Annual Report 2073/74 (2016/17)
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Madan Bhandari Highway
Report on Environmental, Social and Economic Impacts of Madan Bhandari Highway DECEMBER 17, 2019 NEFEJ Lalitpur Executive Summary The report of the eastern section of Madan Bhandari Highway was prepared on the basis of Hetauda-Sindhuli-Gaighat-Basaha-Chatara 371 km field study, discussion with the locals and the opinion of experts and reports. •During 2050's,Udaypur, Sindhuli and MakwanpurVillage Coordination Committee opened track and constructed 3 meters width road in their respective districts with an aim of linking inner Madhesh with their respective headquarters. In the background of the first Madhesh Movement, the road department started work on the concept of alternative roads. Initially, the double lane road was planned for an alternative highway of about 7 meters width. The construction of the four-lane highway under the plan of national pride began after the formation of a new government of the federal Nepal on the backdrop of the 2072 blockade and the Madhesh movement. The Construction of Highway was enunciated without the preparation of an Environmental Impact Assessment Report despite the fact that it required EIA before the implementation of the big physical plan of long-term importance. Only the paper works were done on the study and design of the alternative highway concept. The required reports and construction laws were abolished from the psychology that strong reporting like EIA could be a hindrance to the roads being constructed through sensitive terrain like Chure (Siwalik). • During the widening of the roads, 8 thousand 2 hundred and 55 different trees of community forest of Makwanpur, Sindhuli and Udaypur districtsare cut. -
Education Management Information REPORT on HIGHER EDUCATION 2016/17 A.D
EDUCATION MANAGEMENT INFORMATION REPORT ON HIGHER EDUCATION 2016/17 A.D. SYSTEM (2073/74 B.S.) NEPAL Published in 2018 by: University Grants Commision Sanothimi, Bhaktapur, Nepal Post Box : 10796 Telephone : (977-1) 6638548, 6638549, 6638550 Fax : 977-1-6638552 E-mail : [email protected] Website : www.ugcnepal.edu.np Design : Surya Budhathoki (9841190718) [email protected] Print at : Jugal Printers & Traders Anamnagar, Kathmandu Ph. : 01-5705529 Email : [email protected] EDUCATION MANAGEMENT INFORMATION SYSTEM / Report on Higher Education 2016/17 A.D. (2073/74 B.S.) FOREWORD he development of Higher Education Information System (HEMIS) has been one of the crucial tasks of UGC in its endeavor towards implementing the national Higher Education Policy that emphasized on credible and Taccountable system of higher education by ensuring its quality, increasing the relevance to national priorities, making it equitable in terms of access, and enhancing academic competitiveness. Higher Education Reform Project (HERP, 2014-2020) supported by the World Bank facilitates the policy implementation including the development of HEMIS. The publication of annual statistical report is one of the main aspects of HEMIS development. This report is the tenth publication in this line. The development of HEMIS is based on a framework of systemic and program indicators, tools for data collection, and parametric, situational as well as trend analyses. This report covers major parts of the H-EMIS indicators and analyses. With the efforts put on higher education system development, stakeholders are increasingly feeling the importance of verifiable data relating to national higher education policy, emphasis on ensuring the access to higher education on the basis of aptitude and equity, criteria based quality assurance, priority based relevance, research based innovation and development, performance based public funding, and shared ownership with public and private stakeholders in the development, operation and management. -
Switching Over to Identity Politics Nepali Left Political Parties Have
1 1. Introduction: Switching over to Identity Politics Nepali left political parties have come to regard caste and ethnicity equivalent to class disseminating new ethnic-based identity that demonstrates how the very foundation of communist ideology has been shifting from class into identity politics. The politics of identity that emerged and spread from 1990 received prominence in Nepali politics especially after 2006 April Uprising which ultimately popped up as an apple of discord when political parties failed to deliver new constitution through the Constituent Assembly (CA) bickering over it. Ultimately, the CA got dissolved on May 27, 2012 after parties apparently failed to make consensus on identity-based federalism. Though a number of identity-based organizations emerged before 2006 as well, the trends of forming identity-based organizations and focusing on identity groups rather than class soared after the second people's movement. Moreover, polarization due to the identity politics has heightened in Nepali politics after the CA dissolution. Left political parties of Nepal who are guided by the Marxist slogan as 'Worker's of all countries, unite' gradually gave way to identity politics that was diluted from 'class struggle' itself. As the time changes, everything changes with it except the 'change' itself. Same is the case with ideology. It shifts from one to the other as Daniel Bell in his book " The End of Ideology: on the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties" claims that the older humanistic ideologies developed during the nineteenth and early twentieth century is ebbing gradually (1960). During 1960s and 70s, in contrast to the logic of Marxist and Neo-Marxist theory, social movements were focused on culture and identity such as civil rights and women's movements challenging the class structure (Bernstein 49). -
It's Time for Election
THEVol - I, No - 5, march 1-15, 2008 Rs. 10 /- REDwww.krishnasenonline.org STARNepal’s National Magazine It’s time for election Finally, the nation seems to have slogans of the CA and establishment moved into the election to the Constitu- of democratic republic to confound the ent Assembly (CA) slated for April 10. people and weaken the Maoists. More- The competition will be mainly among over the government ignored to imple- the revolutionary, reformist and reac- ment many issues of Comprehensive tionary forces. The revolutionary has to Peace Accord. For this reason, CPN-Mao- contest against both the reformist and ist quitted the interim government and the reactionary forces which are about conducted street struggle. These steps to come together to maintain their hold made the people understand the reality and prevent any changes in the country. and obviously the support of the people The revolutionary has the responsibility heightened in favour of the Maoist. - After four month long struggle, the alise achievements of the decade-long 23-point agreement was made among People’sto fulfill publicWar (PW) aspirations and 19-day and instutionPeople’s the six parties to address the demands of Movement. the champion of the CA, the Maoist. The Webs of conspiracies were knitted last agreement built the ground for the for two years to avert the CA election election and a new date for the election and check revolutionaries from secur- was set. ing victory. The election scheduled for Again ‘Madheshi leaders’ close to mid-June last year was aborted because the Indian ruling class, were levered to the political situation of CPN-Maoist was stage a communal and regional protests. -
European Bulletin of Himalayan Research (EBHR)
Nine Years On: The 1999 eLection and Nepalese politics since the 1990 janandoLan' John Whelpton Introduction In May 1999 Nepal held its th ird general election since the re-establishment of parliamentary democracy through the 'People's Movement' (janandolan) of spring 1990. it was in one way a return to the start ing point si nce, as in the first (1991) electio n, the Nepali Congress achieved an absolute majority, whilst the party's choice in 1999 for Prime Minister, Krishna Prasad Bhat tami, had led the \990-9\ interim government and would have conti nued in otTi ce had it not been for his personal defeat in Kathmandu-i constituency. Whilst the leading figu re was the same, the circumstances and expectations we re, of course, ve ry different. Set against the high hopes of 1990, the nine years of democracy in praclice had been a disill us ioning ex perience for mosl Ne palese, as cynical manoeuvring for power seemed to have replaced any attempt 10 solve the deep economic and social problems bequeathed by the Panchayat regime. This essay is an allempt to summarize developments up to the recent election, looking at wha t has apparently go ne wrong but also trying to identify some positive ac hievements.l The political kaleidoscope The interim government, which presided over the drafting of the 1990 I I am grateful 10 Krishna Hachhelhu for comments on an earlier draft oflhis paper and for help in collecting materials. 1 The main political developments up to late 1995 are covered in Brown (1996) and Hoftun et al. -
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................... 1 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ....................................... 1 RECENT HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES .................................... 3 Abuses by the CPN (Maoist) ...................................... 3 Widespread reports of possible extrajudicial executions ................... 4 A re-emerging pattern of “disappearances” ............................ 5 Torture and death in custody ...................................... 6 Arbitrary arrest and detention ...................................... 7 LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL CONCERNS .............................. 8 Protection of the right to life ....................................... 8 A pervasive climate of impunity .................................... 8 Lack of independent investigations into violations of the right to life .......... 9 Habeas corpus: an ineffective remedy in relation to “disappearances” ........ 10 The Torture Compensation Act: another failed remedy ................... 11 GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO MAOIST “PEOPLE’S WAR” ............... 11 Proposed new legislation granting special powers ...................... 12 The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) ...................... 14 A THREAT TO HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS ........................... 15 A HUMAN RIGHTS MANIFESTO FOR THE FUTURE ...................... 15 NEPAL Human rights and security INTRODUCTION Ten years after the introduction of multi-party democracy and the subsequent coming into force of a Constitution providing increased protection -
Shweta Shardul
SHWETA SHARDUL A Multidisciplinary Journal Volume XVII, Issue 1, Year 2020 ISSN 2631-2255 Peer-Reviewed Open Access MADAN BHANDARI MEMORIAL COLLEGE Research Management Cell PO Box: 5640, New Baneshwor, Kathmandu Phone: 015172175/5172682 Email: [email protected]; Website: www.mbmc.edu.np SHWETA SHARDUL: A Multidisciplinary Journal (SSMJ) is a peer-reviewed and open access multidisciplinary journal, published in print on the annual basis. This journal is an excellent platform for publication of all kinds of scholarly research articles on multidisciplinary areas. Published by : Madan Bhandari Memorial College Research Management Cell PO Box: 5640, New Baneshwor, Kathmandu Phone: 015172175/5172682 Email: [email protected]; Website: www.mbmc.edu.np Editors : Hari Bahadur Chand Kamal Neupane Niruja Phuyal Copyright 2020/2077 © : The Publisher Print ISSN : 2631-2255 Print Copies : 500 Disclaimer The views expressed in the articles are exclusively those of individual authors. The editors and publisher are not responsible for any controversy and/or adverse effects from the publication of the articles. Computer Layout : Samriddhi Designing House Naxal, Chardhunge-01 9841634975 Printed at : Nepal Table of Contents Topics Contributors Page No. English Literature Visual Rhetoric in Contemporary Mithila ... Santosh Kumar Singh, PhD 3 Revisiting English History in J.K. ... Shankar Subedi 26 Buddhist Ideology in T. S. Eliot’s Poetry ... Raj Kishor Singh, PhD 37 Hailing the Individual in Marquez’s No ... Gol Man Gurung, PhD 62 Reasserting Female Subjectivity in Rich’s ... Pradip Sharma 78 Nepali Literature l;l4r/0f >]i7sf k|f/lDes r/0fsf sljtfdf === 8f= km0fLGb|/fh lg/f}nf 93 dfofn' x'Dnf lgofqfs[ltdf kof{j/0f x]daxfb'/ e08f/L 119 Anthropology Ruprekha Maharjan, PhD Newari Divine Marriage: Ihi and Barhah .. -
Nepali Times About Her Faith in UMNS Work Over the Last Half Century and the Future for This Remarkable Organisation
#197 21 - 27 May 2004 20 pages Rs 25 Girija Prasad Koirala Madhab Kumar Nepal Amik Sherchan Narayan Man Bijukche Bharat Bimal Yadab BJP OUT The kingsALL PICS: MIN BAJRACHARYAlack of trust in the Royal disregard parties lies at the crux of the KANAK MANI DIXIT standoff KIRAN PANDAY deep, personal distrust that the politicians ran the country to the Front)? asked Madhab Kumar was not set. At press time Thursday, going to head the next government. A King Gyanendra harbours ground after 1990. Nepal, seeking to call the bluff. rumours were rife on what the palace In the long run, will such excessive against politicians lies at the Is the king focussing on well- On Wednesday, the king did might do next, the majority opinion animosity allow King Gyanendra to root of the standoff between publicised malfeasance of a few to finally meet the leaders of the five- being that it would ignore the serve as facilitator between the parties Narayanhiti and the parties agitating tar the rank and file of the political party alliance but, while asking them five parties yet again in selecting a in times of crisis? That would have at Ratna Park. parties? Does one detect in this a trace to play their hand, as the principal prime minister. been the hope. l Suspicion holds the populace in of self-interest, the king having player, he chose not to show his The monarchical distaste for limbo even as the polity dips into a expressed his intention of being cards. He thanked them for coming political parties has short-term Editorial p2 tailspin: the economy, state activity constructive? Is there a fear that but a date for the next rendezvous ramifications with regard to who is Emergency surgery and development work lie in tatters. -
168 Maharjan, History of Cinema Censor Board
Bodhi, 4 (1), 168-190. ISSN 2091-0479. © 2010 Kathmandu University 168 Maharjan, History of cinema censor board ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Machinery of state control: History of cinema censor board in Nepal1 - Harsha Man Maharjan Inside film industry, film censor board is a small but important institution. In Nepal, this institution always works as the structure to fulfill the interest of the state. Sex, violence and politics are main reasons of cinema censorship but meaning and acceptance of these issues are changing in Nepal. This article argues that it is right time to rethink the work of the censor board. Instead of scissoring cinemas, it has to grade them. Introduction Cinema/Film Censor Board is a small entity of a film industry, and it is a global practice. However, who forms this entity differs among countries. For example, in Britain and the US, film industries have established this mechanism. But in countries like India and Nepal, the state has established the censor board and the board is basically the machinery of state control. It orders to scissor the scenes which it feels objectionable/harmful to the society and the state. It even denies certification to movies and dubs them banned if the whole cinema is assumed to be unsuitable for the state and society. 1 This article is a longer version of what I published in Republica (Maharjan, 2010) . Here I have corrected some factual errors I did in newspaper article due to the lack of data. I am indebted to Shiva Regmi for providing information and documents I used in this study. -
Budget Speech of Fiscal Year 2016/17
Budget Speech of Fiscal Year 2016/17 Government of Nepal Ministry of Finance 28 May 2016 0 UNOFFICIAL TRANSLATION Budget Speech of Fiscal Year 2016/17 Delivered to Legislature-Parliament by Honorable Finance Minister Mr. Bishnu Prasad Paudel Saturday 28 May 2016 Government of Nepal Ministry of Finance 2016 www.mof.gov.np i Right Honorable Speaker, 1. I feel privileged to present the first budget, after the promulgation of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, before this august Legislature-Parliament. On the historical occasion of the Republic Day today on 28th May 2016, I pay homage to respected martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the cause of democratic republic, federalism, secularism, inclusion and social justice. I respectfully remember the towering personalities of Pushpalal Shrestha, Bisheshwor Prasad Koirala, Madan Bhandari, Manmohan Adhikari and Ganeshman Singh. I express my heartfelt honor to all Nepali sisters and brothers who contributed to the movements for achieving justice, equality, independence and prosperity. 2. We have entered into a new era after the promulgation of the constitution. We have been successful in institutionalizing political rights through the constitution. The constitution has made all Nepalese sovereign. All types of discriminations and inequalities have been ended and equal rights, equal opportunities and equal respects have been accorded to all. As envisaged by the constitution, we have now entered into the phase of economic prosperity to reach the goal of social justice and socialism. In order to achieve prosperity with social justice, our fight should now be focused against underdevelopment, poverty and backwardness. 3. An epoch-making change was possible through collaboration and unity among the political parties. -
Negotiations of Intersectionality and Patriarchy Amongst Women Elites in Nepal
IQAS Vol. 48 / 2017 1–2, pp. 97–115 Gender Gap, Gender Trap: Negotiations of Intersectionality and Patriarchy amongst Women Elites in Nepal Stefanie Lotter Abstract Transformation is apparent in Nepal, a country that underwent a decade of civil war 1996– 2006, abolished the monarchy to become a republic in 2007, agreed on a new constitution in 2015 and is currently struggling to implement federalism. Decentralisation and minority repre- sentation are being put on the political agenda alongside efforts to rebuild infrastructure dam- aged through two major earthquakes. Beyond this, Nepal appears to have developed into South Asia’s beacon of gender equality. Since 2016 Nepal has had a woman president, a woman chief justice and a woman speaker of parliament. Implementing a quota of 33 per cent women in politics, women politicians now come from a great variety of backgrounds reflecting Nepal’s ethnic, cultural, regional and educational diversity. This study takes the entry of 197 female members into the constituent assembly of Nepal in 2008 as a baseline to study the transforma- tion of “patriarchy” and its impact on the heterogeneous group of women politicians in high office in Nepal. Keywords: Nepal, elites, women, gender, patriarchy, politics Introduction With the introduction of affirmative action in 2007 the number of women in decision-making positions has risen sharply in Nepal. New legislation guaran- teed 33 per cent of all seats in the Constituent Assembly (CA) to women, and the inter-parliamentary Women’s Caucus now forms a critical mass in the par- liament (Dalerup 2006: 3). Nepal, it seems, has developed in recent years into South Asia’s beacon of gender equality with a woman president, a woman chief justice as well as a woman speaker of Parliament since 2016. -
11 Chapter 4.Pdf
Chapter 4 Communist Movement after 1990 Parliamentary System and Various Communist Parties. Their Ideologies and Strategies, Major Issues, Forms of Protests, Support Base/Social Base 1. The United Left Front and the UNPM The On 15 January 1990, seven Communist parties formed the United Left Front. The seven parties were “NCP (Marxist), NCP (Manandhar), NCP (Verma), NCP (Tulsilal), Majdoor Kisan Sangathan Bhela Samiti (Rohit faction),1NCP (Chautho Mahadhiwayshun (Fourth Congress (Nirmal Lama)), and NCP (ML)” (Samyukta Bam Morcha 7). It declared its “moral support to the Nepali Congress’s movement against the Panchayat system”. It aimed at “bringing the Congress to its fold … and if not, to coordinate its activities with them” (6). However, the Front was a loose organisation, where “the participating parties or groups, with the permission of the Front, could either stay or leave the Front” (7). Organised under “Sahana Pradhan as President, and Tulsilal Amatya, Honorary President” the Front formed a “seven- member Secretariat” (3). The “Jana Andolan”, which the Front decided to lead was open to “the peasants, the majdoor [working class], the youths, students, women, the national bourgeoisie and national traders” (2). It listed 18 goals’ struggle. Of them, majority were related to the setting up of a democratic polity, and the political context in which they were framed explained their presence in the list. However, considering the tenor of Communist movement in Nepal, goal 17 stood out: it was softly couched. And the Front had this to say, “17. Review the relation with India in the context of Nepal’s traditional friendly relation …” (Samyukta Bam Morcha 6).