Citizens Initiated Referenda
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Abolition of the Upper House Community Engagement – Updated 27 March 2001
Abolition of the Upper House Community Engagement – Updated 27 March 2001 THE ABOLITION OF THE UPPER HOUSE IN QUEENSLAND INTRODUCTION Unicameral legislatures, or legislatures with only one chamber, are uncommon in democracies. It is usually considered that two chambers are necessary for government, and this is the case for the United Kingdom, Canada (at the Federal level) and the United States (Federally, and for all states except Nebraska.) However, some countries, usually small ones, are unicameral. Israel, Denmark, Finland, Luxembourg, Sweden, and Greece have only one chamber. All the Canadian Provinces, all the Malaysian States and some of the Indian ones, including Assam, are unicameral. Other single-chambered legislatures in the Commonwealth include New Zealand, Ghana, Cyprus, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Malta, Malawi, Zambia, Gambia, Guyana, Singapore, Botswana, Zimbabwe and (Western) Samoa. In Australia, the Federal Government has two chambers, as do the governments of all the states, except Queensland. At its separation from New South Wales in 1859, Queensland had two houses of Parliament, the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council. But in a move unique in Australian history, the Legislative Council abolished itself. EARLY DAYS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1860-1890 Queensland, separated from New South Wales in 1859, was the only colony to have a Parliament from its inception. When the Parliament of Queensland was first promulgated in 1860, there were two houses of Parliament. The first members of the Upper House, the Legislative Council, were appointed for five years by the Governor of New South Wales, so that Queensland would not be left permanently with nominees from the Governor of another colony. -
Papers on Parliament No. 14
PAPERS ON PARLIAMENT Number 14 February 1992 Parliamentary Perspectives 1991 Published and Printed by the Department of the Senate Parliament House, Canberra ISSN 1031-976X The Department of the Senate acknowledges the assistance of the Department of the Parliamentary Reporting Staff. Cover design: Conroy + Donovan, Canberra NOTE This issue of Papers on Parliament includes lectures given in the Senate Department's Occasional Lecture series during the second half of 1991, together with a paper given by the Clerk of the Senate, Harry Evans, to a seminar organised by the Queensland Electoral and Administrative Review Commission in Brisbane on 26 July 1991. It concludes with a digest of procedurally significant events in the Senate during 1991 which we hope to include as a regular feature of Papers on Parliament. CONTENTS Page Chapter 1 - John Black, Michael Macklin and Chris Puplick 1 How Parliament Works in Practice Chpater 2 - John Button 20 The Role of the Leader of the Government in the Senate Chpater 3 - Hugh Collins 31 Political Literacy: Educating for Democracy Chapter 4 - Harry Evans 47 Parliamentary Reform: New Directions and Possibilities for Reform of Parliamentary Processes Chapter 5 - Senate Department 61 Senate Procedural Digest 1991 Parliamentary Reform: New Directions and Possibilities for Reform of Parliamentary Processes Harry Evans Clerk of the Senate Parliament and the Problem of Government In considering the reform of parliament we are examining the alteration of the basic institutions of government, and it is therefore wise to refer to first principles, and to ponder how the task relates to the elementary problem of government. The great difficulty of government is the creation of authorities with sufficient power to achieve the desired aims of government, peace and order, while preventing the unintended misuse of that power. -
Optional Preferential Voting for the Australian Senate
ELECTORAL REGULATION RESEARCH NETWORK/DEMOCRATIC AUDIT OF AUSTRALIA JOINT WORKING PAPER SERIES OPTIONAL PREFERENTIAL VOTING FOR THE AUSTRALIAN SENATE Michael Maley (Associate, Centre For Democratic Institutions, Australian National University) WORKING PAPER NO. 16 (NOVEMBER 2013) 1 Introduction This paper explores the possible use of optional preferential voting (OPV) as a way of dealing with concerns which have been crystallised at the 2013 Australian federal election about the operation of some aspects of the Senate electoral system. Its main emphasis is on the extent to which full preferential voting no longer enables voters to express their preferences truthfully, and the role which OPV could play in correcting this.1 In a number of respects, the election was remarkable. • The 40 vacancies were contested by a record number of candidates, 529. • The percentage of votes polled by parties already represented in the Parliament dropped significantly from 2010. • In five out of the six States, a candidate was elected from a party which had never previously been represented in the federal Parliament. • For the first time ever, the seats in one State, South Australia, were divided between five different parties. • In Victoria, a minor party candidate was elected after having polled only 0.5% of the first preference votes cast in the State. • In Western Australia, a partial recount of ballot papers was ordered, and in the aftermath of its conduct it was revealed by the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) that some 1,375 ballot papers “all of which had been verified during the initial WA Senate count … could not be located, rechecked or verified in the recount process”. -
Australia's System of Government
61 Australia’s system of government Australia is a federation, a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. This means that Australia: Has a Queen, who resides in the United Kingdom and is represented in Australia by a Governor-General. Is governed by a ministry headed by the Prime Minister. Has a two-chamber Commonwealth Parliament to make laws. A government, led by the Prime Minister, which must have a majority of seats in the House of Representatives. Has eight State and Territory Parliaments. This model of government is often referred to as the Westminster System, because it derives from the United Kingdom parliament at Westminster. A Federation of States Australia is a federation of six states, each of which was until 1901 a separate British colony. The states – New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia, South Australia and Tasmania - each have their own governments, which in most respects are very similar to those of the federal government. Each state has a Governor, with a Premier as head of government. Each state also has a two-chambered Parliament, except Queensland which has had only one chamber since 1921. There are also two self-governing territories: the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory. The federal government has no power to override the decisions of state governments except in accordance with the federal Constitution, but it can and does exercise that power over territories. A Constitutional Monarchy Australia is an independent nation, but it shares a monarchy with the United Kingdom and many other countries, including Canada and New Zealand. The Queen is the head of the Commonwealth of Australia, but with her powers delegated to the Governor-General by the Constitution. -
The Supreme Court and Responsible Government: 1864–1930, 40 Neb
Nebraska Law Review Volume 40 | Issue 1 Article 3 1960 The uprS eme Court and Responsible Government: 1864–1930 Roscoe Pound Harvard Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nlr Recommended Citation Roscoe Pound, The Supreme Court and Responsible Government: 1864–1930, 40 Neb. L. Rev. 16 (1961) Available at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nlr/vol40/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law, College of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Nebraska Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. The Supreme Court and Responsible Government: 1864-1930* Roscoe Pound* * I. INTRODUCTION A just balance between the general and the local government is of the very essence of a federal polity. What is general and for the general government, and what is local and for the local govern- ment, must be distinguished clearly and maintained consistently. But what is general and what local is not always and everywhere indicated by an exactly drawn line and may vary from time to time or place to place, so that lines have to be redrawn in view of changes in economics, industry, and commerce. Moreover, a federal polity calls for constitutional law. A con- stitution is not a mere body of constitutionally prescribed rules; rules prescribing mode of choice, terms of office, powers, remunera- tion, and causes and modes of removal of officials; nor of rules of policing, definition of offenses, such, for example, as treason, and fixing and imposing penalties. -
Stories of Confederation Reference Guide
Library and Archives Canada, C-000733 Stories of Confederation Reference Guide Use this reference guide in tandem with our online educational package. Find it at historymuseum.ca/teachers-zone/stories-of-confederation. Act of Union, 1840 Passed by the British Parliament in July 1840 and proclaimed in February 1841, the Act of Union brought Upper and Lower Canada (present-day Ontario and Quebec) together under a single assembly and government, as recommended in the Durham Report. The two were now called the United Province of Canada, and were subdivided into Canada West and Canada East. Each region received an equal number of seats in the assembly; English became the sole official language. British Empire The term British Empire refers collectively to Britain’s overseas territories and colonies. At its height in the late 1800s and early 1900s, the British Empire spanned the globe, and came to be known as “the empire on which the sun never sets.” Britain supported Confederation because it believed that a single dominion would be easier to defend, and less costly to administer, than several small, separate colonies. British North America British North America refers collectively to the British colonies and territories of northern North America. The term was used mostly between 1783 and 1867, but it has a longer history. British North America The British North America Act was a law passed by the British Parliament Act, 1867 to create the Dominion of Canada as a domestically self-governing federation. The Act divided law-making powers between one federal parliament and several provincial legislatures, and it outlined the structure and operations of both levels of government. -
The Constitutional Conventions and Constitutional Change: Making Sense of Multiple Intentions
Harry Hobbs and Andrew Trotter* THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS AND CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: MAKING SENSE OF MULTIPLE INTENTIONS ABSTRACT The delegates to the 1890s Constitutional Conventions were well aware that the amendment mechanism is the ‘most important part of a Cons titution’, for on it ‘depends the question as to whether the state shall develop with peaceful continuity or shall suffer alternations of stagnation, retrogression, and revolution’.1 However, with only 8 of 44 proposed amendments passed in the 116 years since Federation, many commen tators have questioned whether the compromises struck by the delegates are working as intended, and others have offered proposals to amend the amending provision. This paper adds to this literature by examining in detail the evolution of s 128 of the Constitution — both during the drafting and beyond. This analysis illustrates that s 128 is caught between three competing ideologies: representative and respons ible government, popular democracy, and federalism. Understanding these multiple intentions and the delicate compromises struck by the delegates reveals the origins of s 128, facilitates a broader understanding of colonial politics and federation history, and is relevant to understanding the history of referenda as well as considerations for the section’s reform. I INTRODUCTION ver the last several years, three major issues confronting Australia’s public law framework and a fourth significant issue concerning Australia’s commitment Oto liberalism and equality have been debated, but at an institutional level progress in all four has been blocked. The constitutionality of federal grants to local government remains unresolved, momentum for Indigenous recognition in the Constitution ebbs and flows, and the prospects for marriage equality and an * Harry Hobbs is a PhD candidate at the University of New South Wales Faculty of Law, Lionel Murphy postgraduate scholar, and recipient of the Sir Anthony Mason PhD Award in Public Law. -
Equal Representation in Electoral
VOTE WEIGHTING IN ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: THE ‘ONE VOTE, ONE VALUE’ DEBATE IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA Norman John Patrick Kelly A dissertation presented as part of the requirements for the award of the degree of Bachelor of Social Sciences (Politics) (Honours) within the Faculty of Media, Society and Culture of the Curtin University of Technology, 2004. November 2004 One Vote, One Value ii Declaration I declare that this Honours thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in any form for another degree or diploma at any university or other institute of tertiary education. Information derived from the published or unpublished work of others has been acknowledged in the text and a list of references is given. Norman John Patrick Kelly 1 November 2004 One Vote, One Value iii Acknowledgements I would like to express my thanks to my supervisors, Associate Professor David Charnock and Dr Alan Fenna – David, particularly for assisting in the development of the scope and direction of the thesis, and theoretical perspectives; and Alan, for your willingness to step in at a late stage of the project. Thank you to the staff at Curtin, particularly Dr Philip Moore and Dr Patrick Bertola, who always responded promptly and effectively to my long- distance requests. Thanks also to Karin Hosking and Liz Foster, for your technical guidance in the preparation of the thesis, and to the staff at the Parliamentary Library of Western Australia, and Members’ staff, for your ready assistance. Special thanks go to my interview participants, who generously gave of their time to openly discuss matters that were of particular political sensitivity. -
Hansard 30 Oct 1997
30 Oct 1997 Vacancy in Senate of Commonwealth of Australia 4051 THURSDAY, 30 OCTOBER 1997 As this Parliament does not have a representative of the Australian Democrats, I move the motion nominating the authorised Australian Democrat nominee and the Leader At 8.45 a.m., of the Opposition seconds the motion. I am very happy to do so, as I am sure my Mr SPEAKER (Hon. N. J. Turner, Nicklin) colleague opposite is happy to second. took the chair. Despite the politics of Cheryl Kernot's precipitate resignation from the Parliament VACANCY IN SENATE OF COMMONWEALTH and the Australian Democrats, it is appropriate OF AUSTRALIA and correct that a spirit of bipartisanship is manifested today in choosing her successor. Nomination of Andrew John Julian Bartlett, vice Cheryl Kernot Today is also an historic occasion because it is the first time to my knowledge Mr SPEAKER: Order! The House has that the Queensland Parliament has fast- resolved to meet at 8.45 a.m. this day for the tracked the selection process by suspending purpose of the election of a senator. There Standing Orders so that the expressed wish of being a quorum present, the meeting is now the Queensland electorate is in no way constituted. Honourable members should note diminished. Honourable members will be that the provisions of Standing Orders and aware that the Government in the House of Rules shall apply to this meeting. I now call for Representatives and the Senate has granted nominations. I point out that every nomination a pair so that, until the Queensland Parliament must be accompanied by a declaration by the fills the vacancy, the relative voting strength of nominee of qualification and consent to be the parties in the Senate is not altered. -
The Theory of Bicameralism 18
The Upper House Question South Australian Bicameralism in Comparative Perspective Jordan M. Bastoni, B.A. (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the discipline of Politics at the University of Adelaide, 18 December 2009 Contents Abstract iii Declaration iv Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Chapter One The Theory of Bicameralism 18 Chapter Two The Decline of Responsible Government 32 Chapter Three The History of the South Australian Parliament 41 Chapter Four The Parliament of the United Kingdom 53 Chapter Five The Parliament of Canada 65 Chapter Six The Parliament of New Zealand 74 Chapter Seven The Parliament of Queensland 85 Chapter Eight The Development of the Other Parliaments of 111 Australia Discussion Lessons from the Case Studies 130 Chapter Nine Methods of Composition 139 Chapter Ten The House of Review 158 Chapter Eleven The South Australian Legislative Council into the 176 Future: an analysis of potential reforms Conclusion 193 Bibliography 200 ii Abstract This thesis presents an examination of bicameralism as it operates in Australia. The specific focus is the parliament of South Australia, where the existence of the Legislative Council recently came under threat. Prior to the 2006 State election, the Premier of South Australia, Mike Rann, announced that, concurrent with the 2010 State election, a referendum would be held at which the people of South Australia would be able to decide the future of the Legislative Council. They were to be presented with three options: the retention of the Legislative Council with no changes made; a reduction in the size of the Legislative Council from 22 members to 16, and a reduction in the term length served by members from eight years to four years; and finally, the abolition of the Legislative Council (the stated preferred position of Rann). -
The Tasmanian Government Financial System
The Tasmanian Government Financial System A guide to the operation of the State Government Financial System Useful 2007-08 Budget and Government Web sites www.treasury.tas.gov.au Contains all Budget Papers and provides information on major Departmental initiatives, activities and publications. www.media.tas.gov.au Contains the Government's Budget related media releases. www.tas.gov.au Provides links to the Web sites of a wide range of Tasmanian public and private sector organisations. www.service.tas.gov.au Provides a comprehensive entry point to Government services in Tasmania. www.tasmaniatogether.tas.gov.au Provides detailed information on Tasmania Together, including the current status of this important initiative. CONTENTS Page 1 Introduction 1.1 Purpose 1.1 The Budget and Budget Papers 1.1 Consolidated Fund Appropriation Bills, Nos 1 and 2 1.1 Budget Speech 1.2 Budget Paper No 1 The Budget 1.2 Budget Paper No 2 Government Services 1.2 The Tasmanian Government Financial System 1.2 Other Documents Distributed with the Budget Papers 1.3 2 The 2007-08 Budget Framework 2.1 Budget Scope 2.1 Budget Development Context 2.1 Fiscal Strategy 2.1 Composition of the Tasmanian Public Sector 2.2 General Government Sector 2.2 Public Non-Financial Corporation (PNFC) and Public Financial Corporations (PFC) 2.7 Other Entities 2.9 3 The State Budget 3.1 Uniform Presentation Framework (UPF) 3.1 Operating Statement 3.2 Balance Sheet 3.3 Cash Flow Statement 3.4 Page 4 Departmental Budgets 4.1 Presentation of Departmental Budgets 4.1 Income Statement 4.2 -
Proceedings of the Twenty-Fifth Conference of the Samuel Griffith
Chapter Four Independents and Minor Parties in the Commonwealth Parliament J. B. Paul I accepted Julian Leeser’s invitation to address the Society on this subject without a second thought. Had I thought twice about it I might have queried him on a vexing problem: how to compress this subject into a presentation confined to thirty minutes. It follows that my fully prepared statement will have to be published with the other papers. The first and shorter part of this paper will deal with the House of Representatives; the second and more important part will deal with the Senate. The House of Representatives Two factors have limited the role of Independents and minor parties in the House: it comprises single-member constituencies and two succeeding electoral systems have governed its elections. From 1901 to 1918 the simple majority/plurality system applied. This has been misnamed “first-past-the-post”: a misnomer because there was no fixed post for the winning candidate to get past. Independents found it difficult to top the poll against candidates endorsed by political parties. Independents found their position more favourable under the preferential system introduced in 1918 especially when a seat was being contested by three or more candidates. If the count went to preferences an Independent could move to a winning position from behind with each distribution. Not that this happened often! I would isolate two examples when an Independent has succeeded. In the 1922 election, a prominent leader of the Victorian Bar, J G Latham, KC, contested and won the seat of Kooyong, then held by a grandee of the Nationalist Party, Sir Robert Best.