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Debs: The American Labor Party [Jan. 1925] 1

The American Labor Party. by Eugene V. Debs

Published in The Socialist World [Chicago], v. 6, no. 1 (Jan. 1925), pp. 1-2, 4.

The progressive tendencies in American poli- shining examples) but an open-and-above-board tics are the outgrowth of the final stages of Ameri- Labor Party, standing squarely on a labor platform, can capitalism and reflect the political awakening and marshalling its forces to fight labor’s political of the American working class. battles for its industrial freedom. These tendencies, despite all attempts Most earnestly do I hope such a party will through the blind stupidity of the workers and result from the Conference for Progressive Politi- the covert machinations of their enemies to thwart cal Action to be held at Chicago beginning Feb- or misdirect them, will inevitably lead to and re- ruary 21st in pursuance of the agreement of the sult in the formation of an American Labor Party. Conference to follow up the progressive [LaFol- When? lette/Wheeler] campaign with a permanent party I do not know. I hope soon. But soon or late, organization. it will come. That I know if I have learned any- To be frank I shall have to confess, not with- thing at all about the operation of the resistless out reluctance, that I have not the faith I should forces that are centralizing capital, socializing in- like to have in a consummation so devoutly to be dustry, organizing and arraying the workers against wished. But whatever the outcome I shall not be their exploiting masters, and compelling them disappointed. I have long since gotten over that more and more to take the initiative in the inten- and learned how to wait. sifying struggle growing out of their antagonistic We can have no effective Labor Party with- economic interests, which can end only with their out the backing and support of the labor unions. complete industrial emancipation. That is a fact without question. The present lead- This struggle is political as well as economic ers of the unions, strange as it certainly appears, and will, because it must, be fought out accord- are almost to a man opposed to a Labor Party. In ingly, and this can only be done when labor has a this they are in entire accord with the capitalist as well as an economic union of its masters and labor exploiters. own to express its interests, declare its aims, and The hope for an American Labor Party lies develop its power to fight its battles and achieve not in the official labor leaders but in the rank its victory. and file, and until the latter are aroused, insist This does not mean that a Labor Party shall upon, and compel independent political action, consist exclusively of workers but it does mean that no such a craft can be successfully launched upon all who enter its ranks do so with the understand- the foul and stagnant waters of American politics. ing that it is a Labor Party, not a middle-class party, If a bona fide Labor Party cannot be orga- not a reform party, nor a progressive party (of nized at Chicago, then I hope that no party at all which the Republican and Democratic Parties are will issue from that conference. Better far no party 1 2 Debs: The American Labor Party [Jan. 1925] than a nondescript imitation of one, composed of to control its own economic and social life, and so-called progressive and reform elements, more the right of the toiling and producing masses to or less muddled, discordant, and wholly lacking own their own jobs, to enjoy the fruits of their in clear aim, definite object, and concerted pur- own labor, and to be the masters of their own lives. pose. I am suspicious of those who admit that we A “Third Party” of such a nature would at must have a Labor Party but object to having it best align the dwindling “little interests” against called by its right name. the triumphant “big interests,” seek to patch up It should be a matter of pride and certainly and prolong the present corrupt and collapsing not of shame to a Labor Party to have its true title capitalist system, and failing utterly to effect any nailed to its masthead. material change or achieve any substantial benefit If not, why not? Shall we fear to keep out would finally fizzle out and add one more to the many who would otherwise join? That is the very list of “third party” fiascoes. reason the party should be known for what it ac- A political party to succeed, for good or evil, tually is as well as what it actually stands for. We must express, in the main, identical economic in- must bear no false label, carry no false banner, nor terests, without which there is no foundation to seek support under any false pretense whatsoever. build or stand upon. A third party at this advanced We must stand avowedly, face front, for labor — stage of our industrial and social development, for the people who produce, who render needed unless it stood expressly for labor, would be lack- service, and who are useful and necessary to the ing such a foundation and consequently could not world. endure. Only a Labor Party can now be organized We need not designate both industrial labor as a third party with any hope whatever of perma- and farm labor in naming our party. Both are la- nence and achieving its object. bor, alike useful, productive, and necessary, sub- A political party today must stand for labor ject to the same exploitation, and bound to be and the freedom of labor, or it must stand for capi- united in political solidarity in the same political tal and the exploitation of labor. It cannot possi- party. bly stand for both any more than it could for both It is a fact as amazing as it is humiliating that freedom and slavery. the workers of the , the most ad- I want to see the workers of this nation rise vanced industrial nation on the globe, are practi- in the might of their intelligence and demand a cally the only ones who have no political party of party of their own, free eternally free from the their own, being content to give their support to paralyzing putridities of the parties of their silk- the corrupt and enslaving parties of their masters, hatted, wealth-inflated, job-owning, and labor- and meekly bowing their necks to the yoke of in- exploiting masters — a party with a backbone and junction rule. the courage to stand up without apology and pro- Every other nation large and small with claim itself a Labor Party, clean, confident of its scarcely an exception has its labor party in full own inherent powers, bearing proudly the union panoply fighting its battles for emancipation. label in token of its fundamental conquering prin- Even Mexico, so long reviled by our 100% ciple of industrial and political solidarity, and chal- Morons† as the land of “greasers” and peonage, lenging the whole world of capitalism to contest has its militant labor movement to shame us into the right of this nation to own its own industries, getting into line with the advancing columns of

†- The reference is to the slogan “100% Americanism,” ubiquitous rallying cry of the conservatives of the day. Debs: The American Labor Party [Jan. 1925] 3

International Labor’s Grand Army of Emancipa- ture of the working class program for deliverance tion. from industrial servitude. Let me make it clear that I am not wanting The Socialist Party can, should, and I have another Socialist Party organized. We already have no doubt will join such a party wholeheartedly, one and that is enough. Neither do I want an- become an integral part of its structure, reserving, other capitalist party organized, having already however, its autonomy unimpaired and using all two, more than enough. its powers and functions in building up, equip- A middle-class party, by whatever name, ping, promoting, and directing the general party. would still be a capitalist party, for while it might To this end the Socialist Party must stand champion “little interests” against “big interests,” fearless and erect, inflexible and uncompromising with a sop to labor, it would still stand for the for the working class upon the basis of the class capitalist system and the perpetuation of wage-sla- struggle and wage the war against capitalism for very. the liberation of labor from its age-old bondage. If a genuine Labor Party is organized at Chi- In the event of failure to organize a Labor cago I shall not expect the platform to go the limit Party with which we can consistently affiliate, I of radical demands but shall be satisfied with a shall hope and strive for the continuance of the reasonable statement of labor’s rights and inter- Conference for Progressive Political Action and its ests as well as its duties and responsibilities, doubt- sessions and deliberations from time to time until ing not that with the progress of the party its plat- it shall finally culminate, as it eventually must, in form will in due time embrace every essential fea- the AMERICAN LABOR PARTY.

Edited by Tim Davenport. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2005. • Free reproduction permitted.

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