DOCSLIB.ORG

Anti-Fascism in France's General Confederation of Labor Between

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Anti-Fascism in France's General Confederation of Labor Between Wesleyan University The Honors College From Schism to Unity: Anti-Fascism in France’s General Confederation of Labor between 1922 and 1935 by Alec Shea Class of 2018 A thesis submitted to the faculty of Wesleyan University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Departmental Honors from the College of Social Studies Middletown, Connecticut April, 2018 Contents Abbreviations: ............................................................................................................... 2 Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 4 Sources and Translations ........................................................................................... 8 Existing Literature: Historical Perspectives on the Interwar CGT ......................... 11 1. Syndical Division and the Alignment of the New CGT ......................................... 14 Reform, Revolution and War: Syndical Politics Before The First World War ....... 15 The Organizational Road to Division ...................................................................... 25 The 1923 Congress: Anti-Communism, Centralized Propaganda and Confederal Identity .................................................................................................................... 36 2. First Impressions, Developing Confederal Anti-Fascism in the 1920’s ................. 45 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 45 Building Confederal Identity, Historical Perspectives ............................................ 48 Italy and Internationalism, the First Mentions of Fascism ...................................... 52 Observing and Organizing Against Italian Fascism ................................................ 61 The Domestic Far-Right: Opposing Fascism and Communism .............................. 69 Confederal Anti-Fascism on the Global Stage ........................................................ 79 3. From Economic Crisis to Popular Front: Anti-Fascism as a Confederal Identity .. 92 The Early 1930’s: Economic Crisis, the Plan, and the New Leagues ..................... 93 Before February 1934: Economic Crisis, Germany and the Leagues ................... 102 The CGT in the February Crisis ............................................................................ 116 Anti-Fascism and Reunification: Embracing Unified Action in 1935 .................. 133 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 138 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 142 Bibliography ............................................................................................................. 146 1 Abbreviations: CA - Administrative Comission CCN - National Confederal Committee CGT – General Confederation of Labor CGTU - Unified General Confederation of Labor ILO – International Labor Organization IFTU- International Federation of Trade Unions ISR - Internationale Syndicale Rouge, also called the Red International of Labor Unions PCF - French Communist Party SFIO - French Section of the Workers International, (Section Française de l’International Ouvriere) the French Socialist Party 2 Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the assistance of Professor Nathanael Greene. Indeed, it was Professor Greene’s course on fascism that first introduced me to the world of political affiliations in interwar France. In his capacity as my thesis adviser, his input has been incredibly valuable. His wealth of knowledge of both my topic and the related literature made him able to provide the best advice and criticism that I could imagine. Of my other instructors, several stand out as particular influences on this thesis. Wendy Rayack, who introduced me to college-level writing and helped me learn how to understand complex and subtle arguments in texts. Professor Victoria Smolkin, across two courses in the College of Social Studies, taught me the essentials of formulating historical arguments. Professor Erik Grimmer-Solem’s historiography course effectively helped me understand the way theories underlying history influence the product of research and criticism. I would also like to thank the Davenport Committee. Its generous funding permitted me to conduct primary source research that provided me not only with material important to this project, but also with experience in archival research that inspired me to continue to study history after I graduate. My research would have been impossible without the assistance of people working in the archives I visited, particularly Auréline Mazet at the CGT’s Institut d’Histoire Sociale who oriented me to the Confederation’s archives and introduced me to many of the sources I employ in this thesis. Beyond that academic help, I owe my ability to complete this thesis to my family, particularly my parents, to whom I owe any success I have been able to earn. 3 Introduction The C.G.T (Confederation General du Travail), France’s largest national trade- union organization, remains a powerful and present force in French society. Throughout its long history, it has been variously characterized as a dangerous group of revolutionary anarchists, an anti-Communist reactionary group and an extension of France’s Communist Party. At different points, each of these characterizations has been a fair description of the Confederation’s role and outlook. The CGT’s politically tumultuous history has made it a difficult subject in historical examinations. It has played profoundly different roles and fostered wildly different political and social identities during the various period of its history. This thesis looks at the CGT’s outlook towards one issue, the rise of fascism, during a specific period of the organization’s history, the years between the division of the Confederation in 1922 between supporters and opponents of Communism and its decision to reunify in 1935. This account aims to be as comprehensive as possible, but certainly does not exhaust the topic. In addition to the simple observation of change over time, I hope that this thesis sheds some light on alternate ways that the history of the CGT, and a given period of French history, can be understood. Because it is a labor organization, it can be tempting to focus on the Confederation mainly through the workplace struggles of its affiliated workers. Similarly, the broad importance and presence of electoral politics in interwar French life can make electoral, or at least party-political, organizations seem like the most important associational or political subjects in the study of the period. I believe that the CGT cannot be fit cleanly into either category. Interwar politics provided the CGT with deep political relevance and presence, but ideological and organizational limits made 4 direct electoral or industrial action a more difficult weapon to wield. In light of these changed circumstances, the Confederation outlined for itself a new way of existing. It dropped the radicalism of the general strike and the hope for a violent revolution in favor of a willingness to defend the political form of the French Republic and a belief that its interests could be best protected through participation in non-electoral governmental bodies and boards. That new form of political ideology was unique to the interwar period, and has only rarely been thoroughly considered by historians. That the Confederation’s new vision of its role with regard to electoral politics and the state was a profound transformation of its goals and ends is a historiographical claim that undergirds my investigation of the specific area that this thesis explores, the CGT’s attitude towards the emergence of fascism as an international and French phenomenon. The CGT, during the inter-war period was not, as some have portrayed it, a continuation of its pre-war predecessor hobbled by numerical obstacles. Nor was it, as some partisan accounts, like the official history of the CGT written in the 1960’s, would have it, a mere footnote on the way towards the organization that emerged after the end of the Second World War. The political nature of the interwar CGT cannot be treated as a footnote in any way if one wishes to understand either the history of French labor or French politics. The political tradition of the interwar CGT has connections to vital questions in French history, and indeed in society at large, like the widespread nature of collaboration during the German occupation, the development of ideological justifications for colonialism and the political realities of postwar France. The CGT’s structure and ideology were vitally linked symptoms of a 5 particular historical period, but they have had impacts that extend well beyond it. This thesis aims to define how the new kind of organization that was born after the First World War understood the emergence and development of fascism. The CGT never sympathized with Fascism, whether it was Italian, German or French, but the specific politics of the Confederation’s opposition expose both the unique structure and purpose of the interwar CGT as well as its specific approach to a perceived threat of fascism in France. In general,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Social Fascism Revisited
    Stefan Vogt. Nationaler Sozialismus und Soziale Demokratie: Die sozialdemokratische Junge Rechte 1918-1945. Bonn: Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf., 2006. 502 S. gebunden, ISBN 978-3-8012-4161-2. Reviewed by Eric Kurlander Published on H-German (May, 2007) During the tumultuous fourteen years of the ed the chief bulwark against both communism Weimar Republic, members of the Communist and fascism. Indeed, leading socialist moderates, Party (KPD) regularly assailed their moderate So‐ sometimes referred to as the Junge Rechte, en‐ cial Democratic Party (SPD) colleagues with accu‐ dorsed "social market" capitalism, peaceful revi‐ sations of "social fascism." By allying with bour‐ sion of the Versailles Treaty, and a bourgeois al‐ geois parties in defense of a liberal democratic liance in defense of liberal democracy. Though state, the Communists argued, the SPD fomented they failed in staving off fascism, these historians nationalist revisionism, monopoly capitalism, argue," the "young Right" succeeded in paving the and--inevitably--fascism. Few western scholars way for the social liberalism of postwar ("Bad have accepted this critique in its entirety, but Godesberg") Social Democracy.[2] many have blamed the Majority Socialists' initial Stefan Vogt's new intellectual history rejects vacillation between Left and Right for the weak‐ this bourgeois revisionism out of hand, adding a ness and ultimate collapse of the Weimar Repub‐ new wrinkle to the "social fascist" paradigm of the lic. Rather than nationalizing heavy industry, 1930s. In Vogt's provocative reading of events, purging the monarchist bureaucracy, or breaking Weimar social democracy enabled fascism not up Junker estates, the SPD colluded with right- only in its hostility to the communist Left but in wing paramilitary groups in 1919 to suppress its ideological commitment to the radical Right.
    [Show full text]
  • SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
    \\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina.
    [Show full text]
  • Workers of the World: International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts, Vol
    François Guinchard was born in 1986 and studied social sciences at the Université Paul Valéry (Montpellier, France) and at the Université de Franche-Comté (Besançon, France). His master's dissertation was published by the éditions du Temps perdu under the title L'Association internationale des travailleurs avant la guerre civile d'Espagne (1922-1936). Du syndicalisme révolutionnaire à l'anarcho-syndicalisme [The International Workers’ Association before the Spanish civil war (1922-1936). From revolutionary unionism to anarcho-syndicalism]. (Orthez, France, 2012). He is now preparing a doctoral thesis in contemporary history about the International Workers’ Association between 1945 and 1996, directed by Jean Vigreux, within the Centre George Chevrier of the Université de Bourgogne (Dijon, France). His main research theme is syndicalism but he also took part in a study day on the emigration from Haute-Saône department to Mexico in October 2012. Text originally published in Strikes and Social Conflicts International Association. (2014). Workers of the World: International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts, Vol. 1 No. 4. distributed by the ACAT: Asociación Continental Americana de los Trabajadores (American Continental Association of Workers) AIL: Associazione internazionale dei lavoratori (IWA) AIT: Association internationale des travailleurs, Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (IWA) CFDT: Confédération française démocratique du travail (French Democratic Confederation of Labour) CGT: Confédération générale du travail, Confederación
    [Show full text]
  • 9. Notes and Index.Pdf
    - NOTE rn NoI NOTES ,i I cccnt .rSarrlst i \ t:t tC. i l. cloes Preface l. J:rnres Joll, The Anarchisls,2nd etl , (C)ambridge, Nlass.: H:rn'artl llnivet'sin Press, 'i:tlike 19tt0), p viii. .r .rl istic: 2 Sinr:e the literature on this oeriod of soci:rlis( ernd cornrnunist intertrationalism is i.rlizccl immense, it is possible to rite onlr solne rcprL\r'ntJti\c titles here Julius BtaLnthal's ()eschir.hte der Internationale, 3 r'oirs (Flarlno\er: Dietz, l96l-1971 I has bccornc standarcl ' lllrl)l\ on a ccnturl of internationalisrn, though the emphasis is alrnostexclusivclr uporr politir:al . )|S [O :rnd not trade union intern:rtionalisrn. IIore sper:ifir:rllr, on the Setoncl Internatioral, sce Jarnes Joll, The Second InternatiormL, 1889-1911. rcr ed. (l-rtrrdon ancl Boston: r.hil)s, Routledge ancl Keean Paul, 197'1). On the International Federation of Trade flnions before ,11( )ln1C the rvar arrd on its post-rvar rerival. see Joh:rnn Sasst:nbach, I'inlundzuanzig Ja.lLre internationaLer Geuterksthaf tsbelDegung (Anrstcr(1arn: IrrtcrrraIionalcn C]cterlschaf tsbun- .Li aucl dcs, 1926), and Lervis Lonvin, Lobor and Inlernatiortalisrn (Ncl York: N'Iacrnillan, 1929). iltloIls, C)n the pcrst-war Labour and Socialist International, see John Ptice, Tlrc Intcrttational Labour Llouernent (London: Oxford l-iniversitl Press 19.15) On the so-callecl Trro-ancl- ;, lile, a-Half Internationzrl, scc Andr6 Donneur, Hi.stoire de I'L'nion des Pttrtis SetciaListes (tour I'Action InternationaLe (Lausanue: fl niversit6 de ClenEve, Institu t l-n ir crsi Lairc dcs FIaLrtes :;r otlet n -L,tudes Internat.ionales, 1967).
    [Show full text]
  • Global Social Fascism: Violence, Law and Twenty-First Century Plunder
    Global Social Fascism Violence, Law and Twenty-First Century Plunder Lara Montesinos Coleman Working Paper No. 15 May 2018 CENTRE FOR GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9SN United Kingdom Telephone: +44 (0) 1273 872735 Fax: +44 (0) 1273 723 673563 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: www.sussex.ac.uk/cgpe CGPE WORKING PAPER SERIES The Series aims to publish innovative research that attempts to shed light on and advance our understanding of the forces that influence the production, reproduction and change of our social universe, and thus our multiple ways of being and becoming in the international. To meet this aim the Series will try to foster the inter- and multidisciplinary study of International Political Economy by bringing together scholars, ideas, issues, methods, methodologies, problematiques from different social science disciplines. INFORMATION FOR SUBMISSION Papers should be submitted to the series editor Julian Germann <[email protected]>. All papers will be refereed by CGPE staff or external referees. Changes may be required before publication. The copyright remains with the author(s). Submission specifications: 1. Papers should not exceed 12,000 words. Shorter policy oriented papers of up to 5,000 are also welcomed. 2. A cover page should be included with the title, abstract and author name(s), as well as postal address, telephone and e-mail information. 3. A biographical note of the author(s) should be attached as a separate file. 4. Both the Chicago and Harvard referencing styles are acceptable. Global Social Fascism Violence, Law and Twenty-First Century Plunder Lara Montesinos Coleman is a Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of Sussex and Co-Director of the Law, Ethics and Democracy Project.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel
    H-France Review Volume 9 (2009) Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel Kalman, The Extreme Right in Interwar France: The Faisceau and the Croix de Feu. Hampshire and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008. x+ 265 pp. Bibliography and index. $99.95 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978-0-7546- 6240-2. Review by Samual Huston Goodfellow, Westminster College. One of the greatest challenges in writing about fascism and the right in the interwar era is the problem of definition. What is fascism? How is it different from the extreme right or even conservatism? Is fascism an outgrowth of the left? The impulse towards differentiation, although it has its purposes, obscures the messy reality of the bundle of political and social organizations that operated on the right. Lack of a clear foundational ideology, the moral taint associated with fascism, and the often experimental quality of these new movements further complicate the task of creating clear categories. Samuel Kalman sidesteps many of these questions by resorting to a different terminology. Instead of dwelling on the now stale question of whether the Faisceau or the Croix de Feu/ Parti Social Français (CdF/PSF) was, or was not, fascist, Kalman simply refers to them as part of the extreme right and chooses to focus instead on the strands that ran through the groups as well as on the internecine struggles within the groups. This is not a book about the definitional purity of the term fascism or even the extreme right, but about two issues: the linkages over time and across issues and the discord within movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes 335 Bibliography 387 Index 413
    CONTENTS PREFACE IX ONE: THE AMBIGUOUS LEGACY 3 The Crisis of Classical Marxism 6 The Crisis in Italy 20 Italian Revolutionary Syndicalism 22 TWO: THE FIRST REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST HERESY 32 The Evolution of Syndicalism 32 Syndicalism and the Nature of Man 34 Syndicalism and Social Psychology 37 Syndicalism and the Social and Political Function of Myth 43 Elitism 50 Syndicalism and Industrial Development 58 THREE: THE FIRST NATIONAL SOCIALISM 64 Revolutionary Syndicalism: Marxism and the Problems of National Interests 64 Syndicalism and Proletarian Nationalism 71 Revolutionary Syndicalism, War, and Moral Philosophy 73 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Economic Development 83 National Syndicalism and Lenin's Bolshevism 91 FOUR: THE PROGRAM OF FASCISM 96 The Fascism of San Sepolcro 101 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Fascism 103 FascismandIdeology 112 Fascism and Bolshevism 121 FIVE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FASCISM 127 Alfredo Rocco, Nationalism, and the Economic Policy of Fascism 133 Economic Policy from 1922 until the Great Depression 140 Fascist Economic Policy after the Great Depression 153 The Political Economy of Fascism and the Revolutionary Socialist Tradition 162 SIX: THE LABOR POLICY OF FASCISM 172 The Origins of Fascist Syndicalism 172 The Rise of Fascist Syndicalism 183 The Evolution of Fascist Syndicalism 190 The Functions of Fascist Syndicalism 196 The Labor Policy of Fascism and Revolutionary Marxism 206 SEVEN: THE ORCHESTRATION OF CONSENSUS 214 Syndicalism, Fascism, and the Psychology of the Masses 215 The Rationale of Orchestrated
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarian Socialism
    Libertarian Socialism Politics in Black and Red Editors: Alex Prichard, Ruth Kinna, Saku Pinta, and David Berry The history of anarchist-Marxist relations is usually told as a history of faction- alism and division. These essays, based on original research and written espe- cially for this collection, reveal some of the enduring sores in the revolutionary socialist movement in order to explore the important, too often neglected left- libertarian currents that have thrived in revolutionary socialist movements. By turns, the collection interrogates the theoretical boundaries between Marxism and anarchism and the process of their formation, the overlaps and creative ten- sions that shaped left-libertarian theory and practice, and the stumbling blocks to movement cooperation. Bringing together specialists working from a range of political perspectives, the book charts a history of radical twentieth-century socialism, and opens new vistas for research in the twenty-first. Contributors examine the political and social thought of a number of leading socialists— Marx, Morris, Sorel, Gramsci, Guérin, C.L.R. James, Hardt and Negri—and key movements including the Situationist International, Socialisme ou Barbarie and Council Communism. Analysis of activism in the UK, Australasia, and the U.S. serves as the prism to discuss syndicalism, carnival anarchism, and the anarchistic currents in the U.S. civil rights movement. Contributors include Paul Blackledge, Lewis H. Mates, Renzo Llorente, Carl SUBJECT CATEGORY Levy, Christian Høgsbjerg, Andrew Cornell, Benoît Challand, Jean-Christophe Politics-Anarchism/Politics-Socialism Angaut, Toby Boraman, and David Bates. PRICE ABOUT THE EDITORS $26.95 Alex Prichard is senior lecturer in International Relations at the University of Exeter.
    [Show full text]
  • Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945
    Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945 Ashley James Thomas Discipline of History School of History & Politics University of Adelaide Thesis presented as the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Adelaide March 2010 CONTENTS Abstract iii Declaration iv Acknowledgments v Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Interpreting Fascism: An Evolving 26 Historiography Chapter Three: The Fascist Critique of the Modern 86 World Chapter Four: Race, Reds and Revolution: Specific 156 Issues in the Fascist Utopia Chapter Five: Conclusion 202 Bibliography 207 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that utopian aspirations are a fruitful way to understand fascism and examines the utopian ideals held by a number of fascist writers. The intention of this thesis is not to define fascism. Rather, it is to suggest that looking at fascism’s goals and aspirations might reveal under-examined elements of fascism. This thesis shows that a useful way to analyse the ideology of fascism is through an examination of its ideals and goals, and by considering the nature of a hypothetical fascist utopia. The most common ways of examining fascism and attempting to isolate its core ideological features have been by considering it culturally, looking at the metaphysical and philosophical claims fascists made about themselves, or by studying fascist regimes, looking at the external features of fascist movements, parties and governments. In existing studies there is an unspoken middle ground, where fascism could be examined by considering practical issues in the abstract and by postulating what a fascist utopia would be like.
    [Show full text]
  • The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
    THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a.
    [Show full text]
  • Variants of Corporatist Governance: Differences in the Korean and Japanese Approaches in Dealing with Labor
    Variants of Corporatist Governance: Differences in the Korean and Japanese Approaches in Dealing with Labor By Taekyoon Kim Many scholars have highlighted Japan and South Korea (hereafter, Korea) as distinctive models of the “developmental state”, which can share common features in terms of the condensed economic development.1 The close strategic relationship between the bureaucratic government and big businesses has been often cited as one of the many similarities in which the two countries pursued rapid economic growth.2 Another trend in comparing the modern economies of Korea and Japan highlights the state’s embedded autonomy in directing industrial transformation.3 Overall, scholarly interest in the comparison of the two Asian countries’ modernization has been, hitherto, limited to economic and political development, rather than focusing on social relations underlying the political economy of post-war development. Indeed, a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in the his- torical patterns of the emergence of “systems of interest intermediation” in dealing with labor in Japan and Korea is a relatively unexploited topic.4 There have only been a few attempts made at comparing the national bargaining arrangements among major interest groups and governments. Although some pioneering Japanese works introduce a corporatist account for its post-war labor relations5 and a historical analysis of negotiation characteristics of social contracts6, they all simply classify the Japanese case as an anomaly with the emphasis on the state’s deliberate management of weak labor forces. Like- wise, the existing literature related to Korea’s labor politics and civil society tends to emphasize the uniqueness embedded in its social and industrial relations – the confrontation between “the strong state and the contentious society.”7 Thus, the dearth of comparative perspective in this area results in Taekyoon Kim received his D.Phil at the University of Oxford.
    [Show full text]
  • Behind the Black Bloc: an Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
    Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Samuel Hodgson, and Austin Blair June 2021 FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross Samuel Hodgson Austin Blair June 2021 FDD PRESS A division of the FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES Washington, DC Behind the Black Bloc: An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 7 ORIGINS OF CONTEMPORARY ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ....................................... 8 KEY TENETS AND TRENDS OF ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ........................................ 10 Anarchism .............................................................................................................................................................10 Anti-Fascism .........................................................................................................................................................11 Related Movements ..............................................................................................................................................13 DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITANT GROUPS ........................................................................ 13 Anti-Fascist Groups .............................................................................................................................................14
    [Show full text]