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The Impact of Black Political Representation on the Racial Attitudes, Policy Preferences, and Vote Choice of Whites in Minority Majority Congressional Districts University of Mississippi eGrove Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2014 The Impact Of Black Political Representation On The Racial Attitudes, Policy Preferences, And Vote Choice Of Whites In Minority Majority Congressional Districts Emmitt Y. Riley University of Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Riley, Emmitt Y., "The Impact Of Black Political Representation On The Racial Attitudes, Policy Preferences, And Vote Choice Of Whites In Minority Majority Congressional Districts" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 787. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/etd/787 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IMPACT OF BLACK POLITICAL REPRESENTATION ON THE RACIAL ATTITUDES, POLICY PREFERENCES, AND VOTE CHOICE OF WHITES IN MINORITY MAJORITY CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS by Emmitt Y. Riley III A Dissertation Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science Oxford, Mississippi August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Emmitt Y. Riley III ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Scholars examining black political representation have focused on the degree to which African American politicians can impact the everyday living conditions of African Americans. Despite years of African American political representation within the United States House of Representatives, political scientists have devoted very little scholarship to examining how whites react to African American leadership. Given that African Americans remain under represented in government and current legal challenges threaten the future of minority majority districts, it is important to gain better insight into how black representation might impact the white community. Prior studies that do examine how whites react to African American political representation have only focused on state and local elections leaving scholars to speculate if the findings of those analyses are applicable to congressional and presidential elections. Previous studies at the local level suggest that African American political representation has the potential to facilitate racial learning and therefore improve white racial attitudes, policy preferences for race-targeted legislation, vote choice, and candidate evaluation. Utilizing a representative sample of whites residing in congressional districts represented by an African American from the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey, this dissertation challenges the findings that suggest that black political representation positively impacts white racial attitudes, policy preferences, and vote choice of whites. The findings of this dissertation suggest that black political representation at the congressional level does not ii facilitate improvements in the areas of racial resentment, white policy preferences, or vote choice at the congressional level. In fact the evidence presented in this dissertation suggest that the longer whites live under African American congressional representation, the more they become racially resentful. The data finds that whites who are represented in congress by an African American were less likely to approve of the job performance of their incumbent representatives and were even less likely to indicate electoral support for African American congressional incumbents. The evidence presented in this dissertation also suggests that racial resentment had an even stronger impact on presidential vote choice in 2012 than it did in 2008. iii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my mother Johnnie M. Riley, my sister Chiquita L. Jackson and my three nieces, Myeshia D. Hendrix, Angel N. Jackson, and Kalyn J. Jackson. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would first like to thank God for all that he has done for me. The completion of this dissertation owes so many debts to so many individuals who inspired, encouraged, challenged, and mentored me during this journey. I am eternally grateful to my dissertation committee, Dr. Marvin King, Dr. Robert Brown and Dr. Kirk Johnson for their effort to ensure the completion of this dissertation. I am especially thankful for my dissertation Chair Dr. Jonathan Winburn, who really made my presence in the Department of Political Science feel welcomed. I could not have asked for a better dissertation chair. Thanks for your advice and your input in completing this work. I would like to thank Dr. Kathy Golden, Dr. James Lance Taylor, and the National Conference of Black Political Scientists. NCOPS has provided me with, not only encouragement, but also a place and voice for my scholarship. I would like to personally express my appreciation and gratitude to my mentors Dr. Michelle Deardorff, Dr. Byron Orey, and Dr. Chandriti Persaud. Each of you has inspired me more than you will ever know. You have exemplified perfectly what it means to be a part of the academy. Your advice, sponsorship and your correction continue to make me a better person and a better scholar. If I have learned anything on the road to completing this dissertation, it has been academic discipline and intellectual humility. I would be remiss if I did not take the opportunity to acknowledge Dr. Gary A. McGaha, the first African American to receive a Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of v Mississippi. In 1976, you paved the way for me and I am forever reminded that I stand on shoulders of individuals like you and James Meredith. A very special acknowledgment goes to my mother Johnnie M. Riley whose encouragement has given me the strength to get through this journey. Lastly, I would like to thank my best friend, O’Shauna D. Rias who always believed in my ambition. It seems like it was just the other day when we would jokingly refer to each other as “doc.” Thanks for being that listening ear and voice of hope. Thanks to all of my true friends who understood the sacrifice that earning a Ph.D. required. I have been extraordinarily blessed with so many people who have contributed to my academic, professional, and intellectual development. So to everyone who has had an impact on my development, thanks for your contribution. vi PREFACE This dissertation is an original, unpublished, independent work by the author Emmitt Y. Riley, III. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Dedication iv Acknowledgements v Preface viii List of Tables ix List of Figures xi Chapters Pages Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Literature Review 28 Chapter Three: Data and Methodology 75 Chapter Four: Findings and Analysis 89 Chapter Five: Conclusion 123 Bibliography 134 Appendix A 154 Appendix B 157 Vitae 163 viii LIST OF TABLES 1.1. Expected Results ……………………………………………………………91 1.2. Challenger Candidate Quality Score, 1970- 2012………………………….97 1.3. Margin of Victory for Black Incumbents in Redrawn Districts……………99 1.4. Descriptive Statistics……………………………………………………….101 1.5. The Impact of Black Political Representation on White Racial Attitudes………………………………………………..…..102 1.6. The Impact of Black Political Representation on White Policy Preferences ………………………………………………….108 1.7. Probabilities of Support for Affirmative Action Programs by Generation……………………………………………110 1.8. The Impact of Black Political Representation on White Congressional Candidate Preference……………………………….111 1.9. The Impact of Black Political Representation on White Evaluations of Incumbents…………………………………………114 1.10. The Impact of Black Political Representation on White Presidential Vote……………………………………………………117 1.11. The Impact of Black Political Representation on White Evaluations of Incumbents………………………………………….121 ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Unemployment Rates by Race, 2008-2013……………………………..5 Figure 2. Richard Fenno’s Concentric Circles……………………………………18 Figure 3. Reelection Rates for U.S. Congress, 1964-2012…………………….….42 Figure 4. The Reelection of African Americans to the U.S. Congress, 1970-2012………………………………………………………………………….95 Figure 5. Congressional Challenger Candidates by Race, 1970-2010……………………………………………………………………….…96 Figure 6. Average Margin of Victory for Black Incumbents in Congress……………………………………………………………………….…..198 Figure 7. Predictive Probabilities of Racial Resentment by Intensity of Partisanship…………………………………………………………..105 Figure 8. Predictive Probabilities of Racial Resentment by Age Among Whites...106 Figure 9. White Support for Incumbent Rep. by Partisanship……………………112 Figure 10. Predictive Probabilities Disapproval of Black Incumbents……………116 x CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION “We should not be post-racial: seeking to get beyond the uplifting meanings and edifying registers of blackness. Rather, we should be post-racist: moving beyond cultural fascism and vicious narratives of racial privilege and superiority that tear at the fabric of ‘E Pluribus Unum’.” - Michael Eric Dyson The study of African American political representation lends itself to a number of normative and empirical questions concerning descriptive representation, substantive representation, and minority political participation. These questions have prompted debates between political theorists and behaviorists. However, an important component is missing in the midst of this scholarly discourse; scholars have not adequately addressed the political and racial implications that African American political representation has for whites. Given that African American
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