE 50e anniversaire du Parti québécois L’assemblée générale annuelle du 16 mai 2018 Le mandat d’initiative sur la place des femmes en politique TABLE DES MATIÈRES LES PREMIERS MINISTRES PÉQUISTES 3 Mot du rédacteur DU QUÉBEC L’ASSEMBLÉE GÉNÉRALE ANNUELLE 4 Conseil d’administration 2018-2019 René Lévesque, 1976-1985 5 Rapport du président Fonds Assemblée nationale du Québec 9 Rapports des comités Photographe : Kedl 12 Prix de l’Amicale 17 Sous l’œil des photographes 50E ANNIVERSAIRE DU PARTI QUÉBÉCOIS 22 Le Parti québécois : un demi-siècle d’existence 27 Le gouvernement Lévesque : la deuxième phase Pierre Marc Johnson, 1985 de la Révolution tranquille Fonds Assemblée nationale du Québec Photographe : Kedl 31 Le gouvernement Parizeau propose la souveraineté du Québec 35 Le gouvernement Bouchard : redressement économique et progrès social 38 Le gouvernement Landry : miser sur le développement économique et la justice sociale 41 Le gouvernement Marois : un mandat bref, un bilan étoffé Jacques Parizeau, 1994-1996 Fonds Assemblée nationale du Québec AFFAIRES COURANTES Photographe : Daniel Lessard 45 La place des femmes en politique JE ME SOUVIENS 48 Le cimetière de la guerre de Sept Ans 51 Coups de crayon! La satire politique en dessins Lucien Bouchard, 1996-2001 EN PREMIÈRE LECTURE Fonds Assemblée nationale du Québec 52 En première lecture Photographe : Daniel Lessard EN DEUXIÈME LECTURE 55 Les Prix du livre politique de l’Assemblée nationale À L’ÉCRAN 56 Mémoires de députés Bernard Landry, 2001-2003 Fonds Assemblée nationale du Québec ANCIENS ET ANCIENNES PARLEMENTAIRES EN ACTION Photographe : Daniel Lessard 58 Anciens parlementaires en action 63 Songhaï : une Afrique qui relève la tête SOUVENONS-NOUS DE .. -
1 Separatism in Quebec
1 Separatism in Quebec: Off the Agenda but Not Off the Minds of Francophones An Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Politics in Partial Fulfillment of the Honors Program By Sarah Weber 5/6/15 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introduction 3 Chapter 2. 4 Chapter 3. 17 Chapter 4. 36 Chapter 5. 41 Chapter 6. 50 Chapter 7. Conclusion 65 3 Chapter 1: Introduction-The Future of Quebec The Quebec separatist movement has been debated for decades and yet no one can seem to come to a conclusion regarding what the future of the province holds for the Quebecers. This thesis aims to look at the reasons for the Quebec separatist movement occurring in the past as well as its steady level of support. Ultimately, there is a split within the recent literature in Quebec, regarding those who believe that independence is off the political agenda and those who think it is back on the agenda. This thesis looks at public opinion polls, and electoral returns, to find that the independence movement is ultimately off the political agenda as of the April 2014 election, but continues to be supported in Quebec public opinion. I will first be analyzing the history of Quebec as well as the theories other social scientists have put forward regarding separatist and nationalist movements in general. Next I will be analyzing the history of Quebec in order to understand why the Quebec separatist movement came about. I will then look at election data from 1995-2012 in order to identify the level of electoral support for separatism as indicated by the vote for the Parti Quebecois (PQ). -
Economic Consequences of Constitutional Uncertainty: Evidence
SCOTLAND’s ECONOMIC FUTURE POST-2014 SUBMISSION FROM PROFESSOR AILSA HENDERSON, PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH Summary This paper relates primarily to economic reactions to the 1995 referendum on sovereignty partnership in Quebec. The following occurred in 1995: the performance of Quebec-based firms on Montreal and Toronto Stock Exchanges decreased, bond market ratings decreased, the cost of government borrowing increased, and exchange rates suffered. Inflation, however, did not move throughout the ‘period of uncertainty’, which was thought to be a reward for anti-inflation policies pursued by the Bank of Canada. Background Quebec is a province within Canada whose government has jurisdiction over education, health, welfare, municipalities and transportation. With a population of just over eight million, 78% of whom have French as their mother tongue, it has 125 members in its National Assembly. Since the late 1960s there have been two main political parties in Quebec, the independence-seeking Parti Québécois and the federalist Liberal Party of Quebec. At times smaller third parties have had sizeable representation in the legislature. The Parti Québécois was created in 1968 and won its first election as a majority government in 1976, during which it called a referendum on sovereignty association in 1980. It lost the referendum (60% No, 40% Yes) but was re-elected with a majority government in 1981. It was elected again in 1994 and called a referendum on sovereignty partnership in 1995. It lost the referendum (50.6% No, 49.4% Yes) but was re-elected with a majority government in 1998. The PQ formed a minority government in 2012, called an election for 2014 but lost to the Liberal party. -
Download the Publication
CANADA Canada Institute INSTITUTE JANUARY 2006 Occasional Paper Series The Foreign and THE PROVINCE OF QUEBEC held a referendum on separation from Canada on October 30, 1995. It was not the first time this issue had been Defense Policies of brought before the provincial electorate, but this time the proposal was only narrowly defeated. For the first time, a majority of francophones voted for an Independent separation. The separatists lost because anglophones and speakers of other lan- guages voted overwhelmingly against separation, and their votes were just Quebec barely sufficient to tip the balance. The result strengthened the separatists and endowed them with a sense of momentum—while English-speaking DWIGHT N. MASON Canadians were left with pessimism about the future of the country. The two sides’ conflicting visions of Canada seemed impossible to reconcile. The referendum results raised the real possibility that Quebec might soon become independent, either through agreement with Canada or unilaterally. This outcome now seems unlikely, but the issue is not going to disappear. Ten years later, there remains a hard core of separatists. Their position has been strengthened, for the moment at least, by the growing number of scandals, prin- cipally the “sponsorship” scandal, engulfing the Liberal Party of Canada. The essence of the sponsorship scandal is the allegation that persons close to the Liberal government of former Prime Minister Jean Chrétien (and perhaps to the current Paul Martin government) used federal funds for partisan purposes in Quebec, among them to weaken support for separatism in the province. These activities allegedly included bribery and kickbacks. -
The Meaning of Canadian Federalism in Québec: Critical Reflections
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Revistes Catalanes amb Accés Obert The Meaning of Canadian federalisM in QuébeC: CriTiCal refleCTions guy laforest Professor of Political Science at the Laval University, Québec SUMMARY: 1. Introdution. – 2. Interpretive context. – 3. Contemporary trends and scholarship, critical reflections. – Conclusion. – Bibliography. – Abstract-Resum-Re- sumen. 1. Introduction As a teacher, in my instructions to students as they prepare their term papers, I often remind them that they should never abdicate their judgment to the authority of one single source. In the worst of circum- stances, it is much better to articulate one’s own ideas and convictions than to surrender to one single book or article. In the same spirit, I would urge readers not to rely solely on my pronouncements about the meaning of federalism in Québec. In truth, the title of this essay should include a question mark, and its content will illustrate, I hope, the richness and diversity of current Québec thinking on the subject. There are many ways as well to approach the topic at hand. The path I shall choose will reflect my academic identity: I am a political theorist and an intellectual historian, keenly interested about the relationship between philosophy and constitutional law in Canada, hidden in a political science department. As a reader of Gadamer and a former student of Charles Taylor, I shall start with some interpretive or herme- neutical precautions. Beyond the undeniable relevance of current re- flections about the theory of federalism in its most general aspects, the real question of this essay deals with the contemporary meaning of Canadian federalism in Québec. -
The Roots of French Canadian Nationalism and the Quebec Separatist Movement
Copyright 2013, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved THE ROOTS OF FRENCH CANADIAN NATIONALISM AND THE QUEBEC SEPARATIST MOVEMENT Iris Robbins-Larrivee Abstract Since Canada’s colonial era, relations between its Fran- cophones and its Anglophones have often been fraught with high tension. This tension has for the most part arisen from French discontent with what some deem a history of religious, social, and economic subjugation by the English Canadian majority. At the time of Confederation (1867), the French and the English were of almost-equal population; however, due to English dominance within the political and economic spheres, many settlers were as- similated into the English culture. Over time, the Francophones became isolated in the province of Quebec, creating a densely French mass in the midst of a burgeoning English society—this led to a Francophone passion for a distinct identity and unrelent- ing resistance to English assimilation. The path to separatism was a direct and intuitive one; it allowed French Canadians to assert their cultural identities and divergences from the ways of the Eng- lish majority. A deeper split between French and English values was visible before the country’s industrialization: agriculture, Ca- Iris Robbins-Larrivee is a Senior at the King George Secondary School in Vancouver, British Columbia, where she wrote this as an independent study for Mr. Bruce Russell in the 2012/2013 academic year. 2 Iris Robbins-Larrivee tholicism, and larger families were marked differences in French communities, which emphasized tradition and antimaterialism. These values were at odds with the more individualist, capitalist leanings of English Canada. -
The 1992 Charlottetown Accord & Referendum
CANADA’S 1992 CHARLOTTETOWN CONSTITUTIONAL ACCORD: TESTING THE LIMITS OF ASYMMETRICAL FEDERALISM By Michael d. Behiels Department of History University of Ottawa Abstract.-Canada‘s 1992 Charlottetown Constitutional Accord represented a dramatic attempt to transform the Canadian federation which is based on formal symmetry, albeit with a limited recognition of some asymmetry, into an asymmetrical federal constitution recognizing Canada‘s three nations, French, British, and Aboriginal. Canadians were called up to embrace multinational federalism, one comprising both stateless and state-based nations exercising self-governance in a multilayered, highly asymmetrical federal system. This paper explores why a majority of Canadians, for a wide variety of very complex reasons, opted in the first-ever constitutional referendum in October 1992 to retain their existing federal system. This paper argues that the rejection of a formalized asymmetrical federation based on the theory of multinational federalism, while contributing to the severe political crisis that fueled the 1995 referendum on Quebec secession, marked the moment when Canadians finally became a fully sovereign people. Palacio de la Aljafería – Calle de los Diputados, s/n– 50004 ZARAGOZA Teléfono 976 28 97 15 - Fax 976 28 96 65 [email protected] INTRODUCTION The Charlottetown Consensus Report, rejected in a landmark constitutional referendum on 26 October 1992, entailed a profound clash between competing models of federalism: symmetrical versus asymmetrical, and bi-national versus multinational. (Cook, 1994, Appendix, 225-249) The Meech Lake Constitutional Accord, 1987-90, pitted two conceptions of a bi-national -- French-Canada and English Canada – federalism against one another. The established conception entailing a pan-Canadian French-English duality was challenged and overtaken by a territorial Quebec/Canada conception of duality.