Causes and Prevention of War: Theory and Method
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Thoughts on Grand Strategy and the United States in the Twenty-First Century
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 13, ISSUE 1, FALL 2010 Studies Thoughts on Grand Strategy and the United States in the Twenty-first Century Williamson Murray One might begin an examination of the issues involved in grand strategy with an effort to describe what we mean by the term. Over the centuries, some governments and leaders have attempted to chart a course for their nations that has involved something more than simply reacting to the course of events. In most cases they have confronted sudden and major changes in the international environment, often resulting from the outbreak of great conflicts, but at times involving economic, strategic, or political alterations that threaten the stability or even existence of their polities. Yet, grand strategy is a matter of great states and great states alone. No small states, and few medium size states, possess the possibility of crafting a grand strategy. For the most part their circumstances condemn them to suffer what Athens negotiators suggested to their Melian counterparts in 416 BC about the nature of international relations: "The standard of justice depends on the equality of power to compel and that in fact the strong do what they have the power to do and the weak accept what they have to accept."1 1 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. by Rex Warner (London, 1954), p. 402. There are two exceptions to the rule. Both the Swiss and the Finns were able to exercise a certain independence that allowed them to maintain a grand strategic frame work: the former by balancing great powers off against each other; the latter by creating the distinct impression in the minds of the Soviets that they were willing to fight to the last man and woman in defense of their independence. -
Cultural Democratization, East and West: How People Around the World View Democracy
Cultural Democratization, East and West: How People around the World View Democracy Since the fall of the Berlin Wall more than two decades ago, numerous public opinion surveys have been conducted to monitor and compare how ordinary citizenries have reacted to the democratization taking place around them. These surveys have revealed that a large majority of the global mass publics sees democracy as valuable and prefers it to autocratic regimes. On the basis of their findings, an increasing number of scholars and policymakers have recently begun to advocate the thesis that the entire world is becoming democratic. This course is designed to evaluate this thesis of global democratization by analyzing and comparing citizen views of democracy across regions in democratic transitions, including Africa, the Middle East, East Asia, Central and Eastern Europe, and Latin America. Conceptually, the course builds on the notion that democratization is a dynamic phenomenon that has multiple dimensions and levels, and takes place in individual citizens and their political institutions. Theoretically, it is grounded in the perspective that to operate properly, a democratic political system requires “software” congruent with the various components of its institutional hardware, and citizen orientations to democracy and their favorable reactions to its institutions are key components of the software required for democracy to work. Objectives: I have three objectives in teaching this course. The first is to review recent developments in the study of democratic culture. The second is to introduce regional and global public opinion surveys recently conducted to monitor citizen reactions to democratization. The third is to encourage students to develop the skills of evaluating theoretical and empirical claims. -
INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, the Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), Ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, E
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, The Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), ix. 2. Michael Broers, Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815 (London, 1996), 3. 3. An exception to the Franco-centric bibliography in English prior to the last decade is Owen Connelly, Napoleon’s Satellite Kingdoms (New York, 1965). Connelly discusses the developments in five satellite kingdoms: Italy, Naples, Holland, Westphalia, and Spain. Two other important works that appeared before 1990, which explore the internal developments in two countries during the Napoleonic period, are Gabriel Lovett, Napoleon and the Birth of Modern Spain (New York, 1965) and Simon Schama, Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780–1813 (London, 1977). 4. Stuart Woolf, Napoleon’s Integration of Europe (London and New York, 1991), 8–13. 5. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 102–5; Broers, Europe under Napoleon, passim. 1 THE FORMATION OF THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE 1. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 105. 2. Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (New York, 1994), 43. 3. Ellis, “The Nature,” 104–5. 4. On the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and international relations, see Tim Blanning, The French Revolutionary Wars, 1787–1802 (London, 1996); David Chandler, The Campaigns of Napoleon: the Mind and Method of History’s Greatest Soldier (London, 1966); Owen Connelly, Blundering to Glory: Napoleon’s Military 212 Notes 213 Campaigns (Wilmington, DE, 1987); J. -
Review Article the MANY VOICES of POLITICAL CULTURE Assessing Different Approaches
Review Article THE MANY VOICES OF POLITICAL CULTURE Assessing Different Approaches By RICHARD W. WILSON Richard J. Ellis and Michael Thompson, eds. Culture Matters: Essays in Honor of Aaron Wildavsky. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1997, 252 pp. Michael Gross. Ethics and Activism: The Theory and Practice of Political Moral- ity. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997, 305 pp. Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996, 367 pp. Ronald Inglehart. Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in Forty-three Societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997, 453 pp. David I. Kertzer. Politics and Symbols:The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996, 211 pp. HE popularity of political culture has waxed and waned, yet it re- Tmains an enduring feature of political studies. In recent years the appearance of many excellent books and articles has reminded us of the timeless appeal of the subject and of the need in political analysis to ac- count for values and beliefs. To what extent, though, does the current batch of studies in political culture suffer from the difficulties that plagued those of an earlier time? The recent resurgence of interest in political culture suggests the importance of assessing the relative merits of the different approaches that theorists employ. ESTABLISHING EVALUATIVE CRITERIA The earliest definitions of political culture noted the embedding of po- litical systems in sets of meanings and purposes, specifically in symbols, myths, beliefs, and values.1 Pye later enlarged upon this theme, stating 1 Sidney Verba, “Comparative Political Culture,” in Lucian W. -
Civic Culture
1 Civic Culture Civic culture is a set of political attitudes, habits, sentiments and behaviour related to the functioning of the democratic regime. It implies that although citizens are not necessarily involved in politics all the time, they are aware to a certain extent of their political rights and also of the implications of the decision making process that affects their life and society. Both political awareness and participation are supposed to be relevant to the stability of a political regime. By contrast citizens´ withdraw from political life has consequences not only for their ability to get what they want from the political community, but also for the quality of democracy. Civic culture involves, therefore, some level of perception of the republican character of modern politics, and adds a psychological dimension to the concept of citizenship. The concept of civic culture is part of a long tradition of thought that investigates the nature of democracy from a historical perspective. It refers to the role of political tradition, values and culture for the achievement of democratization and the stabilization of a regime. Its rationale goes back to the thinking of ancient political philosophers such as Aristotle, but in modern and contemporary times also Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Tocqueville, J. S. Mill, Weber and Bobbio, among others, have discussed whether a set of specific political attitudes, convictions and behaviour are a necessary and/or sufficient condition for the success of modern democracies. The question is controversial, but it has never disappeared from the debate about the necessary conditions to achieve the “good government”, e.g., a political regime committed to the ideal of full human realization. -
Europe (In Theory)
EUROPE (IN THEORY) ∫ 2007 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper $ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Minion with Univers display by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. There is a damaging and self-defeating assumption that theory is necessarily the elite language of the socially and culturally privileged. It is said that the place of the academic critic is inevitably within the Eurocentric archives of an imperialist or neo-colonial West. —HOMI K. BHABHA, The Location of Culture Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction: A pigs Eye View of Europe 1 1 The Discovery of Europe: Some Critical Points 11 2 Montesquieu’s North and South: History as a Theory of Europe 52 3 Republics of Letters: What Is European Literature? 87 4 Mme de Staël to Hegel: The End of French Europe 134 5 Orientalism, Mediterranean Style: The Limits of History at the Margins of Europe 172 Notes 219 Works Cited 239 Index 267 Acknowledgments I want to thank for their suggestions, time, and support all the people who have heard, read, and commented on parts of this book: Albert Ascoli, David Bell, Joe Buttigieg, miriam cooke, Sergio Ferrarese, Ro- berto Ferrera, Mia Fuller, Edna Goldstaub, Margaret Greer, Michele Longino, Walter Mignolo, Marc Scachter, Helen Solterer, Barbara Spack- man, Philip Stewart, Carlotta Surini, Eric Zakim, and Robert Zimmer- man. Also invaluable has been the help o√ered by the Ethical Cosmopol- itanism group and the Franklin Humanities Seminar at Duke University; by the Program in Comparative Literature at Notre Dame; by the Khan Institute Colloquium at Smith College; by the Mediterranean Studies groups of both Duke and New York University; and by European studies and the Italian studies program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. -
Avery Leiserson Papers
AVERY LEISERSON PAPERS MSS # 256 Arranged and described by Molly Dohrmann February 2008 SPECIAL COLLECTIONS Jean and Alexander Heard Library Vanderbilt University 419 21st Avenue South Nashville, Tennessee 37240 Telephone: (615) 322-2807 © Vanderbilt University Special Collections Biographical Note Avery Leiserson was born in 1913 and died February 14, 2004 at the age of 90. He was a native of Madison, Wisconsin. He graduated from the University of Illinois in 1934 with a B.A. degree and in 1941 from the University of Chicago with a Ph.D in Political Science. Early in his career and before the second World War he taught briefly at Princeton University. Then from 1946 until he came to Vanderbilt University in 1952, he taught at the University of Chicago. He was at Vanderbilt until his retirement as Professor Emeritus in 1978. He was a nationally known scholar of American politics who was instrumental in building Vanderbilt’s Political Science department to a position of national prominence. Professor Leiserson’s great mentor and influence was Charles E. Merriam. In an introduction to a program in 1975 of the American Political Science Asssociation of which Professor Leiserson was president at the time, Samuel Patterson introduced Avery Leiserson as one of the most important leaders in the field of Political Science and noted especially his seminal work “Problems of Methodology in Political Research.” Avery Leiserson is known in addition to his work on methodology in political science “for his concern about values, his devotion to scientific inquiry, and his emphasis on realism all of which were guided by his sense of the value of democracy.” In the 1960’s Professor Leiserson was active in Civil Rights work, and he was one of a group of Vanderbilt professors who first proposed a Black Studies Program in the College of Arts and Science, which later became the African American Studies Program. -
Defining and Perceiving Peoples in the Chronicles of Norman Italy" (2011)
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 6-2011 "Videbantur Gens Effera": Defining and erP ceiving Peoples in the Chronicles of Norman Italy Jesse Hysell Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hysell, Jesse, ""Videbantur Gens Effera": Defining and Perceiving Peoples in the Chronicles of Norman Italy" (2011). Master's Theses. 394. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/394 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "VIDEBANTUR GENS EFFERA": DEFINING AND PERCEIVING PEOPLES IN THE CHRONICLES OF NORMAN ITALY by Jesse Hysell A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty ofThe Graduate College in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the Degree of Master ofArts Department of History Advisor: Luigi Andrea Berto, Ph.D. Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2011 "VIDEBANTUR GENS EFFERA": DEFINING AND PERCEIVING PEOPLES IN THE CHRONICLES OF NORMAN ITALY Jesse Hysell, M. A. Western Michigan University, 2011 The goal ofthis project is to analyze the ways different cultural groups in Sicily and southern Italy were depicted in a set ofhistorical texts associated with the Norman takeover ofthose regions in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. To achieve that aim, I consider social vocabulary applied to three distinct peoples (native Italians, Greeks, and Muslims) in five sources written by Amatus ofMontecassino, Geoffrey Malaterra, William ofApulia, Alexander ofTelese, and Hugo Falcandus. -
Giuseppe Mazzini's International Political Thought
Copyrighted Material INTRODUCTION Giuseppe Mazzini’s International Political Thought Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–72) is today largely remembered as the chief inspirer and leading political agitator of the Italian Risorgimento. Yet Mazzini was not merely an Italian patriot, and his influence reached far beyond his native country and his century. In his time, he ranked among the leading European intellectual figures, competing for public atten tion with Mikhail Bakunin and Karl Marx, John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville. According to his friend Alexander Herzen, the Russian political activist and writer, Mazzini was the “shining star” of the dem ocratic revolutions of 1848. In those days Mazzini’s reputation soared so high that even the revolution’s ensuing defeat left most of his Euro pean followers with a virtually unshakeable belief in the eventual tri umph of their cause.1 Mazzini was an original, if not very systematic, political thinker. He put forward principled arguments in support of various progressive causes, from universal suffrage and social justice to women’s enfran chisement. Perhaps most fundamentally, he argued for a reshaping of the European political order on the basis of two seminal principles: de mocracy and national selfdetermination. These claims were extremely radical in his time, when most of continental Europe was still under the rule of hereditary kingships and multinational empires such as the Habs burgs and the ottomans. Mazzini worked primarily on people’s minds and opinions, in the belief that radical political change first requires cultural and ideological transformations on which to take root. He was one of the first political agitators and public intellectuals in the contemporary sense of the term: not a solitary thinker or soldier but rather a political leader who sought popular support and participa tion. -
Joint and Combined Warfare in the Twenty-First Century
Joint and Combined Warfare in the Twenty-first Century Williamson Murray Introduction It is indeed a great honor to present a paper on the future of Joint and Combined operations in the twenty-first century before such a distinguished audience. To do so, this paper will begin with an examination of the historical antecedents of these two forms of warfare up to the present; and end with thoughts about the role of joint and combined operations in the twenty-first century. To do so, we will begin by discussing the fundamental, unchanging nature of war to indicate why a purely technological, mechanistic conception of war would destroy the very joint capabilities on which military forces from the First World must depend in the coming century. Let me begin then with some thoughts on the political nature of war. As the Greek historian Thucydides, the greatest of all strategic and military historians, commented at the end of the fifth century B.C.: “It will be enough for me, however, if these words of mine are judged useful by those who want to understand clearly the events which happened in the past and which (human nature being what it is) will, at some time or other and in much the same ways, be repeated in the future.”1 Men have fought wars for enumerable reasons, but states fight wars for political reaso 276ns.2 Or as Clausewitz put it so simply: “it is clear, consequently, that war is not a mere act of policy, but a true political instrument, a continuation of political activity by other means.”3 “War 1 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, translated by Rex Warner (New York, reprinted 1986), p. -
Table of Contents, Features
iv-xv FM-TOC-824133 4/5/04 5:13 PM Page iv Be an Active Reader . xvi Africa Physical . R21 Asia: Political . R22 Previewing Your Pacific Rim: Physical/Political . R24 Textbook . xviii Polar Regions . R26 Scavenger Hunt . xxiii Geography Reference Handbook . GH1 Atlas . R1 How Do I Study Geography . GH2 The World: Political . R2 How Do I Use Maps and Globes? . GH4 The World: Physical . R4 Using Charts, Graphs, and Diagrams . GH11 North America: Political . R6 Geographic Dictionary . GH14 North America: Physical . R7 United States: Political . R8 United States: Physical . R10 Tools of the Historian . .Tools1 Middle America: Physical/Political . R12 Measuring Time . Tools1 South America: Political . R14 Organizing Time . Tools2 South America: Physical . R15 How Does a Historian Work? . Tools4 Europe: Political . R16 History and Geography . Tools6 Middle East Physical/Political . R18 What Is a Historical Atlas? . Tools8 Africa: Political . R20 Links Across Time . Tools10 Ancient Assyrian soldiers iv iv-xv FM-TOC-875047 10/2/06 9:16 AM Page v Contents Ancient Egyptian artwork of a funeral boat The Ancient World . 108 CHAPTER 4 The Ancient Greeks . 112 Gianni Dagli Orti/CORBIS Making Connections. 114 1 The Early Greeks . 116 2 Sparta and Athens . 124 3 Persia Attacks the Greeks . 131 4 The Age of Pericles . 138 Early Civilizations . 1 CHAPTER 5 CHAPTER 1 Greek Civilization . 150 The First Civilizations. 4 Context . 152 Previewing . 6 1 The Culture of Ancient Greece . 154 2 Greek Philosophy and History . 168 1 Early Humans . 8 3 Alexander the Great . 174 2 Mesopotamian Civilization . 16 4 The Spread of Greek Culture . -
Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School
Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School Ralph Raico Foreword by Jörg Guido Hülsmann Preface by David Gordon LvMI MISES INSTITUTE The cover design by Chad Parish shows the Neptune Fountain, at the Schönbrunn Palace, in Vienna. Copyright © 2012 by the Ludwig von Mises Institute. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given. Ludwig von Mises Institute 518 West Magnolia Avenue Auburn, Alabama 36832 mises.org ISBN: 978-1-61016-003-2 Dedicated to the memory of the great Ludwig von Mises Table of Contents Foreword by Jörg Guido Hülsmann . ix Preface by David Gordon . xiii Introduction . .xxv 1. Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School . .1 2. Liberalism: True and False . .67 3. Intellectuals and the Marketplace. 111 4. Was Keynes a Liberal? . .149 5. The Conflict of Classes: Liberal vs. Marxist Theories. .183 6. The Centrality of French Liberalism . .219 7. Ludwig von Mises’s Liberalism on Fascism, Democracy, and Imperalism . .255 8. Eugen Richter and the End of German Liberalism. .301 9. Arthur Ekirch on American Militarism . .331 Index. .339 vii Foreword “History looks backward into the past, but the lesson it teaches concerns things to come. It does not teach indolent quietism; it rouses man to emulate the deeds of earlier generations.” Ludwig von Mises1 The present book contains a collection of essays written through- out the past twenty years. I read virtually all of them when they were first published. They have been a central part of my education in the history of liberalism and of the Austrian School of economics, and I consider myself privileged indeed to have encountered Professor Raico and his work early on in my intellectual development.