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Journaux Journals
HOUSE OF COMMONS OF CANADA CHAMBRE DES COMMUNES DU CANADA 37th PARLIAMENT, 1st SESSION 37e LÉGISLATURE, 1re SESSION Journals Journaux No. 12 No 12 Tuesday, February 13, 2001 Le mardi 13 février 2001 10:00 a.m. 10 heures The Clerk informed the House of the unavoidable absence of the Le Greffier informe la Chambre de l’absence inévitable du Speaker. Président. Whereupon, Mr. Kilger (Stormont — Dundas — Charlotten- Sur ce, M. Kilger (Stormont — Dundas — Charlottenburgh), burgh), Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Committees of the Vice–président et président des Comités pléniers, assume la Whole, took the Chair, pursuant to subsection 43(1) of the présidence, conformément au paragraphe 43(1) de la Loi sur le Parliament of Canada Act. Parlement du Canada. PRAYERS PRIÈRE DAILY ROUTINE OF BUSINESS AFFAIRES COURANTES ORDINAIRES PRESENTING REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES PRÉSENTATION DE RAPPORTS DE COMITÉS Mr. Lee (Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the M. Lee (secrétaire parlementaire du leader du gouvernement à la Government in the House of Commons), from the Standing Chambre des communes), du Comité permanent de la procédure et Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, presented the des affaires de la Chambre, présente le 1er rapport de ce Comité, 1st Report of the Committee, which was as follows: dont voici le texte : The Committee recommends, pursuant to Standing Orders 104 Votre Comité recommande, conformément au mandat que lui and 114, that the list of members and associate members for confèrent les articles 104 et 114 du Règlement, que la liste -
The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Volume 31 Issue 1 Volume 31, Number 1 (Spring 1993) Symposium: Towards the 21st Century Article 2 Canadian/Australian Legal Perspectives 1-1-1993 The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Peter W. Hogg Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Special Issue Article This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Hogg, Peter W.. "The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 31.1 (1993) : 41-61. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol31/iss1/2 This Special Issue Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Abstract The Charlottetown Accord of 1992 was a set of proposals for amendments to the Constitution of Canada. These proposals were designed to achieve a national settlement of a variety of constitutional grievances, chiefly those arising from Quebec nationalism, western regionalism, and Aboriginal deprivation. The Accord was defeated in a national referendum. In the case of Quebec, the defeat of the Charlottetown Accord, following as it did on the defeat of the Meech Lake Accord, has made the option of secession relatively more attractive, but there are sound pragmatic reasons to hope that Quebec will not make that choice. -
Core 1..186 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 10.50)
CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 141 Ï NUMBER 051 Ï 1st SESSION Ï 39th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Friday, September 22, 2006 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) 3121 HOUSE OF COMMONS Friday, September 22, 2006 The House met at 11 a.m. Foreign Affairs, the actions of the minority Conservative govern- ment are causing the Canadian business community to miss the boat when it comes to trade and investment in China. Prayers The Canadian Chamber of Commerce is calling on the Conservative minority government to bolster Canadian trade and investment in China and encourage Chinese companies to invest in STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS Canada. Business leaders are not alone in their desire for a stronger Ï (1100) economic relationship with China. The Asia-Pacific Foundation [English] released an opinion poll last week where Canadians named China, not the United States, as the most important potential export market CANADIAN FORCES for Canada. Mr. Pierre Lemieux (Glengarry—Prescott—Russell, CPC): Mr. Speaker, I recently met with a special family in my riding. The The Conservatives' actions are being noticed by the Chinese Spence family has a long, proud tradition of military service going government, which recently shut down negotiations to grant Canada back several generations. The father, Rick Spence, is a 27 year approved destination status, effectively killing a multi-million dollar veteran who serves in our Canadian air force. opportunity to allow Chinese tourists to visit Canada. His son, Private Michael Spence, is a member of the 1st Battalion China's ambassador has felt the need to say that we need mutual of the Royal Canadian Regiment. -
Mr. Speaker, It's My Pleasure to Introduce to You and Through You to Other Members of the Assembly Ms Title: Thursday, March 22, 1990 2:30 P.M
March 22, 1990 Alberta Hansard 213 Legislative Assembly of Alberta MRS. HEWES: Mr. Speaker, it's my pleasure to introduce to you and through you to other members of the Assembly Ms Title: Thursday, March 22, 1990 2:30 p.m. Molly Anderson, who is a teacher from the state of Florida who is here on a Fulbright exchange. Ms Anderson tells us she is Date: 90/03/22 very impressed with the education system in Alberta. [The House met at 2:30 p.m.] head: Oral Question Period [Mr. Speaker in the Chair] Meech Lake Accord head: Prayers MR. MARTIN: Mr. Speaker, to the Premier. Yesterday we learned that the Premier and his western counterparts have MR. SPEAKER: Let us pray. agreed to set up a task force that will try to develop a common front among western provinces to deal with the constitutional Lord, forgive our excessive busyness as we seek to do our crisis. I'd say to the Premier that we welcome this initiative business. because we've watched with growing alarm the constitutional Grant us an awareness of these moments of life that we might crisis developing and the thought that our country could break take on a renewed sense of commitment as we seek to serve all up from lack of unity. At the same time, we are concerned that Albertans. the formation of this common front does not lead to a hardening Amen. of positions and that the committee will explore all avenues that head: Notices of Motions might lead to a solution to this current constitutional crisis. -
Charlottetown Accord
Charlottetown Accord This article was written by a law student for the general public. Following the failure of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990, a series of deliberations took place on the future of Confederation both within and outside of Quebec. In fact, there were four bodies empanelled to engage in these discussions – a parliamentary and an extra-parliamentary body within Quebec and a parliamentary and an extra-parliamentary body nationally. Specifically, within Quebec, there were the Allaire Committee (see Allaire Report) and the Belanger- Campeau Committee; and nationally, there were the Beaudoin- Edwards Committee and the Spicer Commission. These studies led to various reports including the federal documentShaping Canada’s Future Together. Subsequently, the federal government convened a series of five national conferences to discuss various aspects of this document. This, in turn, led to a federal report entitled A Renewed Canada. All of the foregoing culminated in negotiations among the federal government, the provincial governments (including Quebec in the latter stages of negotiations), the territorial governments and representatives from the Assembly of First Nations, the Native Council of Canada, the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada and the Métis National Council. These negotiations resulted in what is now referred to as the ‘Charlottetown Accord’. The Accord dealt with a number of constitutional issues. For example, regarding the division of legislative powers (see division of powers), it provided for exclusive provincial jurisdiction over forestry, mining and some other areas. It also required the federal government to conduct negotiations with the provinces in order to “harmonize” policy in such areas as telecommunications, labour development and training, regional development and immigration. -
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS a Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS A Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D. McDonald1, University of Waterloo The Constitution Act, 1982 is a document that profoundly changed the Canadian political landscape. It brought home the highest law of the land; it provided Canadians a mechanism to change their Constitution; it created a Charter of Rights and Freedoms, entrenched within the Constitution, out of the reach of one government. Perhaps its most important legacies, however, are the seemingly permanent isolation of Quebec and the primacy of place in Canadian history it gave Pierre Trudeau. This paper will examine the constitutional history of Canada with a view to determining what made the 1980 negotiating sessions successful when the sessions that led to both the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord were not. It is important, however, to note that the word “successful” is used in the sense that an agreement was reached. Unlike Meech and Charlottetown, the repatriated constitution did not have unanimity among the participants. The question that comes to mind is this: if the governments did not really agree in 1981, why was a Constitution ratified? More importantly, are there lessons that can be drawn from this agreement that can be applied to the failed accords of the Mulroney era? In order to complete this examination, the paper will be divided into two parts. In the first part, Canada’s constitutional story will be told. This is a necessary part of any examination of the constitutional negotiations, for without knowing what the players wanted historically, one cannot see what was changed by the 1980s. -
House of Commons Debates
CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 137 Ï NUMBER 152 Ï 1st SESSION Ï 37th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Friday, March 1, 2002 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) All parliamentary publications are available on the ``Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire´´ at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 9399 HOUSE OF COMMONS Friday, March 1, 2002 The House met at 10 a.m. [English] Prayers I shall now propose Motion No. 2 in Group No. 1 to the House. Ï (1005) GOVERNMENT ORDERS Mr. Vic Toews (Provencher, Canadian Alliance): Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. I understand your ruling is that Motions Nos. BUDGET IMPLEMENTATION ACT, 2001 10 and 17 are not to be heard because they could have been put at committee. Unfortunately I was not able to attend that committee The House proceeded to consideration of Bill C-49, an act to because I was at the procedure and House affairs committee which is implement certain provisions of the budget tabled in Parliament on dealing with the matter related to the minister of defence. December 10, 2001 as reported (with amendments) from the committee. As you well know, Mr. Speaker, the procedure and House affairs committee has been going virtually non-stop. I simply did not have Ï (1000) an opportunity to introduce Motions Nos. 10 and 17 at the finance [Translation] committee. Had I not been tied up in a motion that I think has precedence because of the extremely sensitive nature of that matter, I SPEAKER'S RULING could have attended the finance committee and introduced these The Speaker: There are 29 motions in amendment on the notice motions. -
Interview with Darren Praznik 125
INTERVIEW WITH DARREN PRAZNIK 125 Interview with Darren Praznik 160 A good parliamentary system is about checks and balances. Ultimately, the majority will rule, as it should. But the minority members of the House have huge ability to make the government go through a lot of processes before they ultimately rule. - Darren Praznik Any minister who is not prepared to accept reasonable suggestions or improvements from the opposition or the public does so at their own peril. You look stubborn, you look like you're on an ego trip as opposed to being a good minister, and I think you're always better to be flexible in the process. .1 always respected those groups who 2003 CanLIIDocs 77 came to me and said `we're opposed to your public policy decision, but if you're going to do it, these things make it better'. I mean, why would you just want to make it hard for people for no reason? - Darren Praznik I. INTRODUCTION s a young lawyer, Darren Praznik was first elected to the Manitoba ALegislature in 1988. Under Premier Gary Filmon, Darren served as Minister responsible for a wide variety of portfolios, including Labour, Energy and Mines, Northern and Native Affairs, Health, and Highways and Transportation. Darren continued to serve as a member of the Official Opposition from 1999 until February of 2002. He has since served as Executive Director of Government Relations for Canadian Blood Services. Over eleven years in government, Darren was witness to a number of notable legislative crises, including the failure of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990 and the Manitoba Telephone System privatization debate in 1996. -
COVID's Collateral Contagion
June 2020 COVID’s Collateral Contagion: Why Faking Parliament is No Way to Govern in a Crisis Christian Leuprecht The COVID-19 epidemic is the greatest test for the maintenance of Canada’s democratic constitutional order in at least 50 years, certainly since the October crisis of 1970. It is also a bellwether for the way the Canadian state manages risk. Risks that stem from globalization have a common denominator: by definition, no state can manage them alone. However, citizens still expect their state to act. Confronted with dire predictions of immi- nent Armageddon, politicians invoke largely performative measures to signal to citizens that they are acting – to manage a risk that is largely beyond their control. Managing risk has become to individual citizens the essence of the modern welfare state: unemployment insur- ance, health care insurance, mortgage insurance, etc. Such is the essence of “risk society”: the expectations by citizens that the state will manage risks, many of which the state cannot control, such as a global pandemic. Paradoxically, the less control and certainty the state has over a risk that is perceived as existential, the more heavy-handed is its approach. Precisely because of the threatening environment in which it exists and because it is shut out of many international organizations, Taiwan was well prepared for the pandemic and its reaction was measured. By contrast, much of the rest of the democratic world was ill-prepared, which explains the heavy-handed measures taken by many of these countries, including Canada. The author of this document has worked independently and is solely responsible for the views presented here. -
Test Your Knowledge of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario! Discover What a Typical Day Is Like at Ontario's Parliament
Test your knowledge of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario! Discover what a typical day is like at Ontario's Parliament. Fill in the blanks using words from the word bank below. 8:55 a.m. It is 8:55 a.m. and everyone is rushing around in the Legislative Building to get ready for the meeting of the , also called the House, which is about to begin promptly at 9:00 a.m. The sessional bells are ringing throughout the Legislative Building to summon all the Members of Provincial Parliament, or , to the Legislative Chamber. The young Legislative look dapper in their traditional as they scurry about getting the ready for the business day. They take their posts on either side of the Speaker and by the Chamber doors. The Pages serve in the House for approximately two to four weeks during each session. They are grade students from across Ontario, who are here to learn about the legislative process and how works. When in the Chamber, they bring glasses of water and deliver . 9:00 a.m. Each meeting begins with the entry of the Speaker into the Chamber. The is approaching the entrance to the Legislative Assembly. The Sergeant-at-Arms, carrying the mace on her right shoulder, leads the Speaker, the of the House, the Clerks-at-the-Table and two Legislative Pages into the . " !" says the Senior Attendant as the enters the Chamber. Everyone is standing as the takes his place on the dais. The Clerk and the take their places at the big table in front of the Speaker, and he Pages proceed to their assigned posts. -
Calgary Declaration Page 2 Freedom Flyer 33 June? 1998 Eec£6Ac We Get Fetters
THE OFFICIAL NEWSLETTER OF THE FREEDOM PARTY OF ONTARIO JUNE 1998 #33 Calgary Declaration Page 2 Freedom Flyer 33 June? 1998 eeC£6ac We get fetters ... Instead of bringing you our regular 'Openers' column this issue (which will return next issue), we thought we'd use this opportunity to let our readers do some of the talking, and to introduce you to a new regular feature of Freedom Flyer: Feedback. By no means exhaustive, the following selection of letters and e-mail represents a broad sampling of correspondence received by Freedom Pa~during the period January 1997 to May 1998. While many of these letters have already been personally responded to, others have not. Editorial responses, as they appear here, may be entirely new and/or edited versions of our original personal responses. To the greatest degree possible, original letters to Freedom Pa~ are left unedited, though there are exceptions with regard to length, structure and grammar (the latter applying particularly to e-mail and Usenet (news groups) correspondence). As always, we'd like to hear from you. Your comments, criticisms, suggestions, and occasional compliments are always welcomed. To contact Freedom Party, write: Box 2214, London, Ontario N6A 4E3, or fax us at (519) 681 -2857, or e-mail us at "feedback@freedomparty org". OJ NO DONATION up on freedom. To simply ignore the disastr· the text of Joe Armstrong's first-class ous consequences of drug prohibition and the speech to Kingston's Canadian Club. It's a Too bad you folks are still hung up on effect that such laws have on individual free· clarion call which, unfortunately, will not drugs! No donation. -
Faith Organizing, Party Politics, and the Exceptionalism of Abortion in the Harper Era Paul Thomas Phd Candidate, University Of
Faith Organizing, Party Politics, and the exceptionalism of abortion in the Harper Era1,2 Paul Thomas PhD Candidate, University of Toronto [email protected] Jerald Sabin PhD Candidate, University of Toronto [email protected] Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, University of Victoria, June 4 – 6, 2013 1 Working paper. Please do not cite without authors’ permission. 2 The authors would like to acknowledge the generous support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. 1.0 Introduction Can the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) maintain the support of its social conservative base while firmly resisting their policy demands with regard to abortion? Prime Minister Stephen Harper stated emphatically during the 2011 federal election that his government would not revisit its stance on abortion, announcing that: “as long as I am prime minister, we will not reopen the debate on abortion. We will leave the law as it stands” (CBC 2011). Yet instead of settling the issue, the Prime Minister’s comments have encouraged anti- abortion activists both inside and outside the CPC to escalate their activities. In the past year, Canada’s abortion laws have become a site of open conflict within the CPC, leading to such incidents as MP Mark Warawa’s private member’s motion on sex-selective abortion (M-408) and the distribution of graphic postcards in the prime minister’s riding by anti-abortion activists. Despite its recent formation, the CPC operates as a traditional Canadian brokerage party, with both fiscal and social conservative wings (Haussman and Rankin 2009).