DOCSLIB.ORG

T HI S Volume Offers a Representative

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
T HI S Volume Offers a Representative .. iNTRODUCTION H I s volume offers a representative, desire not merely to understand the vexed bond T though by no means exhaustive, compila­ between law and racial power but to change it. tion of the growing body of legal scholarship The essays gathered here thus share an ethical known as Critical Race Theory (CRT). As we commitment to human liberation-even if we conceive it, Critical Race Theory embraces a reject conventional notions of what such a con­ movement of left scholars, most of them schol­ ception means, and though we often disagree, ars of color, situated in law schools, whose work even among ourselves, over its specific direction. challenges the ways in which race and racial This ethical aspiration finds its most obvious power are constructed and represented in concrete expression in the pursuit of engaged, American legal culture and, more generally, in even adversarial, scholarship. The writings in American society as a whole. In assembling and this collaboration may be read as contributions editing these essays, we have tried both to to what Edward Said has called "antithetical provide a sense of the intellectual genesis of this knowledge," the development of counter­ project and to map the main methodological accounts of social reality by subversive and sub­ directions that Critical Race Theory has taken altern elements of the reigning order. Critical since its inception. Toward these ends, the Race Theory-like the Critical Legal Studies essays in the first few parts are arranged roughly movement with which we are often allied-re­ in the chronological order of their publication. jects the prevailing orthodoxy that scholarship The remaining parts, however, are devoted to should be or could be "neutral" and "objective." the most important methodological strands of We believe that legal scholarship about race in Critical Race Theory today. We have chosen to America can never be written from a distance of present the substance of the original essays detachment or with an attitude ofobjectivity. To rather than small portions of a greater number the extent that racial power is exercised legally of works, in the interest of providing the reader and ideologically, legal scholarship about race is with texts that retain as much of their complex­ an important site for the construction of that ity, context, and nuance as possible. power, and thus is always a factor, if"only" ideo­ As these writings demonstrate, there is no logically, in the economy of racial power itself. canonical set of doctrines or methodologies to To use a phrase from the existentialist tradition, which we all subscribe. Although Critical Race there is "no exit"-no scholarly perch outside the scholarship differs in object, argument, accent, social dynamics of racial power from which and emphasis, it is nevertheless unified by two merely to observe and analyze. Scholarship-the common interests. The first is to understand formal production, identification, and organiza­ how a regime of white supremacy and its subor­ tion ofwhat will be called "knowledge"-is inev­ dination of people of color have been created itably political. Each of the texts in this volume and maintained in America, and, in particular, seeks in its own way not simply to explicate but to examine the relationship between that social also to intervene in the ideological contestation structure and professed ideals such as "the rule of race in America, and to create new, opposi­ of law" and "equal protection." The second is a tionist accounts of race. [xiv] The aspect of our work which most markedly rested on the exclusion of virtually the entire distinguishes it from conventional liberal and domain of progressive thinking about race conservative legal scholarship about race and within colored communities. With its explicit inequality is a deep dissatisfaction with tradi­ embrace of race-consciousness, Critical Race tional civil rights discourse. As several of the Theory aims to reexamine the terms by which authors in this collection demonstrate, the race and racism have been negotiated in Ameri­ reigning contemporary American ideologies can consciousness, and to recover and revitalize about race were built in the sixties and seventies the radical tradition of race-consciousness around an implicit social compact. This com­ among Mrican-Americans and other peoples pact held that racial power and racial justice of color-a tradition that was discarded when would be understood in very particular ways. integration, assimilation and the ideal of color­ Racial justice was embraced in the American blindness became the official norms of racial mainstream in terms that excluded radical or enlightenment. fundamental challenges to status quo institu­ The image of a "traditional civil rights dis­ tional practices in American society by treating course" refers to the constellation of ideas about the exercise of racial power as rare and aberra­ racial power and social transformation that were tional rather than as systemic and ingrained. constructed partly by, and partly as a defense The construction of "racism" from what Alan against, the mass mobilization of social energy Freeman terms the "perpetrator perspective" re­ and popular imagination in the civil rights strictively conceived racism as an intentional, movements of the late fifties and sixties. To albeit irrational, deviation by a conscious those who participated in the civil rights move­ wrongdoer from otherwise neutral, rational, and ments firsthand-say, as part of the street and just ways of distributing jobs, power, prestige, body politics engaged in by Reverend Martin and wealth. The adoption of this perspective Luther King, Jr.'s cadres in town after town allowed a broad cultural mainstream both ex­ across the South-the fact that they were part plicitly to acknowledge the fact of racism and, of a deeply subversive movement of mass resis­ simultaneously, to insist on its irregular occur­ tance and social transformation was obvious. rence and limited signi1icance. As Freeman con­ Our opposition to traditional civil rights dis­ cludes, liberal race reform thus served to legiti­ course is neither a criticism of the civil rights mize the basic myths of American meritocracy. movement nor an attempt to diminish its sig­ In Gary Peller's depiction, this mainstream ni1icance. On the contrary, as Anthony Cook's civil rights discourse on "race relations" was radical reading of King's theology and social constructed in this way partly as a defense theory makes explicit, we draw much of our against the more radical ideologies of racial inspiration and sense of direction from that liberation presented by the Black Nationalist courageous, brilliantly conceived, spiritually in­ and Black Consciousness movements of the spired, and ultimately transformative mass ac­ sixties and early seventies, and their less visible tion. but intellectually subversive scholarly presenta­ Of course, colored people made important tions by people such as James Turner, now social gains through civil rights reform, as did a teacher in black studies at Cornell. In the American society generally: in fact, but for the construction of "racism" as the irrational and civil rights movements' victories against racial backward bias of believing that someone's race exclusion, this volume and the Critical Race is important, the American cultural mainstream Theory movement generally could not have neatly linked the black left to the white racist been taught at mainstream law schools. The right: according to this quickly coalesced con­ law's incorporation of what several authors here sensus, because race-consciousness character­ call "formal equality" (the prohibition against ized both white supremacists and black nation­ explicit racial exclusion, like "whites only" signs) alists, it followed that both were racists. The marks a decidedly progressive moment in U.S. resulting "center" of cultural common sense thus political and social history. However, the fact •• [xv] that civil rights advocates met with some success identify such race-consciousness as racism itself. in the nation's courts and legislatures ought not Indeed, the problem here was not simply politi­ obscure the central role the American legal cal and strategic: the predominant legal repre­ order played in the deradicalization of racial sentation of racism as the mere recognition of liberation movements. Along with the suppr~ s­ race matched the "personal" views of many sion of explicit white racism (the widely cele­ liberals themselves, creating for them a contra­ brated aim of civil rights reform), the dominant diction in their hearts as well as their words. legal conception of racism as a discrete and Liberal antidiscrimination proponents pro­ identifiable act of "prejudice based on skin posed various ways to reconcile this contradic­ color" placed virtually the entire range of every­ tion: they characterized affirmative action as a day social practices in America-social practices merely "exceptional" remedy for past injustice, developed and maintained throughout the pe­ a temporary tool to be used only until equal riod of formal American apartheid-beyond the opportunity is achieved or a default mechanism scope of critical examination or legal remedia­ for reaching discrimination that could not be tion. proved directly. Separate but related liberal The affirmative action debate, which is dis­ defenses of affirmative action hold that its ben­ cussed in several essays in this volume, provides eficiaries have suffered from "deprived" a vivid example of what we mean. From its backgrounds that require limited special consid­ inception, mainstream legal thinking in the eration in the otherwise fully rational and unbi­ U.S. has been characterized by a curiously con­ ased competition for social goods, or that af­ stricted understanding of race and power. firmative action promotes social "diversity," a Within this cramped conception of racial domi­ value which in the liberal vision is independent nation, the evil of racism exists when-and only of, perhaps even at odds with, equality of oppor­ when-one can point to specific, discrete acts of tunity or meritocracy.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Meet the 2020 Chinese Consumer
    McKinsey Consumer & Shopper Insights Meet the 2020 Chinese Consumer McKinsey Insights China McKinsey Consumer & Shopper Insights March 2012 Meet the 2020 Chinese Consumer Yuval Atsmon Max Magni Lihua Li Wenkan Liao The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of their colleagues: Molly Liu, Cherie Zhang, Barry Liu, Rachel Zheng, Justin Peng, William Cheng, Glenn Leibowitz, Joanne Mason. 5 Contents Introduction 6 1. China at a turning point 8 2. Getting the basics right: changing demographics 12 Mainstream consumers driving income growth 13 Aging population 17 Postponed life stages 18 Increasingly independent women 18 3. Understanding the mainstream consumer: new spending patterns 20 Growing discretionary spending 21 Aspirations-driven trading up 22 Emerging senior market 23 Evolving geographic differences 24 4. Understanding the mainstream consumer: behavioral patterns 26 The still-pragmatic consumer 27 The individual consumer 27 The increasingly loyal consumer 28 The modern shopper 29 5. Preparing for the 2020 consumer: implications for companies 34 Strategic imperatives 35 Growth enablers 37 Conclusion 37 Introduction Meet the 2020 Chinese consumer 7 Most large, consumer-facing companies have long realized that they will need China’s growth to power their own in the next decade. But to keep pace, they will also need to understand the economic, societal, and demographic changes that are shaping consumers’ profiles and the way they spend. This is no easy task, not only because of the fast pace of growth and subsequent changes being wrought on the Chinese way of life, but also because there are vast economic and demographic differences across China. These are set to become more marked, with significant implications for companies that fail to grasp them.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom North Studies, the Long Civil Rights Movement, and Twentieth
    JUHXXX10.1177/0096144216635149Journal of Urban HistoryReview Essay 635149review-article2016 Review Essay Journal of Urban History 2016, Vol. 42(3) 634 –640 Freedom North Studies, the © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: Long Civil Rights Movement, and sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav juh.sagepub.com Twentieth-Century Liberalism in American Cities Patrick D. Jones (2009). The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. xiii, 318 pp., maps, photos, notes, bibliography, index, $45.00 (cloth), $22.95 (paper). Phyllis Palmer (2008). Living as Equals: How Three White Communities Struggled to Make Interracial Connections during the Civil Rights Era. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. x, 299 pp., illustrations, notes, index, $69.95 (cloth), $27.95 (paper). Jerald Podair (2008). Bayard Rustin: American Dreamer. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. xiii, 173 pp., photographs, documents, bibliographical essay, index, $32.95 (cloth). Thomas J. Sugrue (2008). Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North. New York: Random House. xiii, 720 pp., illustrations, notes, index, $35 (cloth). Reviewed by: Brian Purnell, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME, USA DOI: 10.1177/0096144216635149 Keywords social movements, interracial, civil rights, Black Power, post-WWII “For historians and general readers interested in the civil rights movement’s past,” writes Eric Arnesen, “these are indeed the best of times. Every month, it seems, new books roll off the presses of university and trade publishing houses, while academic journals and television docu- mentaries present specialized or general interpretations to their respective audiences.” Arnesen’s comment came before the fiftieth anniversaries of major civil rights movement milestones.
    [Show full text]
  • The US Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory
    BRATYANSKI, JENNIFER A., Ph.D. Mainstreaming Movements: The U.S. Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory (2012) Directed by Dr. Thomas F. Jackson. 190pp. By the time of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, in 1990, television and film had brought South Africa’s history of racial injustice and human rights violations into living rooms and cinemas across the United States. New media formats such as satellite and cable television widened mobilization efforts for international opposition to apartheid. But at stake for the U.S. based anti-apartheid movement was avoiding the problems of media misrepresentation that previous transnational movements had experienced in previous decades. Movement participants and supporters needed to connect the liberation struggles in South Africa to the historical domestic struggles for racial justice. What resulted was the romanticizing of a domestic civil rights memory through the mediated images of the anti-apartheid struggle which appeared between 1968 and 1994. Ultimately, both the anti-apartheid and civil rights movements were sanitized of their radical roots, which threatened the ongoing struggles for black economic advancement in both countries. MAINSTREAMING MOVEMENTS: THE U.S. ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT AND CIVIL RIGHTS MEMEORY by Jennifer A. Bratyanski A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2012 Approved by Thomas F. Jackson Committee
    [Show full text]
  • "I AM a 1968 Memphis Sanitation MAN!": Race, Masculinity, and The
    LaborHistory, Vol. 41, No. 2, 2000 ªIAMA MAN!º: Race,Masculinity, and the 1968 MemphisSanitation Strike STEVEESTES* On March 28, 1968 Martin LutherKing, Jr. directeda march ofthousands of African-American protestersdown Beale Street,one of the major commercial thoroughfares in Memphis,Tennessee. King’ splane had landedlate that morning, and thecrowd was already onthe verge ofcon¯ ict with thepolice whenhe and other members ofthe Southern Christian LeadershipConference (SCLC) took their places at thehead of the march. The marchers weredemonstrating their supportfor 1300 striking sanitation workers,many ofwhom wore placards that proclaimed, ªIAm a Man.ºAs the throng advanceddown Beale Street,some of the younger strike support- ersripped theprotest signs off the the wooden sticks that they carried. Theseyoung men,none of whomwere sanitation workers,used the sticks to smash glass storefronts onboth sidesof the street. Looting ledto violent police retaliation. Troopers lobbed tear gas into groups ofprotesters and sprayed mace at demonstratorsunlucky enough tobe in range. High above thefray in City Hall, Mayor HenryLoeb sat in his of®ce, con®dent that thestrike wasillegal, andthat law andorder wouldbe maintained in Memphis.1 This march wasthe latest engagement in a®ght that had raged in Memphissince the daysof slaveryÐ acon¯ict over African-American freedomsand civil rights. In one sense,the ª IAm aManºslogan wornby thesanitation workersrepresented a demand for recognition oftheir dignity andhumanity. This demandcaught whiteMemphians bysurprise,because they had always prided themselvesas being ªprogressiveºon racial issues.Token integration had quietly replaced public segregation in Memphisby the mid-1960s, butin the1967 mayoral elections,segregationist candidateHenry Loeb rodea waveof white backlash against racial ªmoderationºinto of®ce.
    [Show full text]
  • Unit 13 Civil Rights Movements in the United States
    UNIT 13 CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES Structure 13.1 Introduction Aims and Objectives 13.2 Discrimination of the Disadvantaged Groups 13.2.1 African Americans 13.3 Black Civil Rights Movements 13.4 Consequences of Civil Rights Movements 13.4.1 Native Americans 13.4.2 Hispanic and Asian Americans 13.4.3 Women and Civil Rights Movements 13.4.4 Rights of Homosexuals 13.5 Democrats and Civil Rights 13.6 Republicans and Civil Rights 13.7 Summary 13.8 Terminal Questions Suggested Readings 13.1 INTRODUCTION Mahatma Gandhi’s influence on civil rights movements around the world is beyond anyone’s doubt. Non-violent resistance through non-cooperation and civil disobedience are powerful tools of the deprived over the privileged sections of the society. Gandhi’s influence is nowhere more discernible in the developed West than in the United States itself. Martin Luther King, Jr., the leader who led the non-violent civil rights movement, in the United States to empower the African Americans, was highly inspired by Mahatma Gandhi. Civil rights denote the rights of individuals to equal protection under the laws of the land and equal access to public amenities and services in society. Civil rights differ from civil liberties. Significantly, civil liberties involve freedom of speech and expression and other freedoms of the citizens that are protected from the possible violation by the government. Civil rights, on the other hand, refer to individual members or groups—whether racial, religious and others—who need to be treated equally by the government and even by the private parties to a certain extent.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Race Theory's Attack on the Promises of Liberalism Jeffrey J
    Boston College Law Review Volume 40 Issue 3 Association Of American Law Schools Program Article 6 On Race & Criminal Justice 5-1-1999 Race, Equality and the Rule of Law: Critical Race Theory's Attack on the Promises of Liberalism Jeffrey J. Pyle [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the African American Studies Commons, Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Ethnic Studies Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey J. Pyle, Race, Equality and the Rule of Law: Critical Race Theory's Attack on the Promises of Liberalism, 40 B.C.L. Rev. 787 (1999), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol40/iss3/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RACE, EQUALITY AND THE RULE OF LAW: CRITICAL RACE THEORY'S ATTACK ON THE PROMISES OF LIBERALISM I NTRODUCTION In recent years, critical race theory ("CRT") has come to occupy a conspicuous place in American law schools.' The theory holds that despite the great victories of the civil rights movement, liberal legal thought2 has consistently failed African Americans and other minori- I See generally Stephanie 14. Goldberg, The Law, a New Theory Holds, Has a White Voice, N.Y. TIMES, July 17, 1992, at A23 (describing critical race theory as having had "all undeniable impact on legal education"); Neil A.
    [Show full text]
  • Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel
    Compromise vs. Compromises: Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel Harbridge* Assistant Professor, Northwestern University Faculty Fellow, Institute for Policy Research [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 (847) 467-1147 Neil Malhotra Associate Professor, Stanford Graduate School of Business [email protected] 655 Knight Way Stanford, CA 94035 (408) 772-7969 Brian F. Harrison PhD Candidate, Northwestern University [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 * Corresponding author. We thank Time-Sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences (TESS) for providing the majority of the financial support of this project. TESS is funded by the National Science Foundation (SES- 0818839). A previous version of this paper was scheduled for presentation at the 2012 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Abstract Public opinion surveys regularly assert that Americans want political leaders to work together and to engage in bipartisan compromise. If so, why has Congress become increasingly acrimonious even though the American public wants it to be “bipartisan”? Many scholars claim that this is simply a breakdown of representation. We offer another explanation: although people profess support for “bipartisanship” in an abstract sense, what they desire procedurally out of their party representatives in Congress is to not compromise with the other side. To test this argument, we conduct two experiments in which we alter aspects of the political context to see how people respond to parties (not) coming together to achieve broadly popular public policy goals. We find that citizens’ proclaimed desire for bipartisanship in actuality reflects self-serving partisan desires.
    [Show full text]
  • Our Separatism - Voting Rights As an American Nationalities Policy Pamela S
    University of Chicago Legal Forum Volume 1995 | Issue 1 Article 4 Our Separatism - Voting Rights as an American Nationalities Policy Pamela S. Karlan [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf Recommended Citation Karlan, Pamela S. () "Our Separatism - Voting Rights as an American Nationalities Policy," University of Chicago Legal Forum: Vol. 1995: Iss. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol1995/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Chicago Legal Forum by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Our Separatism? Voting Rights as an American Nationalities Policy Pamela S. Karlant One of the salient characteristics of contemporary global politics is the disintegration of empires and multiethnic nation- states and the resurgence of separatism. The breakup of the Soviet Union, the breakdown of Yugoslavia, tribal warfare in Africa, and the emergence of separatist political parties in West- ern democracies such as Italy and Canada occupy the political foreground. One of the urgent questions of political structure is how multiethnic nations respond to these nationalist and sepa- ratist impulses. My argument in this Article is that the voting-rights system is a key element in the American response. I begin by describing how the Voting Rights Act and much of its case law use a vocab- ulary that draws sharp ethnic and territorial distinctions. Not only does voting-rights law use the language of separation, it also employs an apparently separatist practice of allocating voters among territorially defined voting districts.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism and Civil Rights: Complementary and Competing Paradigms
    Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 47 Issue 5 Issue 5 - Symposium: Federalism's Article 3 Future 10-1994 Federalism and Civil Rights: Complementary and Competing Paradigms James F. Blumstein Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons Recommended Citation James F. Blumstein, Federalism and Civil Rights: Complementary and Competing Paradigms, 47 Vanderbilt Law Review 1251 (1994) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol47/iss5/3 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Federalism and Civil Rights: Complementary and Competing Paradigms James F. Blumstein* I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................... 1252 II. THE IMPORTANCE OF FEDERALISM AND THE FEDERALISM DEAL ...................................................... 1256 III. FEDERALISM AS A CIVIL RIGHTS PARADIGM ....................... 1259 A. The Nature of Federalism...................................... 1260 B. Federalismand Civil Rights: Voting Rights as a Case Study ...................................................... 1262 1. Voting Rights as Part of the Federalism Deal ......................................... 1262 2. The Tensions Between the Federalism and Civil Rights Paradigms: Voting Rights as an Example ...............................
    [Show full text]
  • The American Dream
    1 The American Dream That American dream of a better, richer, and happier life for all our citizens of every rank . is the greatest contribution we have yet made to the thought and welfare of the world. —James Truslow Adams, The Epic of America On September 5, 2012, Benita Veliz, an undocumented youth advocate from San Antonio, Texas, took the podium during prime-time coverage of the Democratic National Convention. She made a plea for immigra- tion reform and urged fellow Latinos to reelect President Barack Obama because, she said, “he fought for my community.” Benita was brought to the United States as a child “like so many Americans of all races and backgrounds.” Unlike most of her U.S. citizen peers, Benita graduated at sixteen as the valedictorian of her high school and finished college at twenty with a double major, a record that would have made her eligible for citizenship if the Dream Act had passed in the U.S. Senate in 2010. First proposed in 2001 by Illinois senator Dick Durbin with bipartisan support, it was designed to give legal status to young immigrants who had entered the country before the age of sixteen and completed college study or military service. Benita explained, “I feel just as Ameri- can as any of my friends and neighbors. But I’ve had to live almost my entire life knowing that I could be deported.” She reminded her listeners, “When Congress failed to pass [the Dream Act], President Obama . took action so people like me can apply to stay in the country and contribute.” On June 15, 2012, late in the presidential campaign and under pressure from Latino groups, Obama issued an executive order that offered a temporary reprieve from deportation and short-term work authorization to young immigrants like her.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Look at the Failure of Mainstream Economics
    Volume 6 Issue 1 Article 2 March 2021 A critical look at the failure of mainstream economics Joseph M. Dipoli Salem State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/globe Part of the Economics Commons, Education Commons, and the International Business Commons This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the M3 Center at the University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee at Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Global Business Insights by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Dipoli, J. M. (2021). A critical look at the failure of mainstream economics. Journal of Global Business Insights, 6(1), 22-26. https://www.doi.org/10.5038/2640-6489.6.1.1073 Corresponding Author Joseph M. Dipoli, Department of Economics, Salem State University, 352 Lafayette Street Salem, MA 01970 Revisions Submission date: Apr. 12, 2019; 1st Revision: Sep. 20, 2020; 2nd Revision: Dec. 8, 2020; 3rd Revision: Feb. 27, 2021; Acceptance: Feb. 28, 2021 Dipoli: A critical look at the failure of mainstream economics A Critical Look at the Failure of Mainstream Economics Joseph M. Dipoli Department of Economy Salem State University [email protected] Book Review Foundations of real-world economics: What every economics student needs to know (2nd ed.), by John Komlos, New York, Routledge, 2019, 306 pp., $42.95 (Paperback), ISBN 9781138296541. Introduction Many people in the United States of America are dissatisfied with the outcomes of the economy and some are suggesting measures that seem socialistic.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Science 190.607 Comparative Racial Politics Fall 2011 Johns Hopkins University Tuesdays 1-2:50Pm Mergenthaler 366
    Political Science 190.607 Comparative Racial Politics Fall 2011 Johns Hopkins University Tuesdays 1-2:50pm Mergenthaler 366 Professor Erin Aeran Chung Office: 365 Mergenthaler Hall Phone: 410-516-4496 Email: [email protected] Office hours: Mondays 1:30-2:30pm and by appointment COURSE DESCRIPTION: This course surveys the major trends and approaches to the comparative study of race in political science and critically examines the link between race and politics. The goals of the course are two-fold. First, we will investigate how the study of race is linked to some of the classic preoccupations of comparative political science, such as capitalist development, state formation, and nationalism. Second, we will explore how race “works” and how it is made and remade over time and across space. We thus seek to understand how the ideologies of race and racism connect disparate peoples, regimes, institutions, and national mythologies. Topics will include race and state formation, citizenship and national membership, immigration, racial regimes, and the political economy of race. PREREQUISITES: This course is open to graduate students only. COURSE REQUIREMENTS AND EVALUATION: Participation and Discussion (30%), 2 short essays (15% each), Research Paper (40%) Because this seminar is based primarily on peer-led discussions, regular attendance and active participation are essential. All students must complete the assigned readings before coming to class and prepare ideas for debate, discussion, or interpretation. Students will write 2 short essays (approximately 3 pages double-spaced)—to be circulated via email to other seminar members at least one day before the seminar—that includes a brief discussion of the key debates and issues brought up in the designated week’s readings as well as a short critique.
    [Show full text]