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".AS LONG .AS VVE DANCE, VVE SHALL KNOW WHO WE ÀRE"

A STUDY OF OFF-RESERVATION TRADITIONAL INTERTRIBAL POWWOWS

IN CENTRAL OHIO

DISSERTATION

P r e se n t e d in P a r t ia l F u l f il l m e n t o f t h e R equirements for

THE D ecree D o c t o r o f P h il o so ph y in t h e G r a d u a t e Sc h o o l

OF T he O h io S tate U niversity

By

V ic t o r ia E u c e n ie S a n c h e z , B.A., M.A.

*

The Ohio State University 1995

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

Patrick B. Mullen Inéz Cardozo-Freeman Beverly Moss Adviser Department of English OMI Number: 9544678

Copyright 1995 by Sanchezr Victoria Eugenie All rights reserved.

OMI Microform 9544678 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Copyright by

VICTORIA EUGENIE SANCHEZ

1995 MTTAKUYE OYASIN

u ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I could not have successfully completed this project without the support and encouragement of many people. Dr. Patrick B. Mullen patiently and thoroughly reviewed many drafts-in-progress, engaging me in intellecutal debate which fostered the development of many points of this paper. Inez Cardozo-Freeman and Beverly Moss, the other members of my committee, also provided invaluable guidance and insight. I would like to express my heartfelt appreciation to all of the people who have shared their powwow experiences and knowledge with me, informally and formally; I would especially like to thank those who were interviewed for this project. My family and friends have been tremendously supportive in many ways. Particularly, I would like to thank my husband John for the many sacrifices he willingly endured to allow me the time needed to complete this project; without his committment, time and love none of this would have been possible. Our two boys, Dakota and Braveheart, have provided not only inspiration but constant understanding and love. Aurora B. Sanchez was patient, confident and encouraging. Also, I thank Katherine Heeren for helping out, often on short notice. Victoria Althoff, always encouraging and supportive, kindly provided her desktop publishing expertise in putting this document into its final form.

lU VITA

July 12, 1967 ...... Bom - Austin, Texas

1988 B.A., University of Southwestern Louisiana, Lafayette, Louisiana

1988-1990 ...... Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of English The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1991-1992 Adjunct Professor, Capital University Adult Degree Program, Columbus, Ohio

1991 Adjunct Faculty, Columbus State Community College, Columbus, Ohio

1992-presen t ...... Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of English, The Ohio StateUniversity, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: English Studies in: Folklore, Native American Studies, 20th Century Literature, Mass Communications

IV TABLE OF CONTENI S

DEDICATION...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... üi VITA...... iv CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION...... t

Interpretative Framework: Summary of Scholarship ...... 4 Methodological Framework: Refiexivity and Fieldwork ...... 17 Background and History...... 38 Central Ohio Powwows ...... 43

II. WHAT IS A TRADITIONAL LNTERTRIBAL POWWOW...... 46

The First Powwow...... 46 How Contemporary Powwows Began in Central Ohio ...... 49 Moon When Ponies Shed, 1989 ...... 31 ^developments in Traditional Sty les...... SS A Celebration of Spirituality, Life, and Unity...... 61 Symbolic Patterns in Dance. ______64 Cross Cultural Orientation and Respect ...... 69 III. POWWOW AND SECULAR RITUAL: LIMINALITY, RITUAL RECONNECTIONS, CREATING SUCCESSFUL EXPERIENCE FOR PARTICIPANTS AND AUDIENCE...... 76

Liminal Existence ...... 79 Individual and Collective Liminality...... 82 Communal Transformative Ritual and Changing Public Consciousness ...... 85 Establishing A Sense of Connection ...... 89 Creating A Sense of Unity and Negotiating Points of Contention ...... 93 Reclaiming Personal Native American Identity...... 97 Societal Ritual Reconnection ...... 102 Strategic Adaptation of Euro-American Elements Into Native American Cultural Framework...... 104 Creating Successful Ritual Experience ...... 108 Evaluating Secular Ritual ...... 110 Traditionalizing Elements ...... 119

IV. POWWOWS AND CULTURAL POLITICS: TFIE DYNAMICS OF ETHNICITY...... 128

Emergent Ethnicity...... 130 Tourism and Education ...... 147 Authenticity and Invention ...... 154 Selection and Intensification ...... 161

V. Conclusions. ______166

VI APPENDIXES

Appendix A ...... 177 Appendix B ...... 180 Appendix C ...... 181

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 183

vu CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Powwows are Native American celebrations of community and spirituality, featuring Native American drum and dance as well as vendors offering Native American foods, craft items and various other materials. Powwows in Central Ohio, like most powwows across North America, are open to the public for a small admission donation, and are thus an important aspect of intercultural relations. At powwows, especially in the Central Ohio area where Indians are intensely engaged in renegotiating their relationship to the non-Indian society, the political and social definitions of concepts such as "tradition," "authenticity," and even "Indian" as well as the roles of Indian and non-Indian are debated, formally and informally; while a unified Indian- community consensus is, out of political necessity, projected, often there is quite a range of organizational, tribal and individual difference. Powwows in Central Ohio function as an important bridge between Native Americans and non-Native Americans on many levels, although many problems and conflicts must be confronted in order to create and maintain this cultural bridge. Powwows are primarily Indian events for Indian people, but the presence of members of the general public, as touristic spectators and potential participants is actively encouraged through publicity efforts. There is little scholarship concerning Native American powwows, none of which addresses the full complexity of powwows and how they function. Most materials note the celebratory nature of powwows and the importance of powwows in contemporary Native life. For example. Barre Toelken establishes the role of powwow in ethnic identity as an occasion for learning the cultural context important to clothing, dance, food ways and customs of powwows. For "'urban Indians' and non-Indian participants, powwows affirm ties to the community, and for all, the powwow is an occasion for the material and oral articulation and transmission of traditional values" (American Indian Powwow, 52-3). The recollection of W. Richard West, included in the forward to Native American Dance, reiterates that the powwow is a focal point for articulation and transmission of Indian values and history. He writes

In my life as a Southern Cheyenne, dance has always occupied a very special place. When I was six years old, my father made for my younger brother and me our first dance ensembles, complete with feather bustles, moccasins, buffalo-bone breastplates, bells and head roaches. Realizing, perhaps, that at the time I was more enamored of the colorful flufk on the bustles and the sounds I could make with one-inch bells strapped at my knees, my father took considerable care to explain why certain materials were used in the dance outfits, what they meant, and what their importance was in the Cheyenne way. When he taught us the dances themselves — which included the Eagle, Shield, Buffalo, Round, Two-step, and War dances, among others — he paid equal attention to emphasizing the place of dance as ceremony rather than only as performance. As a result, I have always considered dance to be among the most profound cultural expressions — for me personally — of what it is to be Cheyenne, (ix)

Toelken further establishes (Ethnic Selection and American Indian Powwow), that powwows are an important venue for affirming community ties and articulating traditional values within the context of contemporary life, and that seemingly incompatible elements of the non-Indian world, such as automobiles and competition are incorporated in ways that are consistent with Indian values. But the existing scholarship on powwows does not address how contentious the concept of tradition actually is, the varying degrees of traditionality of powwow participants and the fact that internal conflicts, and contact and conflict with others are important in developing and continuing community identity. Central concepts of academic study and of this project are important issues addressed in operation by the organizers and participants in Central Ohio's traditional intertribal powwows. These areas include ethnic identification; creation and maintenance of ethnic identity; relation of cultural practices to identity; tradition, invention of tradition, authenticity and emergent ethnicity; strategic construction of "ethnicity" "identity" "tradition" and "authenticity" for ideological purposes; and the relation of the social and political spheres. Powwow events

provide one arena, one setting in which traditional and neotraditional ways can be acted out and verbalized, and in which Indian identity can be openly and directly expressed, practiced, and promoted — in contrast to many other settings, in which Indian people must survive in the dominant society. (Huenemann, 133) Theoretical approaches and concepts concerning emergent ethnicity, and studies of authenticity, tradition and tourism help to elucidate how Central Ohio's off-reservation, traditional inter tribal powwows function. Additionally, Barbara Vfeyerhoff's theories of secular ritual, which build upon Victor Turner's work in that field, elucidate the complementary and equally important facet of invented transformative ritual at the societal level: powwows are a ritual reconnection to culture which the off-reservation Indian community needs in their particularly liminal state of existence as Indians in a non-Indian world. This combination of approaches is a definite and unique contribution to research on ethnicity, on contemporary Native America, and on powwows. Chapter Two establishes that powwows have always been a dynamic form, changing as socio-historic contexts changed and increasing intertribal relations occurred. The contemporary powwow form is similar across North America but has its origins in Northern and Southern Plains gatherings. Detailed descriptions of Central Ohio Traditional Intertribal powwows are provided, establishing their representativeness of the genre and placing them in a broader context. Chapters Three and Four analyze the multiple facets of powwows, specifically those of Central Ohio, taking into account the various levels of participation and cultural knowledge among participants and visitors. Chapter Three evaluates powwow according to Barbara Meyerhoff's discussions of secular ritual, exploring the significance of the event for Native American people. Meyerhoff's model of evaluating secular ritual allows for the presence of a participating audience with varying degrees of fluency in the culture. Presence of an audience is important facet of powwows, and one level of transition affected by the ritual is change in public perception of contemporary Indianness. The complex interplay among organizers, participants and visitors is extended in Chapter Four to examine issues of tradition, authenticity, and tourism. Chapter Five differentiates pan-lndian 'and "intertribal” in relation to powwows, and, drawing on the foregoing analysis, suggests that powwows are a successful working model of multiculturalism because they are about intertribal negotiation rather than pan-ethnic conglomeration. Intertribal powwows stress Native American commonalties in relation to mainstream American culture, while still stressing tribal individuality within the Native American community. This dissertation addresses several questions. Deciding who is Indian in Central Ohio and who is entitled to represent Indian interests is a central issue to both discussion of powwow as ritual and to exploration of cultural politics of emergent ethnicity. Other central questions are: In what ways do powwows connect the past, present and future of Indianness? How do powwows contribute to a sense of Native American ethnic identity, both for Natives and for non-Natives? Can powwows be seen as communal rites of passage in Native America's continuing adjustment to Euro-American domination? What role does powwow play for off-reservation Indians "walking in two worlds"? What is the relationship between the social and the political spheres? What is the role of visitors to a powwow? How do powwows promote public awareness of contemporary Indianness? How are powwows affected by debates over authenticity and tradition? Do powwows promote pan-lndianism? Are powwows a successful working model of multiculturalism?

Interpretive F r a m ew o rk : S um m ary o f S c h o l a r s h ip

Native American powwows are surprisingly understudied, as Toelken laments. Although there are newspaper and magazine articles announcing Native American powwows and covering the event, and there are a few children's books devoted to the color and action of the powwows and the dancers, there is very little scholarly material on the subject. Toelken's "Ethnic Selection and Intensification in the Native American Powwow " explains:

Although American Indian ritual and celebratory dances have enjoyed close examination and analysis through the years. Native vema'-ular dances have not been taken so seriously.... perhaps because their participants seem to be having fun instead of playing to the white stereotype of Indian stoicism, the social dances, especially those of an intertribal nature, have remained outside the experience and ken of mainstream Americans. One result is that, for whatever reason, the contemporary intertribal powwow, an increasingly popular vernacular dance expression among Native Americans, has not been given much attention by scholars, even though it has become one of the most common articulations of "Indianness" among Indians today (137).

The notes to this article, published in Creative Ethnicity in 1991, list only a previous article by Toelken with Vanessa Brown, "American Indian Powwow" and "Celebration: Native Events in Eastern Canada " by Michael Sam Cronk, with Beverly Cavanagh and Franziska von Rosen, both of which appear in the 1987 edition of Folklife Annual, a publication of the American Folklife Center at the Library of Congress. The concept of tradition is basic to this study. Handler and Linnekin explain 'There is no essential, bounded tradition; tradition is a model of the past and is inseparable from the interpretation of tradition in the present. Undeniably, traditional action may refer to the past, but to be about’ or to refer to is a symbolic rather than a natural relationship, and as such it is characterized by discontinuity as well as by continuity "(276). Native Americans use the word "tradition" in many contexts, and although it conveys different senses of connection with the past it is never a completely bounded concept. Tradition is not assumed to be a bounded or static entity which can be passed through the generations with little or no change and adaptation to cultural contexts. Tradition seems to be assumed to be unbounded in the sense that what is considered to be traditional or appropriate today is in relation to the present day context as an outgrowth of historical contexts; thus, important markers of Indianness today, including frybread, beaded earrings, and intertribal powwows themselves, were unknown to Indians five hundred years ago. But while Native Americans may be aware of a process of cultural dynamics and cross cultural influences which shape changes in powwow form and elements considered "traditional" and appropriate, they are by no means aware that their sense of the past and tradition is constantly reinvented in the present. Thus, while Native American conceptualizations of tradition are compatible with the academic conception, they are not identical. Handler and Linnekin contend that because tradition is evolving constantly, there is a false dichotomy between "tradition" and "modernity." Thus, as Toelken (American Indian Powwow, Ethnic Selection and Intensification), and Vennum (Ojibwa Dance Drum) establish from a practice standpoint, theoretically as well, there is no contradiction in incorporation of non- Native elements int a Native framework. However, because Native Americans are not self­ consciously aware of their construction of the past in the present, the discontinuity which Handler and Linnekin assert characterizes the symbolic relationship of present to past (276) becomes problematic. At times, the comments of my informants indicate their understanding and approval of the dynamic change in Native American cultural ways as groups increasingly come into contact with other groups, non-Indian cultures and ways, and technological progress. At other times, comments are sharply disapproving of some changes which are perceived to be "non-traditional". Considering politics of identity (the subject of chaper Four), a sense of dichotomy between tradition and modernity is important in constructing group identity and in expressing distinctness within the larger society. Thus terms like neo-traditional" or comments that powwows stand in contrast or rebuttal to modernity (both of which appear within quotations later in this chapter) are problematic; while they are attempting to express the continued vitality of Native American cultural expression, they suggest a dichotomy between traditional and modern which implies that modernity is inauthenticating. Under Handler and Linnekin's concept, the continual process of construction of the "traditional" element within the "modem" present establishes that "traditions are neither genuine nor spurious" (288). It is difficult to sort out at what point change or innovation is considered to be part of the normal dynamics of cultural tradition and at what point it is perceived as negative and threatening. One clue is in whether the elements are incorporated consistently with the sense of Native American tribal identity, or whether they are perceived to belong more to Euro-American worldview. Of course, between these positions is a range of possibilities, and differentiating what is more Native American from what is more Euro-American is as problematic as evaluating the related concept of tradition. A complicating factor here is speed of occurrence. While Native American tribal groups have always been in contact with different tribal groups and sharing of cultural elements has occurred, the process was typically gradual, giving ample time for appropriated elements to be adjusted according to the specific cultural values and customs of the appropriating group. Forced contact with European and Euro-American cultures, whose worldview is considerably opposed to Native worldview and whose actions very concretely threatened the physical, cultural and spiritual survival of Native American peoples, greatly speeded up the process of incorporating newer elements. Thus, there is less time to be sure elements are consistent with existing cultural elements as initial incorporation occurs. Adjustments are continually made which eventually bring contradictory elements into distinctly Native American expression, but this, again, takes time. During that process, the perceived "traditionality" of the elements is in great contention. With time, any innovation, no matter how initially non-traditional, has the potential to be incorporated and considered to be traditional. While there is no essential core in Handler and Linnekin's view of tradition, they allow that distinctive cultural practices in the process of constructing tradition allow for cultural distinctions. Specifically, "no ethnic group can maintain a believable (viable) identity without signs, symbols, and underling values that point to a distinctive identity" (Royce, 7). Royce points out that "humans constantly acquire new traits, change and rework old ones, abandon some features altogether" (9). It is through this on-going process that tradition is reconceptualized. However, as Royce also stresses, establishing a sense of ethnic identity is very difficult without some historical tradition, "To be effective, this past must be acknowledged by other groups, and acknowledgement comes more easily if people can recognize some relatively constant features"

(10). Toelken proposes a process of selection and intensification of culturally significant elements in the process of redefining ethnicity in relation to a dominant culture.

It is the thesis of this essay that the powwow phenomenon can be viewed as a decodable kinetic statement about the realities of life for ethnically aware Native Americans, as well as a tableau scene of intense cultural meaning within hostile surroundings. The dynamic relationship between tribal and intertribal concerns, as well as between intertribal and mainstream ("immigrant," In the view of many American Indians) cultures, is played out and articulated by the powwow In the spatial and temporal arrangements of activities, in the similarities and differences between tribal customs, in the specific styles of dance and their continually developing meanings, in the respective roies of men and women, in the delicate balances between cooperation and competition, and in the overlapping of secular and sacred concerns. (138)

The problem arises when fixation of those features results in judgements of authenticity based on a bounded concept of tradition. Powwows are often evaluated by visitors, media coverage, and Indian participants, in terms of authenticity. Concepts of tradition and authenticity are closely related, and judgements of "authenticity" are too often made according to perceived relationship with historical elements rather than by the criteria of consistency with cultural framework or worldview. The general public's conceptualization of Native Americans is largely about past images, and powwows tend to be construed as survivals from the past, representative of dying ways, completely in contradiction to Handler and Linnekin and Royce's conceptualization of traditionality. Unfortunately, the same outdated attitude is often projected to Native Americans. However, Native Americans tend to recognize that powwows are part of their dynamic culture, even if they are not always so pleased with the increasing dominant culture influences. As the larger society becomes increasingly concerned by what it perceives as the disappearance of or dilution of cultural "traditions ' there are often attempts at legislating tradition, and thus unnaturally freezing that very cultural development. Powwows are significantly affected by one such law, the Native American Arts and Crafts act of 1990, and the implications discussed in Chapter Four reveal the difficulties of negotiating bounded and unbounded concepts of tradition, authenticity and ethnicity. 8

Folklore performance is often in a context of differential identity (Bauman), and such contexts allow each group to learn about the others even while a sense of boundaries is being established. Regina Bendix's 'Tourism and Cultural Displays: Inventing Traditions for Whom?" concludes that folkloric spectacles can be a means of creating and asserting local or ethnic identity in the face of foreign or tourist invasion. This concept parallels the assertion of Toelken, Heth, Royce and other scholars of ethnicity that a particular element can serve as the focus of emergent ethnicity, revealing that the festivals are important in the locals' sense of identity, as are powwows to Central Ohio Native American identity. In this case, the incorporation of imposed elements into the established cultural framework is particularly evident. Rather than emerging from the local culture, the Interlochen festivals which Bendix studied were invented for touristic and nationalistic purposes. The cultural displays originally invented to attract tourists or for other political reasons have become a means for "affirmation of local and national cultural identity in the face of seasonal mass foreign invasion" (Bendix, 132). She notes that locals come from throughout the surrounding area to watch and participate, showing up in greater numbers than outside tourists, to affirm their cultural identity (132). Thus the festival, regardless of its origins and stated purposes can be an important means of affirming identity, in relation to the larger society. Although powwows are not created in the same sense as the Interlochen festivals, in their touristic aspects, there are similarities. Tourism and multicultural elements, while important, are secondary to affirmation of cultural identity. Powwows invite the attendance and participation (although in a somewhat limited frame ) of the general public as a means of distinguishing and displaying Indianness and affirming cultural identity. Although the intention is to display, and thus make the public aware of, contemporary Indianness, because of the predominance of evaluation based on bounded concepts, there is potential that "invented traditions" (newer elements which are consistent with the cultural framework and worldview) may be judged as inauthentic corruptions and the romanticized notions of the past may be reinforced. Powwows sponsored by Indian organizations allow non-Indians a chance to participate in an aspect of Native American life, as Native Americans live it, without being particularly intrusive. Contemporary powwows have evolved from tribal celebrations and tribal and intertribal gatherings where anyone, regardless of national origin, could attend and participate. In the same way, although non-Indian attendance is valued for a variety of reasons, contemporary Native American powwows are Indian events. Because Indian identity has been determined in the American consciousness by non- Indians for various political, legal and social purposes (Berkhoffer's The White Man's Indian gives a lengthy and specific account of this historical process), establishing their own identity and voice today is especially difficult. This is especially so considering that Indians are struggling to determine their own identities (both individually, tribally and inter-tribally). Ethnicity, like the "tradition" to which it is linked, is not a bounded entity to be handed down from generation to generation. In any dynamic culture, there will be change, adaptation to changing social, economic, geographic and other contexts, which necessitates corresponding adjustment to traditions and to ethnicity itself. In other words, what is considered "traditional" is always determined in the present, interpreting the past. Ethnicity, which is based on these interpretations of the past and of what is traditional, is ever-changing and reinterpreted as well, often along the lines of Toelken's theory of selection and intensification. Ethnicity is constructed based on present emphasis on how elements of tradition are interpreted. Michael J. Fischer eloquently explains the complexity involved in grappling with ethnic identity.

Ethnicity is something reinvented and reinterpreted in each generation by each individual and that it is often something quite puzzling to the individual, something over which he or she lacks control. Ethnicity is not something simply passed from generation to generation, taught and teamed;.... there is no role model for becoming -American. It is a matter of finding a voice or style that does not violate one's several components of identity. (195-6)

The concept of emergent ethnicity complicates efforts to define who is Indian and what is traditional. Because ethnicity is not a bounded concept, and because there is no standard model of interpreting ethnicity, within any ethnic group there will be a range of interpretations. Tradition- oriented Native Americans place greater value on continuing cultural ways while others may place more value on assimilating into "mainstream America " Of course, there is a full range of attitudes between those positions. Position on this spectrum influences the construction or interpretation of tradition, thus complicating further the concept. In turn, judging by narrower criteria of knowledge of and adherence to traditional customs and views, tradition-oriented Native Americans will exclude from the ethnic category many non-tradition-oriented people who include themselves in the category. One motivation for such exclusion is the danger of forced assimilation resulting from lack of self-representation (discussed further later in this chapter and in Chapter Four). 10

Because the general public is largely unaware of the concept of emergent ethnicity, dynamic changes in cultural elements such as powwows are interpreted as slippage rather than as part of the on going process of redefinition. Stephen Stem, in "Ethnic Folklore and the Folklore of Ethnicity," gives a good overview of the scholarship and its perspectives. His section on "Ethnic Folklore as a Response of New Social Experiences" considers the "emergence of new folkloric expressions which have arisen to meet the demands of new cultural and social pressures" (25), concluding that "it is only when contemporary ethnic folklore is treated as a legitimate field of inquiry in its own right, without preconceptions, that significant advances will be made in analyzing the dynamics of ethnicity in urban settings" (30). Stem's directive is particularly important to study of Central Ohio powwows which meet the particular demands of urban cultural and social pressures for Indians, many of whom are second generation, and have no reservation experience. Additionally, one member's perspective may be interpreted as representative without regard to that individual's position within the larger group. Although not as explicit as Fischer in identifying the struggle that individuals engage in when seeking to define or redefine ethnic identification. Stem is aware of that process and of its individual nature. He writes that the "degree of individual involvement varies from person to person and therefore one cannot isolate a given individual as typical of any ethnic group" (31). This is especially true of Native Americans because curious non-Natives often know so little that they are willing to take the perspective of any individual as representative. The general public is also largely unaware of differing degrees of orientation toward tradition, and the resulting conflicting attitudes and evaluations of traditionalists and more assimilated individuals and all shades in between. Stem stresses the importance of keeping in mind that "immigrant and ethnic generations have different standards of ethnic competence, that both evaluate each other from different frameworks, but that neither has more validity than the other" (31). The differential identity context (Bauman) is especially important in sorting out differentiations within an emergent ethnic identity as well as the ethnic group's relations with the larger society. Royce agrees that the signs and ^m bols so integral to ethnic identity are "products of interaction with other groups " (7). Matt T. Salo's "The Expression of Ethnicity in Rom Oral Tradition," illuminates the element of contrast in identity formation, especially in multi cultural situations, concluding that "ethnic identity therefore becomes a composite self image created out li of ail the actual contrasts made" (34). 'The adaptive strategies utilized by the Rom are the result of an interplay of their basic values and situational opportunities. However, it is the values, not the opportunities, that dictate one's choice of strategy" (53). For Native Americans as well, ethnic identity is in relationship to other Native groups and general American identity. Indians, as groups and individuals, must negotiate a complex interplay of cross cultural influences, and rely strongly on their Native values in pursuing strategies for adaptation. Two examples of the importance of values in adaptive strategy are Native American powwow organizers' insistence on emphasizing contemporary Indianness rather than romanticized or stereotypical notions, and their refusal to compromise values in powwow fundraising and publicity strategies (both discussed in Chapter Four). Royce develops the dynamics of differential identity influence by describing a double boundary which accounts for differences in evaluation of ethnic competency.

Some symbols are relevant specifically to inter-ethnic boundaries. Others are used to differentiate within groups and may have no relevance whatsoever to nonmembers. The two systems may interact, and there may be some bleeding across boundaries; but they may also function as separate systems with their own patterns of response and rates of change. (7)

This double boundary is very useful in examining the complex dynamics of Central Ohio powwows. The cultural knowledge shared by members of the same group is much greater than that shared by members of different groups" (Royce, 145). Expression and display of Indianness at powwows in this area of great Indian diversity are a means of negotiating position within the Indian community and are evaluated for competency by standards completely different from powwow visitors who lack the depth of cultural awareness necessary for such specific and subtle evaluation. It is necessary, however, to create a sense of shared identity, both for members and potential members of the group and in relation to the larger society. Toelken implies that the selection and intensification of symbols of Native American identity displayed through powwow is resulting in creation of a pan-Indian which will supplant tribally specific identities. However, Royce's double boundary dynamics explain that while a sense of shared identity and unified pan- Indian voice is created in relation to the larger society, within the collective Native American community, tribally specific identity expression is still valued, even though indistinguishable to 12 the larger society. Thus the symbols of collective Native American identity are important, but do not necessarily supplant tribally specific symbols.

For a symbol to be effective, it must have meaning for both the people who display it and the people to whom it is displayed. The most powerful symbols are those that have some strong universal implication or those that have been forged in the interaction, however minimal, between groups the process of symbol selection is a complex one involving incomplete knowledge, perceptions distorted by strained situations, and more-or-less accurate imputation of motives. (Royce 148)

Continuity and innovation attest to the vitality of Native traditions. "Celebration: Native Events in Eastern Canada" looks at three types of Native Celebrations in Canada, one of which is powwow. "At these events, two central ideas emerge: the continued importance of music and dance for Native cultural expression, and the diversity as well as unity of Native traditions throughout this region" (70). This article does point out that though the powwow is an intertribal event, it has many elements which are pan-Indian. However, powwows are not about fitting specific tribal identities into a single pan-Indian mold but, rather, allow for tribal individuality to mold the form of the powwow. The distinction between pan-Indian and inter tribal is an important one: pan-ethnic events seek to create, construct and present a common, blended, unified identity which does not otherwise exist, thus creating excessive friction among the subsumed identities, to the detriment of the event's success and longevity. As an inter tribal event, powwows allow for individuality, and, although there may be some conflicts among individuals and tribal groups, retaining differences rather than forcing similarities does not create such a destructive force. Frank Manning's "Carnival in Canada: The Politics of Celebration " and Laurie Kay Sommers's "Inventing Latinismo: The Creation of "Hispanic" Panethnicity in the United States " examine the politics and in fighting often involved in presenting a public pan-ethnic front and help to identify some of the variables which contribute to success or failure of the effort. Inter ethnic events, such as the intertribal powwow, allow for group and personal individuality and, although there may be some conflict, retaining differences rather than forcing similarities does not create that destructive force. In Central Ohio particularly, there are a number of tribal identities represented in powwow drum, dance, clothing and food. Additionally, the 13 tremendous differences in orientation toward tradition and personal interpretation of traditionality are contained. Intertribal powwows are remarkably successful at negotiating Native American distinctions while presenting a united front reinforced through cultural display. Recognizing that powwows are intertribal in nature, and that the category Native American contains much diversity which must be negotiated, is important and necessary for academic study as well as for popular conceptualization. This is true not only for the category Native American but also for other ethnic categories. For example, African Americans have been the subject of as much, if not more, study as Native Americans and are the most familiar minority to most Americans. However, diversity within the group, if realized at all, is disturbing. John W. Roberts, in "African American Diversity and the Study of Folklore" notes that only recently have scholars begun to challenge simplistic constructions of African American cultural tradition, "insisting that African American cultural diversity become a conscious dimension of praxis... the work in this area of cultural study continues to be educational in the broadest sense of the term" (157). For Native Americans, as well as for African Americans, we must acknowledge the complexity of dynamics involved in emergent ethnicity rather than making correlations with some ideal of authenticity. As Roberts stresses, "we must accept [contemporary African Americannessj as a dynamic creative cultural process reflective not only of an African cultural heritage but also one influenced historically by economic, political, and social conditions as well as creative traditions encountered by African people in the New World context" (163). One important element is the notion of community. We readily recognize that American community has shifted in focus from the neighborhood to other aspects of social life such as workplace or other shared interests. We must make this same shift when considering ethnic community. Indianness, or community, is not tied completely to reservations, or even to Indian "pockets" within an urban area. Just because a Native American does not live in proximity to other Natives, does not reflect a dilution of Indianness, or imply turning one's back on one's community. Roberts notes that in the case of African Americans as well, physical detachment from black neighborhoods is equated with cultural detachment, but that is not always the case. Although to survive in high profile positions, many have to "mute their expressions of cultural identity in the workplace, at the same time, most continue to believe that if they are to survive psychically and socially in racist institutions and the society, they must continue to maintain strong ties to their 14

families and communities." They may turn to their neighborhoods for family social and religious activities or may "try as best they can to re-create and express their cultural heritage in the context of neighborhoods as well as in occupational settings in which the expression of their culture is often neither valued nor wanted." Roberts stresses the need to acknowledge and study the fact that ethnic middle-class-ness constructs folkness in unique ways (167). Considering Native American national, ethnic and community constructions is complicated by the fact that the national origins are the same nations and reservation areas which are dealing with emergent ethnicity. It is easier to recognize the differences between immigrant and national constructions with some geographic separation. Here, because there is no geographic distance and because of colonization, the national level is often differentiated from the "immigrant" or ethnic by temporal distance. Thus, Native Americans are evaluated, and to some extent evaluate themselves, according to pre-contact ideals, which are further complicated by historical inaccuracy, misperception, and romanticization. Powwows are important to Native American peoples' continuing identity formation at many levels. Michael Parfit, author of National Geographic magazine's June 1994 cover article on powwows, comes to the conclusion that powwows are important to Indians in relation to their resurging ethnic identity. Following the Powwow Trail, Parfit comes to understand what a powwow is, why Indians go to powwows, why the powwows are important to modern-day Indians and what there is for Indians to celebrate at powwows. After talking to and traveling with many powwow Indians and even being utilized to record competition scores in his laptop computer, he writes : "These Indians are not playing games about how it was. They're trying to carry a long heritage right into the future. This is not how it was . This is how it is "(105). And: "'These celebrations,' a friend told me, are how we maintain continuity in the face of incredible change " (113), a sentiment which is remarkably reminiscent of the work of Barbara Meyerhoff. Barbara Meyerhoff's work on ritual is useful in understanding the role of powwows for Indians coping in a non-Indian world. Her article "Rites of Passage: Process and Paradox " in Victor Turner's Celebration, Studies in Festivity and Ritual (1982), discusses the role of ritual in forming individual and societal transformation, resolving social problems and perpetuating order in moments of greatest anxiety. She contends that in modem fragmented society people must invent rituals for significant moments of transition. Meyerhoff explains Turner's expansion of the concept of liminality from "an intermediate stage in rites of passage to an exceptionally rich and 15

generative approach," a phase "existing autonomously, an independent and sometimes enduring category of people who are "betwixt and between" (117). By similarly extending Meyerhoff's establishment of importance of ritual from the individual to the group level, and seeing off- reservation Indians as a group m particular liminality, the important function of the off- reservation powwow can be explored. Meyerhoff's article "We Don't Wrap Herring in a Printed Page: Fusion Fictions and Continuity in Secular Ritual" explores the paradoxical nature of secular ritual and how it constructs a sense of unity. Discussion of the nonce ritual, the 1st annual or one time only event, makes an interesting parallel to Native powwows, which are nonce events for many of the non- Indian spectators. VIeyerhoff and Moore's introduction to Secular Ritual establishes that "ceremony and ritual are used in the secular affairs of modem life to lend authority and legitimacy to the positions of particular persons, organizations, occasions, moral values, view of the world and the like" (3-4) and that "ritual may do much more than mirror existing social arrangements and existing modes of thought. It can act to reorganize them or even help to create them" (5). In examining secular rituals occurring in many contemporary contexts, Meyerhoff and Moore set forth six formal properties of collective ritual as a traditionalizing instrument and five dimensions of ritual outcomes which provide useful frameworks for evaluating the dynamics of powwow as a secular ritual with several layers of participant and spectator involvement (discussed in Chapter Three). Victor Turner's "Variations on a Theme of Liminality " in Meyerhoff and Moore's Secular Ritual, consolidates his work on liminality, and how he has expanded Van Gennep's basic concept. Liminality can be a protracted rite, and even a way of life. Liminaries are in transition toward a new state, a transition which often involves some tearing down of their former state. But that reduction overlaps with reconstruction. Turner briefly distinguishes between private and public liminality, which is basically the difference between initiation rite and major seasonal festival (38). Powwows fall into the category of public liminality wherein "liminaries are everybody in the community, and no one is elevated in status at the end of the rites" (39). Turner also discusses the concept of communitas which involves a lack of self consciousness, centering or limiting the focus of attention which occur as a product of the activity rather than from adherence to a formal set of rules. Communitas, along with Communication of the Sacra, Ludic Recombination, is one of the three major features of liminality (Turner, Religious Celebrations). "In communitas there is a 16 direct, total confrontation of human identities which is rather more than the casual camaraderie of ordinary social life" (205). Turner explains that "History itself has sometimes generated religious phenomena approximating those found in liminal periods. This happens during epochs of marked cultural change and its accompanying personal psychological stress"(211). Such eras. Turner notes, provide conditions for revitalization movements. Turner's concepts are quite applicable to study of powwow as it functions in terms of ethnic revitalization. Although a powwow is by no means a sacred occasion (it is a predominantly secular occasion, although it contains sacred elements), the dynamics are much the same. Secular parallels to sacred patterns are also established by Frank Manning in "Cup Match and Carnival: Secular Rites of Revitalization in Decolonizing, Tourist-Oriented societies". In Meyerhoff and Moore's Secular Ritual . Manning outlines three general patterns leading to religious revitalization movements: Foreign incursion precipitates abrupt changes in native society; native response works to preserve and enhance selected aspects of the indigenous culture, partly by relating them to symbols drawn from the alien presence; and an intense manifestation of religions phenomena occur. Although these elements were established in study of religious revitalization movements. Manning shows that they have secular counterpart. "The native response is a reformulated cultural orientation which synthesizes indigenous development processes and alien images while remaining formally consistent with traditional meanings" (265). Manning studies the colonizing effects of mass tourism on Native societies and how the rituals of Cup Match in Bermuda and Carnival in Antigua serve as a focal point of ethnic identity in relation to foreign incursion. Powwows are a similar focal point of ethnic identity. Victor Turner's Introduction to Celebration: Studies in Festivity and Ritual applauds Meyerhoff's work, saying that it "has alerted Barbara Meyerhoff to the lively possibility of a new kind of applied anthropology.' Such a program would include the construction of performances' which would involve groups of modern individuals in assigning communal meaning to specifically modern and recurrent crises.. . If our society does not provide them for us, why cannot we provide them for ourselves? For there is clearly a profound therapeutic value in the recognition and ritualization of recurrent problems involved in the maintenance and repair of human relationships and in assigning meaning to what subjectively may seem to be merely pain and loss" (25). 17

Toelken's scholarship discusses the ways in which powwow fosters a sense of unity, both among Indians and between Indians and non-Indians, the dynamics of which are discussed in Chapters Three and Four. He notes that by overlooking study of powwow, we overlook "an important concept about the transmission of cultural reality as well," that "an idea may be phrased in a number of ways, and indeed it may survive more successfully if it is susceptible to continuous leassessment and retranslation into newer and more functional forms of expression" (138). The Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of the American Indian has published a colorful volume devoted to the importance of dance in all aspects of Native life. Native American Dance: Ceremonies and Social Traditions, edited by Charlotte Heth, discusses Native involvement with dance forms, including contemporary and Western forms, in a series of articles and sidebars written by Native scholars. Historical development of the powwow form and the intertribal or "war dance" in particular, including adaptations in costume, dance and drum, and participation are emphasized. It is clear that "although many of its elements are traditional, powwows are not unchanging continuations from the depths of time, but rather are the dynamic and creative expressions of Indian identity and pride, both for individuals and communities" (105). Toelken notes that the powwow is a social event stressing tribal affiliations rather than differences and displaying traditional Indian characteristics as well as innovations. The sense of unity reinforced through powwows is an important element of discussions of powwow's effectiveness as secular ritual (Chapter Three) as well as to discussions of ethnic identity (Chapter Four). For "Urban Indians" and non-Indian participants, powwows affirm ties to the community, and for all, the powwow is an "occasion for the material and oral articulation and transmission of traditional values " (52).

M ethodological fr a m ew o r k : reflexivity a n d h e l d w o r k

"I treat ethnography itself as a performance emplotted by powerful stories, " writes James Clifford in "On Ethnographic Allegory." He continues:

Embodied in written reports, these stories simultaneously describe real cultural events and make additional, moral, ideological, and even cosmological statements. Ethnographic writing is allegorical at the level both of its content (what it says about cultures and their histories) and of its form (what is implied by its mode of textualization). (98) IS

Emplotted in this dissertation about Central Ohio intertribal powwows and Central Ohio Native Americans, is my own story, as well as additional underlying ideological purposes. Although I am relying heavily on academic writings for the analytical framework for this project, the bulk of primary materials has come from field research over the past seven years, some of which was done informally in the earlier stages. I have established a position as participant- observer at powwows and other Native American events and gatherings, a position which preceded formal academic study for this project, and which has reinforced many of the ideological purposes discussed herein. Ethnographic researchers recognize that significant insights can come from researching a group with which the researcher has existing ties. For example, Andrei Simic, in the Introduction to Life's Career—Aging: Cultural Variations on Crowing Old, notes that, with one exception, each contributor to the volume carried out field work among a group to which the researcher was "personally tied by bonds of ethnicity" (10). Simic describes the significance of this perspective to the contributions: The self-identity and social role of the investigator are as much a part of the ethnographic description and analysis as are ostensibly detached scientific observations. In this instance, bicultural identities made it possible to assume at the same time the role of an insider with its concomitant insights, sensitivities, privileges of membership, and natural biases; and that of an outsider, a trained anthropologist committed to a position of objectivity. (10) Because I have formalized and extended an existing relationship for this project, the "story of ethnographic production and relationship" (Clifford, 103) and "polyvocality" (Clifford, 104) of the levels of allegory are foregrounded. "This polyvocailty is appropriate to the [ethnography's! predicament, that of many self-conscious ethnographic writers who find it difficult to speak of well-defined others' from a stable, distanced position. Difference invades the text; it can no longer be represented; it must be enacted " (Clifford, 104). One manifestation of difference is an indication of the process of critical questioning involved in ethnography. Reflexivity in ethnography necessitates examining the relationship between ethnographer and subjects as a factor in the researcher's interpretations. Barbara Babcock writes "it is essential that the relation of author to subject (and vice versa) informs the narrative " (392). She stresses the necessity of not imposing our own interpretative framework as THE right one, but rather reaching a more collaborative interpretation through the relationship built between author and subject. In her own work with Cochiti potter Helen Cordero, "the woman who revised my life" (Babcock, 19

391), Babcock's relationship with Cordero has been a central factor "Helen Cordero and I help each other to speak" (Babcock, 392). Foregrounding the researcher's role in ethnography and collaborative interpretation has been extended by Elaine Lawless into what she calls "reciprocal ethnography" (Negotiating Interpretative Differences, 311). Similar to Babcock, Lawless states that "this approach seeks to privilege no voice over another and relies on dialogue as the key to understanding illumination" (Lawless, Holy Women, 5). In her research with women clergy. Lawless has developed lasting friendships which have resulted in continued dialog and exchange of ideas through which she has discovered the principles for reciprocal ethnography; subjects are fully capable of interpreting the collected data, their interpretations often differ from the scholarly interpretation, and both perspectives can be validly supported. Lawless contends that this necessary dialog and collaboration be represented in the finished product as well. 'Thus, reflexivity is about how the ethnographer places herself within the context of the field situation and engages with the participants in a common endeavor to write, in the end, an honest and truthful ethnography" (Holy Women, 27). As Clifford illustrates, "ethnographic texts are inescapably allegorical, and a serious acceptance of this fact changes the ways they can be written and read" (99). Ethnographic accounts are necessarily constructed. Roger D. Abrahams, in his discussion of "Ordinary and Extraordinary Experience" in Victor W. Turner and Edward M. Brunner's The Anthropology of Experience, proposes that ethnographic researchers experience with a double consciousness. As the term "participant-observer" implies, researchers both experience and report the experience; they are both participant and witness (51). It is recognition of this double consciousness upon which reciprocal ethnography is based. Acknowledging my existing role within the community — specifically my marriage to one of the most outspoken community leaders — and my ongoing process of making meaning of my experiences is a much more honest and useful approach than establishing artificial distance or "objectivity." The concepts of self-representation, multiple voices, and the impossibility of complete consensus are central to discussion of the socio-politics of Central Ohio powwows; creating a dispassionate unifying scholarly voice is quite contrary to that point. The resulting scholarly voice presented herein takes these concerns into account by recognizing the many voices which are part of the work and also that my presentation is informed by my own political beliefs. 20

My own research process approaches Lawless's model of reciprocal ethnography although I am researching a culture in which I have an established role, rather than creating a relationship with informants. Throughout my involvement with Central Ohio powwows, I have been accepted within the local Native American community because I am the wife of a respected community leader. Because I have have been supportive of his activism within the community, have welcomed his friends and colleagues into our home, and have attended powwows and other gatherings, I have slowly developed my own relationships with the community members. Discussions and interviews conducted regarding this project have deepened my relationships with the informants in much the same way as Lawless experienced. For example, my interview with Central Ohio Indian leader and activist Kenny Irwin was the first time I had the opportunity to speak with him, except for exchanging greetings at a powwow or other event. He was very willing to share information and his interpretations with me, and even to discuss some of my tentative interpretations. Because of his local leadership role as well as national ties, Kenny Irwin can be an intimidating person; I was reassured by his several offers to answer any further questions or provide further interpretations. I began my personal involvement in 1989 by researching and writing a freelance article for Ohio Magazine about the Moon When Ponies Shed powwow. I have formally studied powwows several times during my academic career, and I intended to continue to contribute to the scholarship of powwows in the future. These two factors have constantly foregrounded my "double consciousness" perspective on powwows and related Native American activities; I am always participant and observer. At times, especially early in my involvement with the local community, I have felt quite awkward because I am not Indian and I knew so little about contemporary Native American ways and concerns. Throughout my seven year contact with the Central Ohio Native American community, I have tended to place myself on the margins rather than presuming a right to be accepted based on my husband's participation. After several long talks with my husband and others, I soon realized that the important thing was to participate rather than to back off. This involved going to powwows and other events, observing, and asking questions when appropriate. I have saved powwow programs; taken photographs; made dance regalia for myself, my husband, my two children and several friends of my husband; purchased items from vendors; collected pamphlets, informative materials, and various political flyers displayed at vendor booths 21

(predominantly information on upcoming powwows, racism of sports mascots, and news of freedom for Leonard Peltier activities); supported my husband's political actions; prepared meals for informal and ceremonial gatherings in our home; and asked many questions. Informal information was followed up with eighteen months of systematic participant observation and formal interviews with leaders in the local Native American community for this project. Before deciding to formally pursue this dissertation, I spoke with John Sanchez, Mark and Carol Welch, of the Native American Indian Center, and several others. I described the proposed research as a long-term project for school, an effort to write about what powwows are all about. These people I spoke with were very encouraging, interested in helping out, and voiced no hesitations about such a study. Based on this preliminary feedback, I decided to pursue the formal study. I have received much the same supportive feedback from everyone else I've spoken with, either informally or formally. The approval of the community was very important to me since I am well aware of the basic skepticism Native Americans have toward researchers. Indian people will usually speak with an anthropologist or other fieldworker, but they are not always approving of the research or the use to which it is put. These feelings are well known within the tradition- oriented Native American culture, but not generally shared with researchers. Such hesitation is the understandable result of centuries of ethnocentric misunderstanding and misinterpretation on the part of non-Indian researchers, (including the sentiment that the wisdom of a vanishing noble people should be saved, or that those people should be helped along on the ladder of progress, civilization and success). Thus, although reciprocality is important to the ethical code of folklore fieldworkers, simply "giving back" the research, nicely interpreted to teach a group about themselves is definitely not appropriate. Of course, I will make my final paper available; as Asad contends in "The Concept of Cultural Translation in British Social Anthropology," (in Clifford and Marcus's Writing Culture) not being accountable to the group one has written about implies that something is wrong with the conclusions and is unethical. But the real reciprocity is sincerity and respect. As Lawless stresses, group members are fully able to make their own interpretations, and a continuing dialogue negotiating interpretative differences is a more responsible course of action than simply privledging the academic perspective (Negotiating Interpretative Differences). Since I have an already established role in the community, independent of this project, which will continue long after its completion, and since I must consider the implications of my work on my husband's position, I have tried not to jeopardize this by creating a new identity as 22

researcher; anthropologists and folklorists — who usually appear on the scene thinking they know everything from their reading, find evidence for their preconceptions, then disappear — are not always welcomed or trusted. However, this has not prevented me from becoming more systematically observant, recording my observations and thoughts, asking questions and increasing my participation. Many tradition-oriented Native Americans believe that if one observes and participates, much of the information one seeks is available — without asking questions. In some contexts, such as Grand Entry and other ceremonies, asking questions at that time is considered quite rude. However, since one important aspect of powwows is to provide educational information to people who don't know much of Native American ways (Indian and non-Indian), powwow programs are available and questions are encouraged. Throughout my participation in and observance of powwows, the people I have been in contact with have been happy to answer questions; as is the traditional way, many have taken the initiative and volunteered information, especially when I have appeared to be at a loss. I have had many opportunities to compare my interpretations with those of community members. This is very important to me since my background as a non-Indian and as a scholar sometimes concerned with construction of meaning is quite different from the tradition-oriented Native American perspective. I have had opportunities to observe interactions and conversations of many community leaders in everyday conversations and at events ranging from protests to spiritual ceremonies, to a national conference on the role of Native Americans and archaeologists in reburial and repatriation of Indian remains. Community members I have been introduced to have always been very generous in helping me understand aspects of contemporary Native life and negotiating my own position within it. I have formed my opinions and conclusions gradually, over the seven years I have been involved with the Native American community. The conclusions I express in this dissertation are the product of my independent thought, and are steeped in an academic perspective; application of scholarly theory and rhetoric, particularly my examination of powwow as secular ritual, are foreign to the Native perspective on powwows and other activities. Although he has encouraged my participation in the Native American community, my husband has always insisted that I form my opinions and beliefs independently; consequently, we do disagree in some areas. John Sanchez has been concerned that it may be somewhat unethical for me to rely on his input since we are married. Consequently, he was reluctant for me to 23 interview him. He dismissed several of my questions and ended the interview early on grounds that he didn't want to talk anymore. I've tried to reassure him that it would be more of a disservice to omit him, because of his activities in the community. John is in the public eye often with issues of concern to contemporary Native America. A founding member of the Ohio Center for Native American Affairs and the American Indian Council at Ohio State University and past chairman of the board of the Native American Indian Center, he has served on many area advisory boards and frequently is contacted by national and local news media. He has given lectures for classes and local organizations and has been a featured speaker at several national conferences. In short, any researcher would find him a central figure in the Native community; to dismiss his input simply because of our personal relationship would be a misrepresentation of both my own ethnographic process and the fundamental dynamics of the Native American community. Although he has been reluctant to engage in lengthy discussions regarding powwows and other aspects of contemporary Native life, I have had opportunities to be present at some of his many local speaking engagements. Because I am known and accepted within the local community, my informants have willingly shared detailed and insightful discussions with me for this project. Information shared has been more in-depth than it would be if solicited by a researcher from outside of the community. Although I have sometimes felt awkward interviewing people I know on a friendly basis about events we attend together, it has been very profitable to compare and expand my observations and interpretations. For the most part, I have found my interpretations to be reasonably consistent with those of the project participants. My interpretations herein, however, should be understood within the academic context of this study. Part of the importance of powwows is that they remain under Indian control, a political statement about the importance of self-representation. Although I have tried to include voices from this Native American community in the form of extensive quotation, this paper is not necessarily representative of "the Native American view" (since there is no such thing). This is a dissertation, an academic exercise, in which I must demonstrate not only that I can talk with people from the community, participate in and observe their powwows and come to some insightful conclusions, but also that I can make sense of relevant scholarship, apply theoretical approaches to this particular example and integrate research and fieldwork observations. As such, although my insights and conclusions may be useful to subsequent scholars, readers must 24 fully understand that this is not a visitors' guide to appreciation of Native American powwow, or an organizer's guide to successful powwow planning; nor is it the definitive Native American insight on what powwows are all about. It is a product of academic research, at least once removed from Native American self-representation. And, of course, it is part of this complex discourse of messages by and about Native America. Such recognition is essential, especially within the current performance context approach to folklore study. As Amy Shuman urges, "investigations of marked, contested categories that exceed local boundaries and that, instead of seeking to neutralize either the site of the research or the involvement of the researcher, recognize the ways in which the research project is itself part of larger-than-local interested agendas, are one way of thinking globally " (Dismantling Local Culture, 356). Talal Asad's "The concepts of Cultural Translation in British Social Anthropology " cautions that "In order for criticism to be responsible, it must always be addressed to someone who can contest it" (156). 'The notion of culture of text . . . facilitates the assumption that translation is essentially a matter of verbal representation" (160). Asad points out "the cultural translation may be vitiated by the fact that there are asymmetrical tendencies and pressures in the languages of dominated and dominant societies ... [which may) define the possibilities and limits of effective translation" (164). The languages of dominant and dominated societies is a factor in my study of Native American powwows. In any conversation about Native American custom, most culturally aware Native Americans stress how the differences in language affect cultural understanding. They point out that they use "Indian," "Native American," "powwow" and many other terms out of compromise; they are words applied by Europeans or Euro-Americans and do not exactly correlate with Native American terms and conceptualizations. Native Americans acknowledge this language differential and imply that responsible ethnography should as well. Highly academic discourse heightens this differential between dominant and dominated society, making it questionable whether members of the dominated society can adequately address and contest the textual representation of their culture. These concerns, as well as the post-modern ethnographic tendency toward reflexivity, and journalistic tone, have influenced my construction of this text. Embedded in my interpretation of Central Ohio Native American powwows are many other stories, levels of interpretation. Powwows have many meanings, for participants, for visitors, for researchers. But one fact is inescapable: powwows are intricately connected to the 25

political. In addition to explicit connections such as discussions of legal strategy among powwow participants and information of political nature which is abundant in the pamphlets, petitions and newsletters available at many vendor booths, there are many other connections. In every interview that I conducted, discussions of the importance of powwows contain numerous mentions of politically-oriented gatherings such as a recent American Indian Movement meeting held in Columbus, Ohio, and issues such as burial rights. This intertwining of the political occurred not only with heavily involved Native Americans such as Kenny Irwin, but also with the less active a n d /o r non-Indian informants as well. Examination of my own political stances in relation to those of the community in which my research was conducted may be helpful at this point. Clifford, Lawless and Babcock's discussions of reflexive and reciprocal ethnography suggest that the researcher's political orientation in relationship to the group be made explicit.

A reflexive stance should illuminate the biases and preconceptions that inform our interpretations (whem we are) and move us forward, then, in the direction of collectivity in interpretation and a new authentication of a multi vocal kind of ethnography, which includes, as well, where others are, but which does not privilege one interpretation over another." [emphasis Lawless) (Lawless, Negotiating Interpretative Differences, 302)

As I have learned more about contemporary Native American issues, my opinions have evolved and will continue to evolve as my participation continues. As I mentioned earlier, I have always been highly attuned to the implications of my being non-Native. Specifically, I am concerned that I am not perceived to be tiy ing to construct myself as Native American. One of my main premises is that self-representation is important for tradition-oriented Native Americans. Because I am not Native American, a traditional ethnographic approach would be in opposition to that premise; reciprocal ethnography, however, because it values the subject's interpretations, is a more consistent approach, and the only way I feel I can ethically do and present this project. Determining who is Indian and who is not is a highly charged issue, especially in Central Ohio. Ohio, a state with no reservations and a diverse Native population, has a history of individuals and groups making unsubstantiated claims of Native American identity for monetary gain. Although in areas where there are reservations and the Native population is more easily identifiable there is a significant amount of racism towards Indians, in Eastern areas, where there are fewer reservations and less interaction with contemporary Indians, much of the general public 26

romanticizes the image of the Indian. Claiming Indian ancestry, most usually Cherokee or Shawnee, is common in Central Ohio. While I feel that this in itself is not particularly damaging to Native Americans, I do agree with the tradition-oriented leadership that when individuals attempt to speak on behalf of Native American interests without any cultural knowledge or who compete for grant money or lecture stipends, it is detrimental. In addition to disseminating incorrect information and perpetuating stereotypes, public attention and sometimes funding is diverted from Native Americans offering correct information (by their own criteria) and a more accurate picture of contemporary Native America. Tradition oriented Indians feel that Indian interests are best represented by individuals who are federally recognized and culturally knowledgeable. Determining who is a "real" Indian is a difficult issue — especially in Ohio because of the nature of the state standards and the makeup of the local Indian population. To be considered Indian by national standards, one must be enrolled with a federally recognized tribe and be of one quarter or more blood; one is then issued a numbered identification card. Standards in Ohio have been considerably more informal, which has resulted in the large number of people and groups claiming to be Indian and who have gained some community recognition as such. The term "Wannabe" is used by Native American people to describe individuals or groups who "want to be Indian" but who are not biologically Indian or culturally knowledgeable. The term "Wannabe" is sometimes used rather broadly, to denote groups and activities (such as Boy Scouting and Indian Guides) which imitate Indian cultural ways as well as individuals who actively seek political and legal voice as Native American. The most conservative Native Americans, such as John Sanchez, use the term to refer specifically to individuals and groups who make unsubstantiated claims to be Native American for purposes of financial or political gain. I tend to use the term in its broader sense, although I do differentiate herein between the relatively benign Wannabees who are simply fascinated with Indian culture from the more dangerous Wannabees who presume to represent Native American views. There is considerable disagreement among the local Native American community in determining who is and who is not Indian. The Ohio Center For Native American Affairs (OCNAA) was begun in part to ensure that state legislators had ready access to card-carrying Native Americans who represent a tradition-oriented (rather than assimilationist) perspective. Relying on the United States Government definition of who is Indian and who is not is 27 problematic, and something which I find ironic. The irony consists in people concerned with establishing and protecting self-representation having to rely on a definition of their membership inscribed by an outside entity (the federal government). However, as most o^ my informants expressed "It's what we have to go by." Using the federal definition of Native American is a politically expedient choice; use of the legal definition allows Native Americans to work within the established U.S. legal system to protect self-representation and establish favorable policy. And asking alleged Wannabees to prove federal recognition, especially when combined with genealogical background research, is much more effective and definitive than other means of contesting a person or group's legitimacy in representing Native American perspectives. I share the feelings of tension regarding use of the federal definition for inscribing group boundaries: such a definition cannot take into account cultural knowledge or community recognition; and definition based on cultural knowledge or community recognition would be highly subjective and contentious and would not ensure self­ representation in areas without reservations and tribal government. The category "Native American" is obviously a constructed category, as is the oppositional category "American." Native American people often use these generalizations out of conversational convenience and also to denote a sense of shared underlying values and motives within each category. I use these general categories herein in much the same way, although I have tried to deconstruct the monolithic sense of the terms with qualifiers wherever possible. The implicit concept of race is itself a construct, as humans have more genetic similarities than distinctions regardless or racial category, and because bloodlines do not compromise cultural differentiations. Within Native America there is a broad range of perspectives regarding the ideal position of Native America in relation to mainstream American culture. These perspectives range from the "traditional" or conservative emphasis on tribal values, customs, and languages to the "assimilationist" emphasis on blending into mainstream America and turning away from the older ways and values. Indians use the term "traditional" to refer to the more tradition-oriented perspectives; however, for the sake of clarity here, unless in a direct quotation. I've used the term "tradition-oriented." It should be noted that orientation to tradition is based on values rather than specifically on bloodlines or geographic location. Although fullblooded reservation Indians may be more likely to be more culturally knowledgeable and more tradition oriented, they are not 28

necessarily so, and there are many racially mixed off-reservation Indians who are highly culturally knowledgable and tradition-oriented. Separating tradition from orientation to tradition is very helpful, as discussed in Chapter Four. The biggest difficulty necessitating determination of standards for exclusion or inclusion into the category "Native American" concerns entitlement, who is entitled to speak on behalf of whom. Members of the local Native American community are aware of degrees of tradition- orientation, and are concerned that people who may have some Indian lineage but are not "culturally aware" (as Toelken puts it) — who are more "assimilated" or "non-traditional" — are not allowed to speak on behalf of more tradition-oriented people or groups. Although the emphasis which tradition-oriented Native American leaders place on self-representation seems to impinge on the self-representation rights of non-tradition-oriented Natives, in fact, their interests are, for the most part, in line with those of the dominant society, and thus receive more than adequate representation. Because of the long history of genocide practiced against Native American peoples (Brown), which includes the cultural genocide motivating assimilation programs (Berkhoffer), tradition-oriented Native leaders place a strong emphasis on both cultural knowledge and bloodlines, implying a sense of essentialism in what is considered to be within the innermost boundary (Royce). From an academic standpoint 1 must recognize the validity of multiple perspectives; however, my personal perspective privileges the more tradition-oriented side of the spectrum. I feel that tradition-oriented people have the right to remain tradition-oriented, keeping their cultures dynamic, and that they can only retain that right through self-representation. Non- traditionals are entitled to their perspective as well, but are not entitled to speak on behalf of those who do not wish to become assimilated. In this area I disagree with John Sanchez somewhat: he is far more conservative than I and less willing to negotiate points of contention. Among my informants, my position most closely resembles that of Susan Mills, the non-Indian and highly involved wife of Kenny Irwin; this is most likely because we have gone through similar processes of negotiating our own position in relation to the Native American community. One area where orientation to tradition is especially important is the issue of burial rights. Tradition-oriented Natives are steadfast in their belief that any disturbance of a burial site interrupts the deceased's journey into the spirit world. Thus, desecration of a site and archiving or sale of the human remains and relics prevents the deceased's spirit from reaching the Indian 29 equivalent of "heaven." Tradition-oriented Native Americans across the country have lobbied for legislation which aids their efforts toward re-claiming and re-burying excavated remains. These efforts have been hampered not only because of the political strength of scientific, archaeological and historical groups but also by the complicity of non-traditional Native Americans. Non- traditionals may be included on advisory boards which require some Native input; when they offer no significant resistance to proposed excavation, study or archiving of Native American skeletal remains, their agreement is construed as agreement of all Native Americans. Because I believe so strongly in the necessity of tradition-oriented people's self representation, I also believe that this representation should extend into the scientific arena, and that burials, as spiritual sites of continued importance, should not be disturbed. This was a difficult decision for me to arrive at because my initial knowledge of Native America came largely from the published results of such study. For me. Native Americans' plea "if you want to know something about Native American culture, someone who is living can tell you more than someone who is dead " didn't seem to provide the possibility of enough information. After all, not every curious non-Native has access to a culturally aware Native informant. As my academic training elucidated the dynamics of archaeology and exposed the inherent ethnocentric biases of ethnography (compounded when the subjects are able to "speak" only through their remains), I came to realize that curiosity, even scientific curiosity does not entitle one to ransack another's living culture. Indeed, if one is sincere in one's curiosity and willing to make the commitment, one can learn the most information through dialog and participation with living Native Americans. I recognize though that the ideal cessation of archaeological study is not an immediate possibility. Although I agree with tradition-oriented Native America that excavation of burial and sacred sites should be discontinued and that already excavated remains and items be returned to Indian groups for ceremonial reburial, I am aware that a process is required, one that will entail compromise (from both Native Americans and scientists). For example, some state's laws allow accidently uncovered remains to be studied for a specific amount of time before return to Natives for reburial. John Sanchez is much more conservative in this regard, and reluctant to accept any compromise on the part of Native Americans. Kenny Irwin, although highly conservative in this regard as well, has developed a different strategy. He described to me a discussion he had with John Sanchez, wherein he said: 30

when you first got into it, you went into it with both your horns sticking straight out. 1 did that also, and I still do, but the first thing I did was I let them put their horns out first, then I put mine out. If I put mine out first, I put all my cards on the table and they got me. Let them spill the milk, and you clean it up. But if you spill it first, they'll slam all of ours.

Another issue where distinctions between who is and is not Indian and orientation to tradition are problematic is the sale of Native American art and craft objects. By federal law, art and craft objects cannot be sold as "Native American" unless the vendor can authenticate that the objects are indeed made by a Native American person. In this area, adherence to the federal recognition standard is even more problematic. Culturally aware non-Indians may be able to make items in the traditional way whereas culturally unaware Indians may not follow those traditional ways. As Babcock establishes, traditional production process are an integral part of the item's being "Indian made " (No Womens; Modeled Selves; Taking Liberties). From my academic perspective, I recognize and support the reasons behind the law — prevention of sale of copies of Native hand work, specifically mass produced copies, which would drive down market values, resulting in loss of essential income for Native artists and craftspeople. However, because the artist's knowledge of cultural ways is integral to the "Indianness" of a piece, I feel that in some cases, strict enforcement according to artists bloodlines has the potential to defeat the purpose of the law. To what extent this law is publicized and enforced at a powwow seems to depend on the sponsoring organization's political role in supporting tradition-oriented self-representation. Although both the Native American Indian Center and the Ohio Center for Native American Affairs are under tradition-oriented leadership, OCNAA is more involved in legislative and legal endeavors as well as public education efforts. Consequently, their enforcement of the law at powwows is foregrounded. The Central Ohio Native American community is very much aware of the issues surrounding ethnicity, tourism, tradition and authenticity as well as the social and legal implications for the community. For the Central Ohio Native American community, concerned with increasing public support and awareness of the community and its issues, putting on a powwow is an act of political positioning. The socio-political negotiations of multiculturalism are addressed in the public awareness aspects of powwow, designed to show contemporary native life (the potential reinforcing of romanticized stereotypes is discussed in Chapters Three and Four). The political domain must be addressed in any attempt to fully address the nature of Native 31

American powwows, especially in the politically volatile climate of Central Ohio; but, although the political dimensions could be extended into full discussions, that is not within the purview of my participant-observation, or the construction of this account. Thus, political elements of contemporary Native American life are discussed herein, but only as they intersect with powwow as ritual. One significant way in which ritual connects with politics is in the area of identity politics. Identity formulation is a political process involving negotiation of position in relation to other individuals in the community. As secular ritual, participation in powwows gives individuals a sense of connection with the Indian community, both locally and "Indianness" in general. As Dundes suggests in "Defining Identity through Folklore," self-identification moves outward from the individual, "ending with the totality of all things that exist "(1), negotiating the individuals relationship with all other levels. For Native Americans, many of whom experience a sort of identity-crisis because of some degree of perceived separation from the traditional ways of Indianness, participation in powwows is a means of asserting membership in Native America, a means of ritual reconnectionfthis concept is explored more fully in chapter Three). "A member of the group may not know all other members, but he will probably know the common core of traditions belonging to the group, traditions which help the group to have a sense of group identity" (Dundes,ll). The most accessible and public place where individual identity in relation to the group is negotiated and where members develop and display their knowledge of group traditions is the powwow. Identity politics must also be considered at larger-than-individual levels. As Dundes ("Defining Identity Through Folklore") and Royce {Ethnic Identity; Strategies of Diversity ) establish, groups are defined as much by opposition to other groups as by similarities within the group. In the case of Native Americans, the category "Native American" is composed of many distinct tribal groups, all of which are negotiating identity in relation to each other. Additionally, Native Americans are negotiating their identity in relation to other ethnic groups and to the mainstream culture as well. Of course, these identity negotiations are complicated by the identity politics within the constructed Native American group. An intertribal powwow is a complex working model of these identity negotiations; it is a ritual which creates a shared sense of Native American identity in contrast with other groups. 32

As [ formally began this dissertation, my family and 1 continued our usual routine of attending area powwows. During the 1994 local powwow season, we attended the OSU American Indian Council/ OCNAA powwow on the OSU campus, and the NAIC powwow on the Fort Hayes campus near downtown Columbus, OCNAA's Trinity Farms powwow in mid-August, and the NAIC 12th annual Labor Day Weekend Powwow. 1 attended powwow planning committee meetings for the OCNAA Trinity Farms event, which allowed me to participate in some of the behind-the-scenes activities necessary to putting on a powwow. At both the OSU and Fort Hayes powwows, 1 was asked to watch the NAIC and the OCNAA tables (which display information, pamphlets, petitions, and items for sale) to relieve the regular table sitters for running errands or participating in ceremonies. At the Trinity Farms powwow, 1 was one of the regular table sitters, and held the title of "program sales coordinator." With an already established identity within the Native American community, 1 have excellent opportunities to participate in informal conversations, ask questions, and observe some of the behind the scenes preparations. 1 have been participating in more events with my family this year and have begun to make more contacts independently. Although powwows are an important part of Central Ohio Native American life, powwow planning is typically unorganized, and somewhat last minute, relying on the efforts of a dedicated few and trial-and-error lessons of the previous effort. As Toelken notes, timing is an outgrowth of the event for Native Americans, and more fluid than the American concept of time in relation to event (American Indian Powwow, 51; Ethnic Selection, 142). Although the OCNAA committee relies on the efforts of the dedicated few, it seems to be the most organized and pre­ planned effort I've seen. Even so, the meetings 1 attended started a little late, lasted longer than anticipated (about two and a half hours) and contained numerous discussions not directly relevant to the powwow being planned (Indian political activities, previous powwows, long term plans, people to look out for, personal exchanges). As such, audio-taping the meetings was impractical. 1 felt it would also be an unwelcome imposition on other members, causing them to be hesitant to speak freely and thus would compromise my existing role in the community. Taking notes on relevant information was suitable and effective. When 1 attended the meetings, 1 did not announce my intentions to research this project. However, I do not feel this was a conflict because 1 would have been at that meeting anyway. Susan Mills, the wife of Kenny Irwin, both OCNAA powwow committee coordinators, was aware of my plans for studying and writing 33 about powwows. Susan was very approving — her first response was "I'd love to be interviewed" and she told me about the voluminous records she has kept from her powwow organizing experiences. Susan asked me to create and distribute a questionnaire to elicit feedback from dancers and visitors during the Fourth Annual Trinity Farms Powwow (August 1994). I agreed and put together two separate questionnaires, designed to help Susan and the powwow committee guage the feelings of the visitors and dancers. (See Appendix A) We planned to distribute questionnaires to the dancers as they waited in line for their pay immediately following the powwow, and to distribute questionnaires to visitors as they visited the OCNAA table to return ticket stubs for door prize raffles. However, on the first day of the powwow, the OCNAA tent was located, almost inaccessibly, behind the food tent, the first-aid station, a horse bam and a very noisy generator. Handing out questionnaires became "lost" amid gathering door prize tickets, selling tickets on two separate raffles, selling T-shirts, selling programs and distributing informational materials for OCNAA and several other sources. We did manage to give out close to a hundred questionnaires: about 15 were returned that day. On the second day of the powwow, pouring rain was in sharp contrast to the first day's blazing sun, and caused a significant drop in attendance. The powwow was not cancelled, however, and some visitors and many dancers showed up by mid morning despite the weather. I had been reluctant to delegate the task of distributing questionnaires to the gate crew — they collected admission, distributed door prize tickets, informed visitors of where to drop off the stubs for inclusion in the drawing and offered programs for sale — but I decided that it would be more efficient. We also switched tents with the kitchen for better accessibility. Many of the day's visitors returned responses and more responses were mailed back to OCNAA days or weeks after the powwow weekend. Visitor responses as reported on questionnaires has provided a body of data by which to substantiate my assertions regarding powwow visitors. The weather cleared nicely for the afternoon's dancing, but the number of visitors was significantly fewer than expected. The resulting loss of projected revenue caused many last- minute budget changes: only security, dancers and drums were paid, and their pay was reduced because of insufficient funds. In the confusion of last minute accounting, dancer questioruiaires were low on the priority list and were not distributed. Thus, a valuable source of data was lost. The remaining forms for dancers and for visitors were saved for use at next year's powwow. 34

Although the responses were limited, reviewing them gave me a clearer idea of visitors’ experiences and perceptions. Not ail of the visitors were first time powwow visitors; many had been to another local powwow within the last few years or had attended powwows in other parts of the country. Of those who were first time visitors, some welcomed and relied on the program while others refused to look at one, saying they preferred to "make my own impressions." There were very few negative comments, most of which had to do with the weather or clarity of directions and signs to the powwow grounds which is located outside of Pataskala and somewhat difficult to find. Most responses were positive, indicating enjoyment of the celebration, the food and trade items. Many responders wrote that they would like to attend future powwows and supplied names and addresses for OCNAA's mailing list. One question specifically asked for thoughts regarding powwow policies on the Native American arts and crafts law, prohibition of alcohol and weapons, and prohibition of the sale of sacred items. Most responders indicated that they were previously unaware of the law but were in agreement with the powwow committee's policies. Responses to this question were of particular interest in my discussions of authenticity and the impact of the Native American arts and crafts law. To supplement my ongoing participant/observation, I conducted several interviews with Native Americans who are active in the Central Ohio powwow life. Each person granted permission to tape their interviews. I transcribed each interview. Prior to interviewing, I planned lists of several questions for each informant. Although these questions were not rigidly adhered to, they helped to focus the interviews and make the most efficient use of limited time. I had originally planned to do several interviews (especially those with out of town people) at powwows. However, this proved to be an unexpectedly difficult venue. Although several people agreed to talk with me, they were busy with other things during the powwow and preferred to get together at some unspecified future date. Interestingly, although powwows fulfill many functions, they are not necessarily a place to discuss those functions. 1 had to make a series of choices, revising the interview and research timetable and the list of interview informants. 1 formally interviewed nine individuals of various degrees of activity within the community. 1 interviewed Selma Walker in April of 1989 (her personal situation did not warrant an additional interview). As the long-time head of the Native American Indian Center, Selma Walker was responsible for bringing powwows to the Central Ohio area. My first meeting with Selma 35

Walker provided my "fieldwork baptism of fire" both for my involvement with powwows and folklore study in general. At that time 1 was working on an article on the Moon When Ponies Shed powwow as an assignment for a magazine writing class, as a project for a folklore class and an approved freelance piece for Ohio Magazine. Before 1 could research basic information, John Sanchez drove me over to the Indian Center to talk with Selma Walker. 1 barely knew enough to ask a question, and felt quite intimidated. Because 1 was the wife of an Indian friend, she spoke freely and probably assumed 1 was Indian. Sitting behind her overflowing desk in the Indian center's front room, cluttered with paperwork, items for yard sales and bread and other commodities for distribution to the needy, Selma Walker told me about the history of the Indian Center, about digging worms to fund the Center early on, and about the first powwow they put on with Boy Scouts for the drum. She gave me old powwow programs which were filled with recipes and snippets of history, explained the order of the dancers in grand entry, told me a little about the significance and background of outfits, colors, and other items. She said the powwow was like a big family reunion where everyone danced in celebration. She also talked about the white people, about how easy it is to spot them when they dance, and how Indians sometimes laugh at their attempts. I realize today that she was probably thinking of the Wannabe folks, trying to pretend they're Indian, but it made me a bit uncomfortable at the time; 1 didn't want people to think 1 was trying to pretend 1 was Indian, especially since, through my husband's political efforts, 1 was well aware of the proliferation and harm done by people who presumed they were entitled to represent Indians when in fact they had no right to do so. Mark and Carol Welsh, w ho now direct the Native American Indian Center and were responsible for organizing the Fort Hayes powwow. Labor Day powwow and many other NAIC powwows in recent years readily agreed to talk with me about putting on and participating in powwows. We held the interview in my home in October of 1994, after an evening meal. As Carol Welch and 1 cleared the table and Mark Welch and John Sanchez smoked a cigarette on the back deck, Carol Welch offered to loan me a book she thought might be useful. She retrieved it from her car (which hadn't been fully unpacked from a recent trip), and handed it to me, still unopened in its plastic shrink wrap. Indeed, Native American Dance: Ceremonies and Social Traditions, edited by Charlotte Heth, has been quite useful. 36

Carol Welch, who is Selma Walker's daughter, and her husband Mark are both outspoken leaders in the Native American community. In addition to coordinating Indian Center activities, and speaking on Native American issues, they have been interviewed for television, print, and radio, and have been guests on radio and television news and discussion programs. I did not address questions specifically to one or the other and they divided up the responses evenly between themselves over the course of the hour-long interview. Both thought each question through then gave a specific, detailed answer. Perhaps because they are accustomed to discussing Native American issues in the American press, many ideas and phrasings they used came quite close to the academic rhetoric of the involved issues. At the 1994 Fort Hayes powwow, I spoke with Daisey Liggins, an elderly Indian woman who lives near Springfield. She is intelligent and outspoken, especially about the participation of the "Wannabees." She remarked on their elaborate and expensive costumes, implying lack of humility. I shared with her an incident which happened earlier in the day: I was leaning against a tree talking with a friend and wiping my camera's filter, trying to scrape away a bit of something with my fingernail. A dancer leaned against the tree as well, peering over my shoulder. I ignored him. "What is that? a lens or something?" "It's a filter for my camera, " I responded "You're scratching at it?" "I'm trying to clean it. My baby smudged it and something's stuck on here. I'm just trying to wipe it off." "Well, I thought if you wanted to scratch it, you could use this." He pulled from his belt a dull colored knife, the blade about four inches long, with a bird claw on the handle. It startled me. "No thanks", I said. He began to walk past me. "Those are nice earrings," he said, noticing the feathers and turquoise. "Thanks." "They're not Indian, but they're nice, " he continued on his way. And my friend Jill said "They are nice. " "Thanks, " I replied, " And they are Indian. John brought me the earrings from a trip to Nevada; they're straight off the Navajo reservation. " Jill, Daisey and I had a good laugh over this, and Daisey immediately identified the guy as of "the Wannabe Nation." Daisy Liggins spoke at length about how irritating Wannabees can be, as well as commenting on what she presumed was FBI surveillance of the gathering. One of the hardest interviews to obtain was with my husband, John Sanchez, a professor of journalism who is highly active in the Ohio Center For Native American Affairs, about his powwow participation and his legal endeavors. I have had the opportunity to attend several speaking engagements given by him over the past several years regarding current issues and concerns of Native Americans, and occasionally have brought him into my classrooms as a guest 37

speaker. He is a very outspoken member of the Native American community and has frequently been interviewed for local and national news coverage, as well as participating in news and discussion programs, lectures and seminars. Although he has been supportive of this project from the beginning, finding time to sit down with him for 45 minutes without our children interrupting too much was a challenge, but we did manage. John Sanchez is very tradition-oriented and very aware of the damage a non- tradition-oriented individual's viewpoint and influence can cause to the Native American community. Perhaps because he has been so much in the public eye with these issues, he was somewhat reluctant for me to interview him, dismissing several of my questions and ending the interview early on grounds that he didn't want to talk anymore. Kenny Irwin, CEO and Chairperson of the Ohio Center for Native American Affairs, agreed to be interviewed in his home. His wife Susan Mills and her mother prepared dinner for my family, after which Kenny Irwin, Susan Mills and 1 settled onto the sofa in the TV room to talk. Although Susan Mills was present during most of the two hour interview and made occasional comments, Kenny was the main focus that evening. He referred to his wife's experiences learning about Indianness and frequently included her by asking if she remembered a certain event or person. 1 asked him only a few of my intended questions, but his discussion eventually addressed most of the areas 1 had hoped to address. Speaking slowly and clearly, Kenny Irwin provided a very detailed account of the central spirituality of powwows and how the powwow's historical development bears on today's event. In concluding, he expressed his difficulty in expressing his thoughts, explaining that he must first formulate the thought in his native language, then translate it into spoken English. Following the interview, Susan Mills and 1 arranged for me to interview her regarding organizing powwows. She and 1 met over lunch in a restaurant in her place of employment, a downtown skyscraper. In a far comer where our conversation would not be interrupted, we talked for about 45 minutes. She discussed the importance of powwows as events which serve several purposes, including public awareness. We talked specifically about publicity, fundraising, the role of the public at powwows, and the New Years Sobriety Powwows. Susan has become involved and active within the Indian community and is very aware of her continuing learning process. As one of the principle coordinators for powwows and other events sponsored by OCNAA, she is very knowledgeable about the role of powwows in raising public awareness about Indians, and 38 concerned about ways of making the powwow experience more enjoyable for participants and guests. 1 have included information from Delores Santha s speaking engagement with Native American students of The Ohio State University. She spoke about her days as the only Native American student at Ohio State in 1943, and of how difficult it was to be in such a position, especially since transportation home to Youngstown (only two hours) was so difficult. She talked about how American things such as cars and highways can be useful to Native Americans' establishment of community. And she praised the efforts of OSU's Indian Council in creating community on campus. She emphasized how important it is for Native Americans not to be isolated from other Indians and stressed the importance of the future rather than nostalgia for the past. Indian students should do their best, should achieve in the non-Indian world, but should always remember who they are and where they came from. As my work progressed, I realized that I had been careful to rely on the input of strongly involved Native .Americans, but had relied very heavily on my own process of learning and becoming involved, supplementing only with questionnaire response and informal comments of powwow visitors and acquaintances. So, I arranged interviews with Jill Willians, a non-Indian frequent powwow goer who has been active in other aspects of Native American lifeways and efforts as well, and with Amanda Warren, a Native American in the beginning stages of exploring Indianness outside of her family. Jill attends most local powwows, although she does not dance. She knows many of the dancers and organizers and thoroughly enjoys participating in the social aspects of powwow. Additionally, Jill often volunteers to help park cars, prepare food, or otherwise help out. 1 interviewed her in my home following dinner. Soft spoken and articulate, Jill made thoughtful and detailed answers. She discussed her role as a somewhat involved non-Indian and her own grappling with issues of self presentation with ease. I "discovered" Amanda Warren in my Winter 1995 section of 367.05, The American Folk Experience. After a brief classroom discussion of contemporary Native American issues (which did not mention powwows) Amanda Warren turned in a journal entry discussing the first powwow she attended and how volunteering to help with feeding the dancers made her feel more a part of the event. She readily agreed to an interview, which was conducted a week later in my office, immediately foUoiving class. Quiet and unpretentious, Amanda Warren easily articulated 39

the importance of cultural awareness and experience and expressed her intentions to increase her cultural awareness as well as her participation in area powwows.

B a c k g r o u n d a n d history

The exact origin of the contemporary powwow is difficult to pinpoint. Most written accounts explain that the word "powwow" is a misunderstanding of a native word for a trade gathering or for a medicine man's ceremony. According to Michael Cronk's "Celebration: Native Events in Eastern Canada," "historically, the word powwow has been used in different ways; its meaning still varies across eastern Canada and the United States. Possibly it originated among New England Algonquian tribes where a 'powwow' was a man of power' or a shaman.' In Ontario during the nineteenth century, the word was used to describe events ranging from religious processions blending Roman Catholic and Native traditions to special performances of music and dance for Native and non-Native audiences" (72). Michael Parfit explains further in a National Geographic cover article on powwows:

the phrase pau wau once meant medicine man or spiritual leader to Algonquian tribes, but Europeans who watched medicine men dance thought the word referred to the whole event. What those Europeans watched though, did not resemble what happens today. The tradition of Indian dancing is ancient, but today's powwows only developed in the past hundred years. Powwows arc gatherings—usually held on weekends—in which Indians of many tribes come, often from (ar away, to dance, sing, gamble, and visit friends and family. The focus is dance—a series of open social dances called Intertribals, mixed with competition in several dance categories. . . (which) are based on traditional dances. (91)

"Although many of its elements are traditional," explains Thomas Kavanagh, "powwows are not unchanging continuations from the depths of time, but rather are the dynamic and creative expressions of Indian identity and pride, both for individuals and communities" (105). The form of the contemporary powwow has its roots in tribal dances for particular situations — healing ceremonies, preparations for and return from war, hunting celebrations, and spiritual ceremonies for example; but the form has adapted to the changes within Native cultures. As Indians were moved on to reservations, their dancing was often curtailed by government regulations and so became a powerful symbol of Indian identity. "I have always considered dance to be among the 40 most profound cultural expressions — for me personally — of what it is to be Cheyenne," writes W. Richard West in his Forward to Native American Dance, (ix).

Dance is the very embodiment of indigenous values and represents the response of Native Americans to complex and sometimes difficult historical experiences. Music and dance combine with material culture, language, spirituality and artistic expression in compelling and complex ways, and are definitive elements of Native identity. Dance reflects the vast capacity of native peoples to endure culturally and to continue as a vital contemporary cultural phenomenon, notwithstanding historical oppression and a way of being that stands in stark contrast, if not rebuttal, to much that drives the current technological age. The dance of native peoples is thus both a vital means of surviving culturally and a powerful expression of that survival, (ix)

From 1884 until 1933, the United States government banned participation in most ceremonial dances, as part of its effort to curtail the religious ritual practices it felt were threatening. This ban had far-reaching effects, but did not eliminate the existence of ceremonial or social dance. When the ban was lifted, open performance of the "dance activities resumed in the changing contexts of reservation and 'Americanized' life" (Huenemann, 125). Charlotte Heth explains further in "American Indian Dance; A Celebration of Survival and Adaptation":

While the United States Government's ban on Indian religions in the nineteenth century targeted the Sun Dance and Ghost Dance in particular, it affected all other native religions as well. In Canada, the government seized many beautiful ceremonial objects and much dance regalia when Northwest Coast Indian potlatchcs (huge native giveaway celebrations) became illegal. In the Twentieth Century, economic necessity and a U.S. Government relocation program have compelled many Indians to migrate to cities. Their creative solution for surviving urban alienation has been to start powwow clubs with other Indian community members, with Plains Indian music and dance dominating, regardless of the multiplicity of heritages" (Heth, 7).

Indians have borrowed back the term patmoofw, and several other terms used in the powwow, from English usage (Toelken, "American Indian Powwow", 49). Powwows have largely been viewed as Indian events on Indian reservations, and many are still hosted by a specific tribe on their reservation lands. Howevei) there are many Indian people living off of the reservation, even in large metropolitan areas, who choose to maintain their identity as Indian rather than to assimilate. It may be difficult to be "Indian" — to retain traditkmal values and customs — in a non-Indian setting, but it is not impossible; inter tribal powwows have come to play an important role in maintaining and creating Indian identity in a non-Indian world. 41

The Native American powwow as a cultural form is enjoying increasing popularity with Native Americans and non-native Americans alike. 'The intertribal powwow has developed rapidly since the turn of the century as a common form of Native American social expression and is now to be found in every state of the union, " (Toelken, American Indian Powwow, 46). As the non-Indian world increasingly values and romanticizes their perception of the Indian lifestyle and connection to nature as an antidote to our environmental, spiritual, and social ills, many non- Indians participate in or emulate powwows as well as other Indian ceremonies. There are also some powwows which are put on by non-Indians, often in conjunction with other civic events. Although Native Americans occasionally attend these events — often to see if a "real Indian" can win in competition with "Wannabees" — they do not consider them to be real powwows. Determining who is a "real" Indian is a difficult issue — especially in Ohio because of the loose state standards and the diversity of the local Indian population. Non-Indian events do not serve as a focal point for transmission of Native American culture among Native Americans. Powwows sponsored by Indian organizations allow non-Indians a chance to participate in an aspect of Native American life, as Native Americans live it, without being particularly intrusive. As Native American cultural pride strengthens, as more and more off-reservation Indians seek to return to their Indian cultural identity and as Indians become more politically sophisticated in fighting for their rights and lands, powwows are becoming an increasingly important means of redefining Indian identity and cultural practices as well as an important venue for exchanging information and formulating strategy for political battles. The contemporary powwow is primarily a social event; it was originally described to me by Selma Walker of the Columbus, Ohio, Native American Indian Center as a big family reunion where everyone comes to renew acquaintances and to dance. Powwows are not simply secular opportunities for fun, however; the powwow weekend in its entirety is a prayer to the creator, a celebration of spirituality, and a connection with Indian survival of past, present and future. A powwow typically contains spiritual ceremonies marking significant points in people's lives. "At the center of the gathering," both physically and symbolically; "is the large social drum, considered by many as the heartbeat of the Anisinabek nations, or first people' of North America, " writes Michael Cronk, studying Native celebrations in Eastern Canada. "Every participant, every activity, seems to revolve around and move to the sound of these big drums' " (74). The most obvious feature of a powwow is the dancing, which takes place from a midday 42

Grand Entry until darkness falls, with a short break for dinner. 'Today a powwow is essentially a social dance where Indian people from several tribes dance together, using a few basic patterns that all the tribes recognize. . . . The powwow is a social event stressing intertribal affiliations more than tribal differences and displaying traditional Indian characteristics as well as innovations ' (Cronk, 49). Crank's use of the word tradition may seem to imply a dichotomy with modernity or innovation, but actually no such dichotomy exists. Richard Handler and Jocelyn Linnekin explain that tradition is about the past rather than is the past and is therefore a symbolic construct (276). Native Americans, and Cronk in this case, tend to use the term rather loosely to mean historical elements. As Heth explains in a footnote, "'traditional' as used by many Indian people and scholars, can be an overarching term, with varying meanings. Sometimes it refers to the oldest norms: languages, religions, artistic forms, everyday customs, and individual behavior. At other times it refers to modem practices based on those norms. Again it may refer to a time period before the chronological advances; it may even refer to categories of dance music and dress that draw most closely on ancient, established practices" (17). Many researchers recognize that there is a false dichotomy between tradition and modernity but do not always recognize that their subjects have a similar conceptualization. Although Native American uses of the term "tradition" are situational, rarely, if ever, does the term express a bounded concept of tradition; Native Americans recognize that while the aspects of "tradition" they value are closely related to the past, there is always change and evolution of those traditional aspects in relation to the changing world in which they live. Cronk's use of the word "tradition" is actually pointing out what Toelken fails to explicitly address: powwows are concerned not only with keeping historical elements in functional operation, but also with adapting those elements and creating new elements appropriate within the present day context. Although Cronk's study focused on Canadian celebrations, his insights are readily applicable to U.S. celebrations as well; Native America cuts across other North American national boundary lines. While Native American conceptualizations of the relation of tradition to modernity clearly recognize the dynamics of tradition, the academic concept contains a significant additional step: recognition that the past is constructed in the present Native American people do not seem to be able to conceive of their construction of the past, and thus also of the concept of tradition, in the present. 43

Each day's dancing begins with Grand Entry, in which all of the dancers participate. Honored veterans are flag bearers and are followed by Men Traditional, Fancy and Grass Dancers, then Women Traditional (first buckskin then cloth dress). Fancy and Jingle Dancers, then Children (in roughly the same order). The dancing follows a clockwise circular pattern within a circular sacred arena which is lined with seating for the dancers when they need a short break and may have an arbor of branches along the seating perimeter for shade. At the center of the arena are a variety of flags: the eagle staff, an American flag, and sometimes a "Native American" flag (the stars and stripes with the superimposed image of an Indian warrior) and a FOW-MIA flag. Dancers enter the arena from an opening at the East, dancing in many individual styles to the beat of the drum, which can be found at the center of the arena or near the announcer's booth opposite the entry opening. There can be as few as one drum group, but usually there are two, three or many more, depending on the size of the powwow. Outside of the arena are a number of vendors who sell craft items and supplies for making Indian crafts and regalia. The sale of sacred items such as feathers, sage, sweetgrass and pipes is usually explicitly prohibited. Some powwows are "competition powwows" in which the dancers compete for prize money. Many powwows are "traditional powwows" where there is no competition. "Traditional " and "competition" are categories used by Native Americans to distinguish powwows which offer prize money for competing dancers from powwows at which there is no competition. Both types of powwows are an outgrowth of dynamic Native American cultures and are integral in maintaining those cultural ways and values. "The powwow allows for a mediation between the competitive demands of mainstream society and the cooperative demands of Native culture. .. Most Native dancers, then, have learned to view the dance competition as similar to other kinds of competitive interplay that take place at the same event" (Ethnic Selection, 150). The scant study of powwows focuses on the competition powwows, which tend to be bigger and flashier because of the draw of the prize money.

C entral O h io P owwows

Central Ohio powwows are traditional inter-tribal powwows. Although traditional powwows tend to be smaller than competition powwows because there is no large cash prize to 44 lure the best dancers, which in turn draws a large spectatorship, they are by no means local events. Native Americans from across the state attend and participate, and many Ohio Native Americans have relations in other parts of the country who may journey to Ohio for powwows. Many dancers and drums ("drum" is the term used by Native Americans to refer both to the instrument and the musicians) come from Marty Mission and other South Dakota reservation areas specifically for a powwow. Sometimes they are paid only for gas money and food. Additionally, people from all around the United States, Canada, and Mexico, dancing in their tribal regalia, have attended Central Ohio powwows. The past five years have seen a great increase in the number of powwows in the Central Ohio area and a greater increase in the success of these powwows. Powwow success can be measured by Indian attendance, spectator attendance, amount of money made (they break even now), but most importantly by the general "good feeling" that participants report having. This feeling is related to ethnic identity formation for Native American participants; good feelings indicate sense of connection with Indianness, and a sense of communitas among participants and visitors. ("Good feelings" are discussed more specifically in Chapter Three.) Parfit's article also notes that good feelings are an important part of what powwows are all about. He quotes participants' comments such as "we go to powwows to make us happy" and "when you get to a powwow and hear the drums, it makes you feel happy" (91). Central Ohio Native American powwows are open to the public and charge a small admission fee to help cover powwow expenses. Visitors can purchase com soup and fry bread or Indian tacos for lunch. Cokes and lemonade to relieve the heat, and can enter the arena in dance during Intertribal dances which are announced by the MC with a booming "Intertribal dance. Everybody dance!" over his public address system. I began my observation of powwows as 1 began my training as a folklorist. In the spring of 1989 1 had just married John Sanchez, a Yaqui/Chiricahua who was beginning his affiliation with the Native American Indian Center of Columbus Ohio, and the Dakota Sioux of the area. 1 spoke to Selma Walker, the center's director, in putting together a magazine article about the Moon When Ponies Shed powwow which we hoped would attract visitors to the Native American Indian Center's Labor Day celebration. My husband and 1 joined the planning committee for Moon When Ponies Shed powwow and participated in it that May. Throughout the summer we followed the "powwow trail" to many other Ohio powwows, and he travelled to Chicago and to 45

Walpole Island (Canada) as well. As his political Involvement in the issue of reburial and repatriation increased, I noticed that for many Indians, powwows were more of a place to coordinate legal strategy and keep abreast of legislative developments than an opportunity to simply have fun. Although I realized that to call a separate meeting or to attempt to contact people through the mail or by phone would not be nearly as practical or effective as utilizing the powwow as a political venue, at first I felt that such "mixing of business and pleasure" was out of keeping with the celebratory nature of powwows. But I eventually realized that powwows celebrate being Indian, and that being Indian in the United States involves many social, political and legal issues. At the powwows, Indians from around the state who were involved in the legal battles, concerned about activities in their areas, or interested in helping out were all in one place at one time, focused on their Indian identity and willing to be links in communication chains involving Indians across the country. Powwows, as Toelken explains,

provide expression of common interests now felt by virtually all Indians, who see themselves as living surrounded by a hostile and domineering culture. The intertribal connections brought about and nurtured by powwow dancing are of political as well as ethnic importance for Native Americans. Often, powwows provide the occasion for Native Americans to develop political and legal ways to survive in the modem world. (EthnicSelection, 139)

As Native Americans in the Central Ohio area have become stronger and more politically active and as their cultural pride has been increasingly recognized by the non-Native community, more and more powwows have emerged in Central Ohio. The American Indian Council at Ohio State University was formed in 1989-90, and soon co-hosted the NAIC powwow on the Ohio State Campus. In 1994, the OSU Council co-sponsored its spring powwow with The Ohio Center for Native American Affairs, an organization which was formed to coordinate legislative battles, particularly regarding burial rights. OCNAA sponsored its fourth annual Trinity Farms powwow near Pataskala, Ohio, 13 and 14 August, 1994. NAIC still sponsors a spring and a Labor Day powwow. There are many more powwows which occur around Ohio, and a core body of participants, both Indian and non-Indian, usually participate. The following chapter discusses Central Ohio powwows and the nature and history of the powwow form more specifically. CHAPTER II

WHAT IS A TRADITIONAL INTERTRIBAL POWWOW?

T h e F irst P o w w o w

"Let me tell you the story of the first powwow," said Mark Welch, (Mohawk) Program Coordinator of the Native American Indian Center in Columbus, Ohio.

Two cousins were out looking for food to feed their friends, their families, their relatives, when they heard a sound that they didn't know what it was. It sounded like a heart, and one of the cousins turned to the other cousin and said "why is your heart pounding so loudly?" And his cousin said "well, its not me. I thought it was you." And they listened and they thought that sound, it sounded like it was close and yet it was far away at the same time.

So they tried to get their bearings and they started following that sound. They start climbing up this hill where they were, looking for some food to feed their friends, their family, and their relatives, following this sound. There was several times where they stopped and thought about turning back but they was curious about what was maldng this sound, this sound of the heart It sounded wonderful, and yet it could be a trick that could harm the people. So they needed to find out what it was. And each time they got to the top of a hill, that sound was louder, but still they couldn't see what was making it And they ended up going on to a second hill, and again they stopped. And there before them was a great big river, and they ended up having to swim that river, and when they got to the other side, the sound was getting louder. BOOM, BOOM, BOOM, BOOM.

The cousins started climbing up that last hill, on the other side of that river, and there they saw some prairie chickens had made a great big circle. And some of the male prairie chickens were kinda showing off and kind of puffing out their chest And when they do that they can make that sound. And all the other boys and girls prairie chickens were moving their feet to that sound, in harmony. So the two men, they couldn't figure out what this was. They really liked it. They couldn't figure out what these zitkanas, these birds, were doing.

4 6 47

And they went back and they gathered up all their elders and explained what had transpired and the people thought about what they had seen, what they had heard. And they concluded that they were given a wonderful gift from Cod, from his creation, that day and that if we think of life's rhythm and we try to stay and be with it, it would be harmony. It would be that Mitakuye Oyasin that Carol talked about [earlier in this interview). And so our people made the first drum to make that heart beat sound — nothing like they have had in the Hollywood movies over the years where they have a heartattack beat — an actual heartbeat. And our people danced to that heartbeat in that circle. And over the years they would think about what they had learned about the prairie chickens.

Our people back in those days lived part of the year in smaller groups. It would be very difficult to feed larger groups over the Winter months, so generally our people would break into smaller family groups. And when Spring would come back, our people would start coming back together as a nation. They were excited and happy to see one another and learn what the others had done; maybe they had discovered new ways of doing things. Of course, this was a happy time, there would be a lot of socializing, so of course, someone would always pull out the drum and the people would start dancing, and friends from other tribes who would be in the area, they would drop over an sometimes whole tribes would join together for these social events. And then after the Europeans came, and they put our people onto reservations, and our people learned about the horses, and the cars that came after, we start visiting one another's reservations, we start learning about different styles of singing and dancing. And when you go to a powwow today, in 1994, soon to be 1995, w hat you're actually seeing is a miracle, something that other people around the world they give a lot of mouth service to it [multiculturalismj. But when you go to a powwow today, you're actually seeing a miracle, when you realize that there's over 350 different cultures of Native Americans and 350 different ways or morc of doing things, including singing and dancing. And yet over the years we've been able to develop a style of singing and dancing that all of our people can relate to and we break down those language barriers and we break down those cultural barriers. And our people enter the circle and enjoy themselves: that's a miracle; that's Cod. And that's something that I believe very strongly that all people and all cultures will learn from. And yet it goes back to prairie chickens that taught us how to do it.

Mark Welch finishes with a look of admiration on his face for the importance of the powwow in his life and the life of his people. Powwows, and the more tribal specific dances they derive from, as an integral part of a dynamic culture, have always changed and adapted to fit the changing cultural context. "When our people watched the prairie chickens dancing, that made a change there. And then when our people started dancing. And people from other tribes started and they might have learned dancing from different ways. And that made changes," explains Mark Welch. "Our people have progressed, and you can see it in our powwows. Its a progression, and yet its still distinctly Native American." Mark Welch's narrative indicates a complex view of tradition which includes a sense of the essential (the heartbeat metaphor and the expression of spirituality) as well as recognition of dynamic change as a feature of powwows. 48

This chapter is primarily descriptive, but, as Clifford points out, description is interpretative (100-101). Areas for further analysis are introduced in outlining some of the changes in dress and dance styles as the powwow form, which has its origins in Plains warrior society dances, developed into a form recognized and participated in by most North American Native American groups. Detailed descriptions of Central Ohio Powwows, particularly the 1989 Moon When Ponies Shed, integrated with scholarship of the genre, establish Central Ohio powwows as representative of the genre. Following this foundational understanding of Central Ohio powwows, extended analysis can be taken up in chapters three and four. In Columbus Ohio, powwows are especially important to Native American ethnicity. Mark Welch explains that "according to the 1990 census, there are 20,352 Native Americans living in the state of Ohio. A lot of these have come from the reservations. Many of them were born in the city and know nothing of their Indian heritage." There are no reservations in Ohio, no tribal headquarters, and although a number of tribes trace their history to the Ohio area and still have spiritual ties to the area, all have migrated or been forced westward. The Native population of the state and the city is very diverse in every sense of the word. They are from different tribal affiliations; many are from mixed tribal backgrounds or interracially mixed heritage. Some have been raised on a reservation; some have never been to one. Some have been raised in the traditional way, according to the values, language and historical ways of the elders; some are almost completely assimilated into American society, and everything in between. "In many ways, what's going on in this city shows the wisdom among the elders" says Mark Welch.

There's an old saying that as long as we dance, we shall know who we are. As you listen to Carol talk about the first powwow in this town, it was pretty pitiful. And each year it grew. And our people living here didn't know who they were and they started dancing and that awareness came over the years. And look at the Native American community here now: the sweat lodge is here, tipi ways are back, and people are becoming aware of who they are and the general public is benefiting from it, beginning to realize that what they had thought they had known about Native Americans was not accurate and [they) have to realize that their neighbor may be Native American, their teacher, and all this goes back to that very first powwow [in Columbus).

My mind fust boggles to what would have happened if Selma never brought the powwow back to this area. Would there be an Indian center today? I wonder. And so its wonderful. Its a social event and yet our spirituality is a very strong 49

part of it. There again, our people, our different cultures, are completely different in that the European concept and United States concept where there's a separation of state and culture where in Native Americans' thought and minds its all part of the same circle; and you see a strong element at the wacipi, at the dance. And there's a lot of elements that goes on there, a progression each year."

How C ontemporary P o w w o w s B e g a n in C e n t r a l O h io

Selma Walker, a Yankton Sioux and director of the Native American Indian Center is proud to see how well powwows have established themselves in Central Ohio over the years. To keep the Indian Center open and to finance the first powwow, Selma Walker and others dug worms to sell at bait shops. "Our first powwow was planned to be a family picnic," she says.

"Someone said, 'Wouldn't it be nice to have a drum?' so we found someone with a drum. We didn't really have Indian dancers, so we asked the Eagle Scouts. A hog was donated... and there was a big barbecue. We had a man with a tipi and we set up a sweat lodge so everyone could see what one looked like. We borrowed the park from the Lion's Club. A quilt and some other things were donated for a raffle, and we had people demonstrating crafts."

The powwow was begun as a family gathering, " family" including not only the typical modem Euro-American concept of the nuclear family but the time honored concept of the extended family, which, for the Native American, is inclusive of all who come together in a spirit of fellowship and brotherhood. (Implications of the family reunion metaphor are discussed in Chapter Four.) Selma Walker reports that about 100 people gathered for that first NAIC powwow in 1980. "My mom," says Carol Welch remembering this first powwow, "this was her idea, her thought. She's the one who wanted to do this. I can guess why. It was probably a homesickness, a little bit of missing that celebration, wanting to share and help people learn a little bit about who they were. And I think the motivation was also to help some people in South Dakota who were having some difficulties at the time, to help them out, to help raise some money for them." Carol Welch describes this first Columbus powwow as "pretty Onsika, it was pretty pitiful, you know." Some people from South Dakota were invited to come

and we had this country guy who sang and MC'd and didn't have a clue, you know, but he had a PA system, you know. It was It didn't really nzscmble a 50

povvwow. [t was just some people, kind of trying to do something, trying to have good thoughts and feelings and wanting. But the community here didn't have any idea —because a lot of them had been bom and raised on urban society. They were Indian but it didn't mean anything to them—didn't have any understanding of what that was.

Central Ohio powwows have grown steadily since then. Now the NAIC powwows have hundreds of participants from Minnesota, North Carolina, South Dakota, Utah, Michigan and Canada, as well as guests from all over Ohio and "traders "—people (many of them Indian participants) who sell leather, furs, blankets, bead work and many other items pertaining to Native American culture. Some traders are Native American, others are not. And while some spectators may be troubled by the presence of non-Indians selling Indian and non-Indian items at an Indian event, it's hardly a new occurrence. As "Powwows were always," Carol Welch explains, a place where "people came and they sold what they had. People sold food, and they sold other things that they made. That's just kind of traditional; they weren't necessarily Indian folks, they were just whoever wanted to come and sit around the circle." But what is important to Indians, especially in Central Ohio's political climate, is that people represent themselves as who they are. There is very real danger from people who claim to be Indian or to speak on Indians' behalf when in fact they are not Indian and have been given no such permission. "And so, " Carol Welch continues,

twelve years later, thirteen years later, if you look at our powwow now, 95% of the dancers are from Ohio and gradually that ratio kind of changed. The next year [following the first NAIC powwow), y"know, it was a bigger powwow, a better powwow, we had dancers from Minnesota, South Dakota, Michigan. The next year,.. . . We kind of got closer and closer. And pretty soon we were having people who were going to powwows wanting to have that feeling and that celebration. They were hungry for some positive feelings about their identity, y"know. And I think a powwow really makes you feel good about who you are. And I think that's one of the most important things. Our last powwow [labor day 1994[ we had about 150 dancers and most of them were from Ohio. We still have people who are learning every year; every powwow there's more new dancers. And I think that's wonderful;... you know the drums at our last powwow were all local residents... and they were there because they wanted to be there, and it was someplace to be. I think that's real good; its teal important.

I think the powwows in Ohio have really helped give the Indian communiy some identity and some cohesiveness, some feeling of communiy. I like that a lot more people have built relationships with people in, y"know, Cleveland and Akron, Dayton. Real good relationships. And they're powwow relationships. They're people I look forward to seeing when I go to a powwow. And the relationships have extended beyond powwows and they're good, nice, a really good feeling. 51

MooN W hen Ponies Shed, 1989

The first powwow that I attended was NAIC's 1989 Moon When Ponies Shed. By this time, the powwow, held at Heimut Haus park grounds southwest of Columbus, Ohio, was already well established and fairly large. On that Saturday morning, the powwow grounds were green, and the smell of freshly cut grass mixed with the clear smell of a spring shower and the rich aroma of hickory and cedar wood that crackled in a campfire near a tipi from North Carolina. The previous Friday afternoon, local men from various tribes dug holes in the grassy meadow to insert 20-foot cedar poles into a sacred circle 100 feet around. This arena for traditional Indian dancing and ceremony flew flags the colors of the four directions—yellow; blue, white and red for East, West, North and South, respectively. To the left of the arena, a semi circle of tipi lodges graced a perimeter of leafy green oak and elm trees. On the right, between the arena and a small crystal lake were concentric semi circles of more traders, tipis and tents. People gathered in small groups near worn out automobiles, excitedly talking, exchanging items of dance clothing, tending children, readying themselves for dance. "As people prepare or create their outfits for the powwow," Toelken realizes, "stories are told and attitudes are mentioned that strengthen these symbolic recollections and pass them on to the younger people, who are very much incorporated into the creative process. Thus, the outfits worn at the powwow provide an occasion for the material and oral articulation and transmission of traditional values" (American Indian Powwow, 52-3). "The physical arrangement of these events mirrors intertribal attitudes about order and spatial harmony" (Toelken, Ethnic Selection, 140). In the circular spatial arrangement of the powwow — concentric circles of arena, spectators, traders and encampment — "the pattern is essentially the same as it was 200 years ago in villages of the Plains Indians, though content and detail have changed considerably" (141). As Carol Welch puts it, "one of the most important aspects of the powwow is the circles. The circle is sacred, and when people are around that circle and they enter that circle, it's a spiritual thing, it's a sacred thing, and, that circle represents a prayer that my people have: it's Mitakuye Oyasin; and that means all my relatives. It doesn't mean all my Indian relatives; it means ALL my relatives, all my relations." 52

Midday on Saturday that year, with clouds threatening to empty a cold downpour on the celebration, the powwow moved inside, under a shelter that exists on the Heimut Haus park grounds. Here, the eight-man drum group from Prairie Island Indian Reservation in Minnesota had already set up their drum and were rehearsing tribal honoring songs in Sioux. The six-man host drum. Rising Hail from South Dakota, was also practicing an honoring song. The two drums, each the size of a small coffee table, produced a deep, enveloping, uplifting sound that seemed to reverberate through everything and everyone. The voice of the drum is like a heartbeat that arouses the mind into feeling and thinking about the world. The voice of the drum urges dance. "At the center of the gathering (both physically and spiritually| is the large social drum" notes Cronk, "considered by many as the heartbeat of the Anisinabek nations, or first people' of North America. Every participant, every activity seems to revolve and move to the sound of these big drums'" (74). Toelken corroborates Mark Welch's understanding that the drum is the heartbeat: "Many tribes," he writes, "believe that a drum expresses the heartbeat of the people, or the heartbeat of the earth, calling everyone to listen" (American Indian Powwow, 53). As Carol Welch points out "you couldn't have a powwow without a drum." Pressed against the northernmost wall, a chubby little man, with his hair tied in a single pony-tail and wearing an apron splashed orange with cooking spices and sauces, tended to the grill where the smell of buffalo meat, chicken quarters and Indian fry bread teased my appetite. Indian women bustled about taking orders and making food suggestions for customers who waited eagerly for their first taste of Indian food. Dancers began to arrive in the pavilion in colorful powwow regalia. The drum continued and children of all races danced or bounced with the beat. Spectators crowded under the shelter and a circle of chairs was arranged as a substitute for the outdoor arena. The area was properly blessed, spectators were attentive, more and more dancers were gathering, making final adjustments to their clothing: all signs suggested that the activity might soon begin. However, even though the fliers and programs said that Grand Entry was to begin at 1:00, a Grand Entry will actualty occur only when all of the dancers who should be participating in it have arrived and are ready to begin. Toelken makes the important observation that "the powwow unfolds more according to ancient Native American attitudes toward time and ritual than with regard to modem calendars and clocks. The powwow seems to flower of its own accord, and the dynamics are internal to the events" (American Indian Powwow 51). 53

Soon, the drumming stopped, and the antiquated, raspy voice of Asa Primeaux, a medicine man from the Yankton Sioux reservation in South Dakota, cracked out, "Grand entry begins right at one o'clock. We're going on White Man's time, not Indian time. We start right at one." (Indian time, which translates loosely as "whenever," might mean ten minutes early or an hour late, according to the dynamics of the event as Toelken suggests.) Somewhat after 1:00, the Grand Entry began. Into the sacred circle of the arena was brought the Eagle Staff. The eagle, recognized by Native Americans as especially sacred, can fly so high that it can carry any message to the Great Spirit. The staff, a long fur wrapped crook tied with eagle feathers, symbolizes the wish that the ceremony of the powwow will reach the heavens. Next enters the American flag, the State of Ohio flag and the Native American Indian Center banner. As Toelken observes.

The tableau scene of the American and Canadian flags, along with the warriors' flag [the eagle staffj, in procession amund the pavilion together, is somewhat ironic on the political level, but is also a reminder of the ways in which American Indians have survived culturally by amalgamating a good many of their interests with those of the countries which have surrounded them. It also stands as a symtwlic cameo of the syncretic, amalgamating force of the powwow itself. (55)

As Toelken notes, many Native Americans are war veterans and members of U.S. veterans organizations. Even though "the warriors' flag represents all warriors who have fallen in all wars, " Toelken notes that "this is a very pointed reference to the number of people who fell while fighting against European invaders" (55). In addition, many Native Americans feel that the American flag is their flag because the Sioux captured it from Custer. Mark Welch explains that the version of the event usually taught in schools is inaccurate and incomplete.

Not once do they ever mention that it was Custer who invaded the Indian camp site, and not the other way around. And they also fail to mention the bet that when Custer was defeated, the Sioux Nation took the colors from Custer. This is one of the reasons the Sioux Nation looks at the American flag as their flag: because they took those colors from Custer.

What Toelken does not note is that the American flag"s presence at powwows is an equally pointed reference to the fact that Native Americans and Americans fought as brothers against America's enemies in WWl, II, Korea, Vietnam, Desert Storm, and other conflicts, despite the lack of respectful coexistence at home. 54

Following the flags come the dancers: The Head Veteran Dancer is followed by the Head Male and Head Female dancer.

At every powwow there are three head dancers, the Head Man Dancer, the Head Woman Dancer, and the Head Veteran Dancer. The Head Veteran Dancer leads all the other participants into the circle. . . . The Head Veteran Dancer Is then followed by the Head Man Dancer and the Head Woman Dancer... It is a great honor to be a Head Dancer and it is also a great responsibility. The Head Dancers arc responsible for keeping the traditions and representing the ancestors in a respectful way. (OCNAA, powwow program, 7)

Then come the Men Traditional Dancers, Men Fancy Dancers, Men Crass Dancers, Women Traditional Dancers (with those in calico following those in buckskins). Women Fancy Dancers, Women Jingle Dress Dancers and children. These categories are described for visitors in powwow programs. Although all local programs supply essentially the same description, the following is quoted from the 4th Annual Trinity Farms Powwow, August 1994:

Men's Traditional Dancer

The Traditional Man Dancer executes a very graceful and dignified dance resembling styles of early days. He expresses his own tribal individuality by combining contemporary and traditional styles in costuming. It is a dance held over from the times when war parties would return and dance out the story of a battle or hunters would return and dance their story of tracking their prey. The outfit of the traditional dancer is more subdued than the other dancers, and is frequently decorated with bead and quill work. Traditional Dancers wear a circular bustle of Eagle feathers, representing the circle of life. The Eagle feather spikes on a bustle point upwards, representing a channel between the Great Spirit and all things on Mother Earth. Traditional Dancers are usually veterans and carry, as they dance, many traditional items that symbolize their status as warriors, such as shields, weapons, honor stafk (used to challenge the enemy and decorated with Eagle feathers representing achievements in battle) and medicine wheels (carried as a reminder of the wisdom of the four directions, unity and for the cycle of all things in the universe).

Men's Fancy Dancer

This is a modem interpretation of the old traditional grass dance. It is a fast style of dancing which features fancy footwork, high kicks, and two colorful backbustles worn on the dancer's back.

Men's Grass Dancer

The grass dance is a traditional dance that was done for many years on the prairie. The dancers begin to dance with a drum. Their outfit was traditionally 55

made from grass. The Crass Dancer would begin to make a circle in the tail grass by gracefully pressing the grass down. This was done to make a circle before the Creator and to clear the way for the other dancers. The Crass Dancers also wear antenna that are symbolic of the grass hopper.

Women's Traditional Dancer

Traditional Women Dancers are honored and respected as the life givers of the home. Their dance styles reflect their close bond to mother Earth by never allowing their feet to completely leave the ground. Tradition says that this symbolizes the way women turned and ltx>ked for their warriors to come home.

Women's Fancy Dancer

A Modem Dance style that features elaborate footwork. The women wear fringed shawls and brightly colored matching bead work. The Dance is similar to the Men's Fancy Dance, a style that has more movement, especially spinning. Footwork is the chief element of this dance. They must follow the changing beat of the drum and stop when the music does, with both feet on the ground.

Women's [inide Dress Dancer

The Jingle Dross Dancer is said to have come from a dream. The story goes that a woman's child was very sick and she prayed for help from the Creator. The Creator showed her in a dream to make four different dresses. Each dress was given to a woman. The dance steps were also taught in the dream. The woman then taught the dancers the dance style and told them to pray while dancing. The child then made a miraculous recovery. The dress that is worn by the Dancer is decorated with small bells that are made from tobacco can lids. Tobacco is sacred and this is why the lids are used to make the jingles on the dresses. (OCNAA, powwow program, 7-8)

D evelopments in T r a d it io n a l S tyles

As several essays in Native American Dance detail, there has been considerable evolution in the development of the powwow genre. Many of today's dances can be traced to origins in specific dances of Northern and Southern Plains peoples, with considerable interplay between these related groups. Contemporary Northern and Southern forms are closely related, and are the 56 basis for most powwow forms, "even among many members of tribes... for whom the powwow is a totally imported form" ( Huenemann, 146). Most of the contemporary dance categories have common origins in war society dances, but have developed a range of stylistic and tradition- oriented differences. "Although many of its elements are traditional, powwows are not unchanging continuations from the depths of time, but rather are the dynamic and creative expressions of Indian identity and pride, both for individuals and communities" (Kavanagh, 105). Eighteenth and nineteenth century warrior societies of the Sioux, each with its own songs, dances, dress and accessories, are "the origin of and basis for, many of today's powwow outfits and for particular dances and dance procedures (Huenemann, 127). The intertribal or "War Dance," which is the predominant dance at contemporary powwows, is a descendant of the Omaha Dance, ("which was also called the Grass Dance, after the braids of sweet-smelling grass worn in the bustles" (Kavanah, 109), received by the Northern Plains Tribes from the Southern Plains in the 1860's (Kavahah, 109). 'The Omaha Dance, which came to the Lakota from the Omaha tribe became the basis of traditional powwow practices, including the use of the eagle- feather bustle and the porcupine-hair roach' headdress (Huenemann, 129). As cross-cultural sharing occurred among tribes, considerable variation and adaptation occurred. Increasingly elaborate versions of the ceremony, marked by individual embellishment occurred. The basic dance and costume split to become the "straight" or "traditional " Dance and the "Fancy Dance, " each category developing and changing as well. Also, "the exclusive right of the men's societies to participate was abandoned and the ceremony was opened to all, including women " (Kavanah, 111). Women's style eventually also diverged into Straight and Fancy Dances, with corresponding developments in clothing. The Traditional Dance (as it is more commonly called at Central Ohio powwows) is more conservative in dress and dance steps, both for men and for women, with a basic, stately toe-heel step. 'The Straight Dance costume echoes its origins in the dress clothing of the prairie peoples: cloth shirt and leggings (both decorated with ribbon- work appliqué), cross beaded bandoliers, a headdress of deer-hair roach and an eagle-feather or an otter-fur turban, and otter-fur tailer (Kavanah, 111). "Women's traditional dance dresses are usually full-length and made of either buckskin or tradecloth . . . Women traditionally wear a shawl as a sign of proper etiquette when dancing or otherwise called into a dance arena " (Huenemann, 138). 57

The Fancy Dances are distinguished from the Traditional Dance by more vigorous steps and intricate footwork. Different Fancy Dance styles can further be characterized. Kavanagh states:

In time, the Fancy Dance tradition developed in several directions, characterized not by choreography — they all involve intricate footwork — but by costume, with developments in bustles, headdresses and other accoutrements.

Instead of featuring crow bells worn only by society officers, the dance now allowed each participant to wear one or more bustles at the waist and at the shoulders and small bustles of the upper arms, all color-coordinated. In the 1930s and I94ÜS, these bustles were rather small, often made out of pheasant feathers. A matching harness of bead work was worn around the neck. From the 1930s through the 1950s, many fancy dancers wore a feather-crest headdress, an upright double row of feathers; others wore a deer-hair roach, though the short hair required that it be fastened to a headband.

By the 19oOs the feather crest had been replaced completely by the roach, which in turn was elaborated. Because one objective of the Fancy Dancer was to show movement, the stationary feather was an obvious drawback. Thus the "bobber" was invented, a pivoting see-saw platform holding sockets for two feathers which bounce off rubber-band springs. At the same time, all of the bustles — at arms, back and shoulders — had grown bigger and were made from larger feathers, such as turkey or eagle. This trend has continued, with the feather becoming the basis for further elaboration of colon the tips and bases of bustle feathers were often decorated with downy breast feathers ("fluffies"); in the 1970s, long rooster- hackle feathers, dyed in an assortment of colors, became available, and dancers quickly used them to make their bustles a blur of color. Recently, some dancers have added colored plastic streamers to the tips of their bustle feathers.

From the late 1980s to the present, some dancers have constructed their bustles in eagle feathers without flufhes. these feathers an: sometimes so large that both the back and shoulder bustles are combined into a single bustle worn at the waist. (111- 112)

[n recent years a number of stylistic innovations from the Northern Plains tradition have found their way into Southern Plains powwows, including the style known as the Grass Dance. In this style dancers elaborated their fringed capes to such an extent that their bustles — which included the sweet grass that gave the dance its name — have been eliminated altogether. (Kavanagh, 111-12) Though a much more conservative style, there have been developments in the Men's Traditional Dance as welL Most notably, the late 1970s began a period of emphasis on re-creating older styles of dancing and attire. The timeframe corresponds with increasing Native American 58

pride and activism and with increasing general public romanticization of eighteenth and become nineteenth century images of Indianness in connection with environmentalism. In the late 1970s the so-called traditional dancers began embellishing their clothing in another direction. In addition to larger bustles, they often wear full face paint, animal-skin headdresses, and whole bird-wing attachments at the shoulders. They carry various clubs or sticks in their hands. Many also dance counterclockwise around the arena, opposite to the standard clockwise movements. Although their presentations are not historically verifiable re­ creations of old styles of dancing and costuming — which they claim are pre-photographic — in one sense, they continue the Ghost Dance/Crow Dance tradition of using the dance as a means of establishing an emotional connection with the values of "Indianness." (Kavanagh, 112) Men's powwow outfits, especially those featuring bright colors, large feather bustles, and bells, are for powwow use only, and not appropriate attire for other ceremonies outside of the powwow setting (Toelken, American Indian Powwow, 51). Women's clothing "is often the same that they would wear at home on any ritual occasion"(51). Toelken has found that this correlates with the woman's stronger connection to the earth, her dignity, grace, power, and her principle role in teaching the ways to the younger generations( American Indian powwow 51; Ethnic Selection, 146). Women's Fancy Dance outfits are as specialized for powwow dancing as men's and have also undergone historical developments. "Some of the younger women," Toelken writes," dance a fancy dance called the Shawl Dance, which features a large shawl with long fringes that wave back and forth. The shawls of the 1800s were buffalo hides; later woolen blankets were used, and recently fringed polyester has become popular" (Ethnic Selection, 144-5). Remembering powwow's origin in the men's warrior societies of the Plains, women's participation in itself was an innovation. Kavanah characterizes women's participation prior to the 1960's as a "supportive role in the powwow — the traditional Woman's Dance, for example, is a modest toe-heel bobbing forward step that forms a rhythmic descant to the men's vigorous styles (115). The Traditional Woman's Dance style, like dress, is reflective of the woman's central role in the family and spiritual life of many Indian nations. As Kenny Irwin explained to me, "Without a woman participating in a powwow, a powwow could not happen.. . because the woman herself, at a powwow, is highly regarded because she is the giver of life." The pipe, central to Lakota and Dakota spirituality is said to have come from White Buffalo Calf Woman. 59

Perhaps because of the strong ties between women and spirituality, development of more vigorous women's dance styles, corresponding to the Men's fancy dance styles, has been much more recent. In the late 1960s, an era marked by both emerging Native American activism and increasing women's rights struggles, women's fancy dance styles began to develop. Kavenagh establishes that at around this time "young women began participating as feathered fancy dancers, even winning several contests (115) in Southern Plains powwows. More recently, he notes "two Women's fancy dance styles have been imported from the Northern plains: the Shawl and Jingle-Dress dances, which combine the fancy-step and color of the men's Fancy Dance with traditional women's dress" (115). In Central Ohio powwows, the Woman's Traditional Dance predominates, especially among adult women dancers. However, among the teenagers and younger girls, the Fancy Shawl dance is popular, and the frequent participation of a group of Jingle Dress dancers from South Dakota has generated more interest in that style. Huenemann, writing about Northern Plains traditions, also notes the development of Women's Fancy Dance styles:

For younger women, however, the traditionally restricted dance style has been replaced with a more vigorous style not unlike the men's Fancy Dance. Younger shawl dancers may wear only a shawl over day-to-day street clothes, but fully outfitted hmcy-shawl dancers wear beautiful cloth dresses, tieaded moccasins and leggings, and a shawl, or beaded or decorated cape.... [Women's Jingle Dress] dance and dress style is named from the tin, cone-shaped jingles that are sewn in rows around the dress to move and jingle against one another The dress style, which has some parallels with that of the northern style grass dancers, also began in the early 1900s. One story attributes its origin to a dream by an Ojibwa holy man in Minnesota, in which four women appeared in jingle dresses. From there the dance spread to North Dakota and Montana. Today it has regained popularity among women of ail ages. (138-40)

The jingle dress cones are fashioned from snuff can lids which are sewn onto the dress in rows. Rather than carrying a shawl ( as is appropriate for the woman's traditional style) or wearing a shawl (which is appropriate for the Fanqr Shawl Dance), Jingle-Dress dancers wear a broad yoke, also elaborated with jingles, which is somewhat similar in style to the yoke fringed with yam worn by grass dancers. Jingle dancers wear intricately beaded buckskin leggings and moccasins and carry a bandana or scarf in their left hand, which remains on the hip throughout the dance. A fan, an open bird wing in a beaded and fringed buckskin handle, is a necessary and practical accessory; these fans cool the energetic dancers as they leave the arena. 60

The shawl and yoke are important items of dance attire for women and are treated with great respect. Except for very long fringes on fancy dance shawls, the shawl is not allowed to touch the ground. Woman Traditional Dancers, rather than wearing the shawl, carry it neatly folded over the left arm so that the fringe swings and sways with the rhythmic motion of the stately dance step. Kenny Irwin explained that whereas the Fancy Dancers wear their shawls around their shoulders (because their dress does not have a yoke). Traditional Dancers should carry the shawl over their arm. He expressed consternation that Traditional Dancers sometimes wear the shawl over the shoulders, so that it covers the dress's yoke. His distress seems to be a result of his perception that non-traditional attire or etiquetet indicates a lack of cultural knowledge on the part of the dancers. (Consensual establishment of what is considered traditional and appropriate is discussed further in Chapters Three and Four.) A shawl is a necessity for a woman entering the arena. During the 1989 Moon When Ponies Shed my husband was honored. Although I had no intentions to enter the arena, and did not own a shawl, we were told that it was customary that I join him for the ceremony. Several women scrambled to procure an extra shawl, so that I would be appropriately dressed, and I was not allowed to enter the arena until one was draped around my shoulders in the proper fashion. For general participation in the intertribal dancing, in addition to a shawl, some sort of dress which covers the neck and shoulders and leg coverings are expected of the dancers. First time visitors, who, of course, have no prior knowledge of acceptable dress code, may join the intertribal dancing, as is indicated periodically by the MC and in the program. OCNAA sponsored powwows include a description of proper dress in the "DO" column of the "Powwow Etiquette" section." "Appropriate dress for women are long skirts or dresses and arms should be covered. Men should wear shirts with sleeves and pants. Shorts are not appropriate" (4th Annual Trinity Farms Powwow). Acceptable dance attire need not be elaborate, however. Men and women straight or "Traditional" dancers often wear ribbon shirts or ribbon dresses, respectively. These are simple "T" designs made from calico tradecloth and embellished with ribbon applique and streamers. Men may wear ribbon shirts with blue jeans, breechcloth, moccasins and bandana headbands and may carry fans, sticks or other accessories. They usually also wear beadwork jewelry such as a choker or medallion. Women's ribbon dresses have mid or long length sleeves and a mid-calf hemline. The traditional dress should have a short narrow extension at each side hem. Ribbon 61 dresses are decorated with ribbon applique and streamers, though usually not as elaborately as some of the men's shirts. Cloth or buckskin leggings are necessary to cover the legs and moccasins are the usual footwear. Women usually carry a fan and wear elaborately beaded jewelry and accessories, including barrettes or hair-ties. Within the parameters of dance and outfit style, there is considerable room for individual expression. Colors, decorations, designs, and accessories are chosen based on individual preferences and symbolic meaning. Although older materials and styles are valued as more traditional, this perspective does not seem to preclude change and development, or even the use of non-Indian made items. For example, "some important new additions to the catalogue of instruments and dance regalia involve the substitution of metal rattles and bells for ones formerly made of natural materials. Tin-can leg rattles, for example, have substituted for turtle shells, and metal saltshakers for the hollow-gourd rattles used in the Gourd Dance. Sequins, trade beads, plastic bones and other mass-manufactured items adorn today's dance outfits" (Heth, 7-8).

A C elebration of S pirituality , Life and U nity

"The spirituality is the biggest part of it all. Powwows are celebrations to celebrate life itself, which spirituality is a part of," stresses Kenny Irwin. In the sacred circle of the arena, all things exist and are equal. The circle is very important. Because this emphasis on circles and cycles is in marked contrast to American emphasis on linear progression, this fundamental value is explicitly described in powwow programs. One important difference between Native Americans and non-Natives lies in their concept of Creation. Non-Natives view Creation as a line, with a beginning and end. Native Americans see Creation as a circle, the Sacred Hoop — never-ending, constantly renewing. The center of the hoop is the center of Creation. All Creation moves in a circle, divided into four parts. (Four seasons, four directions, four races, four beings (two-legged, four legged, the winged, and the swimmers.)). (OCNAA, powwow program, 6) The dancers, in their brightly colored costumes, celebrate this unity. "The Dancers in the Arena [aie| creating a circle which representjsj the sacred circle of life. In doing so, they give testimony to the Grandfather (Creator) and to all the ancestors, that they might carry the 62

traditional ways in their hearts" (OCNAA, powwow program, 6). To the steady chant of the drum, they stomp and twirl and two-step. The powwow is a celebration of life, a time of sharing friendship, passing knowledge along and expressing shared spirituality. Dance is the integral instrument of expression. In the Grand Entry, all of the Indian dancers dance. They are not mindful of the non- Indian spectators; they are intent on the harmony of their tradition. Immediately following the Entry is the Flag Song, sung in Sioux, which is equivalent to the National Anthem. Stopping where they were at the end of the Entry dance, they face center circle where the veteran dancers hold the flags. The veteran dancer who carries the American flag is one of the most important dancers; he represents the Indian people who lost their lives for this country. At the 1989 Moon When Ponies Shed, I remember vividly a frail looking woman in a simple buckskin dress, blue denim leggings peeking from underneath, standing absolutely still, face uplifted to the flag, sunken eyes vacant in meditation, holding her turquoise shawl around her shoulders. After a short invocation blessing Indians and visitors, the intertribal dancing begins. This is the heart of the powwow — an enthralling display of Native American dance. The Fancy Dancers, which are the most often photographed of the dancers, wear elaborate and vivid costumes of earthtones and brilliant contrasting colors. The headpiece, or roach, is a crown and tail of sepia deer hair sprouting two white-tipped feathers. Buckskin leggings and shirt are edged in long fringe. Bright ribbons, often red, decorate the outfit which is completed with a double bustle of feathers. The fancy dancer twists his body in a gently snaking, curving dance representing the hoop of the Earth. The Grass Dancers stomp and bob, flaunting costumes of a bright spectrum of yam strands. Selma Walker explained to me that the original Sioux outfits were made with prairie grass (the life of the buffalo and of the Sioux) which was painstakingly bunched and dyed in the vivid colors, then sewn into the costume. Yam is now easier to come by and easier to work with, too. It lasts much longer and provides more colors. For several Saturdays before the powwow, I watched Wayne Allcom, an Ojibway from Canada, silently and carefully sort his brilliant white, orange and yellow yams. The grass dance clothing clearly illustrates the dynamics of tradition and the incorporation of non-Native American elements into Native ways. It may seem ironic that GrasD dancers wear manufactured yam rather than organic grass, but given the tradition of 63 change and development among the dance styles and the fact that yam represents the fluid movements of living grasses as well or better than brittle dried grasses, the clothing expresses Native tradition. The WomeT traditional Dancers are very stately as they step gracefully around the ring. They wear buckskin or calico dresses lavished with multi-colored beadwork, ribbon or shell. Some wear plain buckskin leggings, some wear leggings elaborately beaded in designs of turquoise, white, black and garnet. All have moccasins, most beaded in Thunderbird or other Indian patterns, and carry or wear a fringed shawl. The children dance, also; this is how they learn their tradition. Older girls twirl and kick with breath-taking stamina, seeming to delight in the swing of their fringe as they execute the demanding fancy dance or jingle dance steps. The boys, dressed as Fancy or Grass Dancers with neon yellow and pink bandanas and thick blue and white yarn fringe, dance in emulation of their elders. Anyone can join in the intertribal dancing. The only requirement is that the mind and body be free from drugs and alcohol and that participation is in a spirit of peace, since this is a spiritual gathering to celebrate harmony. Among the earliest sections in the powwow programs is an invitation to join intertribal dancing. "Feel free to join in the Intertribal Dancing. Listen Carefully to the Master of Ceremonies. He will tell you when visitors are permitted to enter the Arena and join in the dancing. At all other times, please respect the sacredness of the Arena by not entering it" (OCNAA, powwow program, 4). Admittedly, this is not a forceful invitation, and most first time visitors who do not know a participant do not immediately join in the intertribal dancing. One reason for this is that they may feel that they don't know enough about participation to do so appropriately, despite the information provided in the program. While the MC gives additional contextual information, PA systems are notoriously difficult to listen to on the noisy powwow grounds. However, this open invitation means that visitors decide for themselves to what extent they choose to participate. The decision is based on what they are comfortable with, rather than on feelings that they are not allowed to participate or that their participation would be considered intrusive. Intertribal dances, which are interspersed with category specific competition and exhibition dances in the competition powwows studied by Toelken, Cronk and Parfit, are the heart of the "traditional" or non competition powwow. But these powwows also feature other forms. 64

which Kavanagh terms "performance dances — dramatic performances by solo or paired dancers" (106). Usually there are small group exhibitions by Jingle Dancers, Tiny Tots, Men Fancy Dancers and Women Fancy Dancers, and solo presentations by Hoop Dancers. Occasionally there will be a short program featuring music and dance of a touring Native American performance artist or group who happens to be in attendance. More importantly, there are honoring ceremonies to mark birthdays and other occasions or service. "People also mark their most important transitions here," realizes Parfit. Carol Welch explains:

Some of the most important parts of a powwow are honor songs, where people honor each other, they honor them for marriage, or for graduating from higfi school, getting a new jot), a promotion, for special things they contributed to the Indian community or the community at large. People have give-aways for the same reasons: for births, for naming, for deaths. These are all kinds of celebrations. Its important to share those things, its important to have a little bit of recognition. And it generally gives back, because you've gotten something good, because something good's come your way, because the spirits looked down upon you in a good way. You share that goodness and you give back to the people who are important in your life and you give whatever you can. It promotes good feelings and important bondings. I think its a real spiritual thing. It’s good for your soul, its good for your spirit and its a way of saying thanks to Tunkansidan' for the good things he's brought into your life.

During an honor dance, a particular drum is chosen to play an honor song. Following the MC's brief announcement of the honoring, the person or people being honored dance (in a traditional step) once around the arena with the Head Dancers. As they reach their starting point, other dancers and powwow participants and even some spectators, each shake hands with the honoree(s), then fall into step behind them, until the arena is full of dancers. As they shake hands, sometimes dollar bills, bits of tobacco (a traditional gift), or other small gift is passed to an honoree.

S y m b o u c P a t t e r n s in D a n c e

Just as the juxtaposition of flags in Grand Entry carries many messages about the relationships among Native American groups and the United States, the patterns formed by the dancers are highly symbolic as well. "The concept of dancing with people as a symbol of

' Carol Welch prefers using tliis older spelling rather than the morc modem spelling, "Tunkasina". 65 supporting them, agreeing with them, or honoring them" (Toelken, Ethnic Selection, 152) is extremely powerful because it suggests that "when we dance with other people, we place ourselves gesturally and symbolically into patterns that relate us to all people on a deeper level (Toelken, American Indian Powwow, 60). Another dance which is highly symbolic is the Round Dance. In Central Ohio powwows there is usually at least one Round Dance during the weekend, and often one Round Dance on each powwow day. This fun dance, in which dancers and spectators all participate, is an enjoyable interruption of the intertribal dancing. Toelken finds the Round Dance to be the second most common dance after the intertribal. The Round Dance is sometimes also called the Friendship or Unity Dance.

The dancers and the spectators arrange themselves in a huge circle side by side facing inward and dance to a pulsating rhythm by stepping to the side and then bringing the feet together again. The circle of dancers moving round and round, often in concentric circles when the crowd is large enough, represents the bringing together of all people and is considered highly symbolic of the function of the powwow... Round dances move in a sunwise direction, because they not only relate the participants to each other but represent the relationship of the dancers to the movements of the sun and the universe. (American Indian powwow, 58).

It is this symbolic function of dance that Toelken concludes accounts for the selection and intensification of dance as a Native American expression of ethnic identity as Indians redefine themselves.

Today the various Native American communities are beset with pressures thought to cause disintegration, dissolution, depression, alienation, and separation. No matter what their tribal differences may have been in the past, their contemporary reality is one of a commonly experienced, commonly perceived corrosive trauma. One of their only ways of dealing with this shock has been to select those features of their various cultures which give them a way of sharing the experience of holding on and maintaining what they have. (Toelken, Ethnic Selection, 153).

The powwow, though having its origins in celebrations of Northern and Southern Plains peoples, is a form in which most Indians and tribes participate. Native peoples have always had intertribal contact with adjacent groups and in some cases, had quite distant contacts. Contact with and knowledge of other groups, however, is always limited by the means of transportation 66

and communication. American advances such as automobiles, superhighways, rapid postal service, satellite television, and telephones, have greatly increased the means of transportation and communication among all peoples. Native Americans are no exception; they are part of the proverbial "global village." Creation of a mutual form of expression is the logical outcome of increased contact among Native groups. Here again. Native Americans have used American advancements in technology. By utilizing telephones, automobiles, interstate highways, and the like, Indians can meet with geographically distant tribal groups with whom they would otherwise have little or no access. They can also continue community ties despite American efforts to deculturate Indians by removing them from the reservation's communal life. Speaking at a gathering of Native American Ohio State University Students, Deloris Santha, expressed her feelings of being separated from her people. When she was in college at OSÜ in 1943 she was the only Indian on campus. Although she was only a few hours away from her home in Youngstown, Ohio, transportation and money were such a hardship that she could not visit her home often. She found this separation quite difficult to cope with. Now she can drive the two and a half hours between Cleveland and Columbus in an afternoon to meet with a room full of Native college students, all from different tribal affiliations and geographic areas. In Delores Santha's youth also, powwows were an important means of expressing Indian cultural identity, but, she explained, it was difficult or impossible to get to the ones which were far away. As such, Indians knew much less about other Indian groups throughout the continent, and had no viable means of creating a shared identity. And, there were no powwows in the Central Ohio area. Delores Santha expresses that it is somewhat ironic that the very American culture which has sought to assimilate Indians inadvertently provides them with the means of creating unity among themselves.

The dance genre for American Indians is one which brings about engagement, integration, and reintegration. In the fullest sense of the term, dance embodies cultural attitudes which cannot readily be articulated in other ways... the dancers of a secular round dance actually form a living picture of the integrated group with which they seek connection, flbelken. Ethnic Selection, 153)

Although Toelken does not mention it, the intertribal dance also forms such a living picture. The intertribal dancers are from many tribal traditions — many are from mixed tribal backgrounds or interradally mixed backgrounds. This group consists of individuals with varying 67 degrees of ethnic identification and "awareness," as well as non-Indian spectators and participants who also hold an even greater range of backgrounds and degrees of awareness regarding Native Americans. The dancers, who dance individually according to personal style, form a picture of respectful coexistence, where all are free to express their ethnicity or identity in their own way without impinging on someone else's right to do the same. For variation and fun within the intertribal dancing there are some grow ops (intertribal dances originating with the Crow people and having a distinctive rhythm) and usually an Oklahoma two-step on each powwow day. These are both favorites. In the Oklahoma two-step as Toelken describes it, "the lead couple, holding hands, runs around the arena followed by other dancers, also in couples. The lead couple may stop and dance in place, may jump up and down, may run backwards, may split off with men and women going in different directions to come together at another part of the pavilion, and so on, all to a very rapid beat. All participants must follow the actions of the lead couple, and usually the dance dissolves in laughter as people begin tripping over each other and falling to the ground." The two step is a favorite particularly looked forward to at Central Ohio powwows since there is an added element of interest: the dance Is ladies choice (Kavanagh, 118), meaning that the women get to choose their partner. Since the man asked is not allowed to refuse, men try to duck and dodge women as the upcoming two step is announced, so as to have a greater chance of being asked by the woman they prefer to dance with. Toelken stresses the existence of such intentional humor in dance. Native Americans have quite a sense of humor, despite their stereotype as stoic, iron-faced warriors. Their easy humor is often a surprise to people not familiar with Indians (who may be expecting people and situations more closely conforming to their misconceptions and stereotypes), especially at a powwow, an event such visitors expect to be serious ceremony rather than social and celebratory. But the humorous elements are obvious, and cannot be overlooked by even the stodgiest of spectators, who cannot help but leam something about contemporary Indianness. In addition to the Two-step, Toelken relates the "Old Women's Dance" which he has observed several times in his research. This dance begins similarly to any other exhibition dance, a group of old women enter the arena to demonstrate their dance. Old women hobble into the arena with sticks and canes, wobbling and bumping into one another. One pretends to take offense, and attempts to strike another. Soon all are attempting to hit one another with canes and sticks, while dodging the others' blows, all to the beat of the "relentless drums." The dance 68 continues until "everyone is laughing too hard to swing anymore" (Ethnic Selection, 149). Another dance observed by Toelken is more overt in its references to how curious yet uninformed many spectators are;

At the Arlee Powwow, almost every year sees another enactment of the Wanabi initiation dance. The announcer... asks all Indian people to leave the center of the arena so that non-Indian visitors can be honored by induction into the Wanabi society. Hippies in beads, German and Japanese tourists festooned with cameras, elderly California matrons heavy with Navajo jewelry, grandpas on vacation in Hawaiian shirts and sandals are all dragged in to the arena and given basic instructions on how to stamp their feet in time to the drums, and then, as they dance in a mixture of honor and embarrassment, they are told they are now the possessors of the Wanabi Dance, the special ritual dance for those who "wanna be" Indians. (Ethnic Selection, 149)

Almost as overt was a demonstration I observed at the 1989 Moon When Ponies Shed Powwow. On the second day, as it began to wind down, Asa, the MC announced a very important demonstration to "educate" the spectators. Windy White demonstrated the uses of an Indian blanket. "An Indian always has his blanket," Asa began. "There are many ways he can use it. Indians use the blanket when they ride a horse." Windy made a show of folding the orange-striped green blanket around his own waist. He then tossed his head, slapped himself on the flank and galloped snorting around the arena. "Here is how a shy maiden uses the blanket," Asa continued. "You'll have to pretend that Windy is a maiden in a dress." Windy wrapped his head and body in the blanket, peeked coyly from a slit, glanceed over his shoulder at an imaginary beau, tittered and scampered away. "And here's how the young man that gets rejected by that shy young maiden uses the blanket," Asa followed. Windy ducked beneath the blanket like a Halloween ghost, doubled over and dragged around with loud dejected sobs. But the most important use (besides to keep warm at this powwow) is to take donations. Instead of passing a hat, the Indians passed a blanket which was later spread at the entrance to the arena. Money could be dropped here as a way of showing appreciation and to help with the expenses of the NAIC powwow and the Indian center: Indians and guests alike made small donations. 69

Windy White's Blanket Dance was a unique demonstration which I have never seen repeated. The Indians who watched it immediately grasped the humor, and were laughing heartily by the time Asa suggested that they envision Windy as a maiden in a dress. The non- Indian spectators, myself included since this was my first powwow, at first took the "demonstration" as a serious educational effort, but soon realized that it was a farce, and that the Indians thought it tremendously funny. Even the most stodgy of spectators who had never imagined that Indians had a sense of humor soon realized that their credulousness resulting from this notion was being made fun of and ended up laughing, once they got over the shock of seeing Indians as people with humor. Shared laughter and circular patterns in dance and spatial arrangement reinforce the sense of unity among participants and visitors that Carol Welch expressed when she explained that the circles represent the prayer "Mitakuye Oyasin; and that means all my relatives. It doesn't mean all my Indian relatives; it means ALL my relatives, all my relations."

C ross C ultu ra l O rientation a n d R espect

The sense of unity created among visitors and participants facilitates coordination of political and public education efforts. As noted in Chapter One, the number of Central Ohio powwows has increased as local Native Americans have become more politically active and strong and as their cultural pride has been increasingly recognized by the non-Native community. Vendor and organization booths offer a variety of information to both Indians and non-Indians. Simply by visiting several of these booths and collecting fliers interested individuals can find out when and where upcoming powwows around the country will take place, leam the latest information about legal endeavors across the U.S. and Canada, and leam more about why Native Americans are offended by sport team mascots. Issues of Native American newspapers are usually also available. Both Natives and non-Natives take advantage of these opportunities to keep informed on issues of contemporary importance. For many non-Natives, this cross cultural education can be very enlightening. For example, most people do not realize the existence of minority press such as Native American newspapers and the syndicated short news program National Native News (which airs locally on public radio); many appreciate the altemative to mainstream press and information sources. 70

Indians are quite aware of the role powwows can play in making the general public more aware of and even more supportive of Native American issues and efforts. "One function then," explains Toelken,

is for a local Indian community in an urban area to reestablish and reaffirm Its ties among its own members (who may be members of a variety of tribes) and to encourage friendships with other Indian communities, as well as with non- Indians who have been active in helping to encourage and support Indian observances. (American Indian Powwow, 51)

The Ohio Center for Native American Affairs is particularly aware of such aspects of powwows and consciously tries to maintain a professional image, one which will leave a positive impression on even those who hold the most negative and misinformed stereotypical views concerning Indians. And because it is an organization dedicated to carving out a space within the dominant culture for Native American culture to continue to exist, they are particularly concerned with doing things in the traditional way as well as educating the public about the importance of those traditional ways. Although awareness of non-Indian audience is politically and educationally important, OCNAA, as well as other Indian powwow sponsoring organizations, is also aware that part of that very political and educational value is in welcoming non-Indians to participate in the event as it is primarily intended: a gathering put together by Indians to celebrate and express Indian ways. Susan Mills emphasizes powwow's importance for both Indians and non-Indians: A whole lot of targets can be hit at the same time. Its important because Native people can get together and share information, come up-to-date, be around people who are their own kind. Also, a time when the public can be exposed to Native people and leam about Native cultures, and spirituality, traditions from Native people and not from books and not from white people who might have learned it from other white people or from books or from non-Native people. It's a first hand exposure to the culture; and I don't think there's any other way you could really leam it except by going to a powwow. OCNAA includes a two page section explaining the organization in its powwow program.

The Ohio Center for Native American Affairs (OCNAA) was established primarily to ensure that Native American perspectives and treliefs are forcefully 71

ropresentfd in the dLsaissiurus in Ohio directed toward bringing the state in compliance with the Native American Craves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990.

While OCNAA retains its fundamental emphasis upon burial rights and repatriation, the purposes of the organization have expanded. As a non-profit organization, OCNAA is involved in educational, cultural, and informational activities intended to enhance and strengthen traditional Native American cultures in Ohio and to inform all citizens regarding issues of concern to the Native American community, (powwow program, 9)

OCNAA began sponsoring its Trinity Farms Powwow (Trinity Farm is a horse boarding and training facility for Combined Training event horses) in 1991, and the 1994 powwow fulfills the traditional commitment to a four year cycle. The 1994 powwow committee, the most efficient and organized powwow committee I've observed, was committed to producing an event which was enjoyable and educational for non-Indians as well as for Indians, without turning it into a touristic event primarily for visitors' benefit. Arrangements were made for recycling of paper, plastic and aluminum waste, and for disposal of cigarettes. While this is agreeable to the general public, it was done also out of respect for the owners of the horse farm, who have turned over their facilities once a year since 1991 without charging a rental fee. An attractive powwow program was prepared and was actively promoted during the powwow. However, since purchase of the program was optional, many visitors chose not to get one. Some did not want to spend the two dollars, others preferred to experience the event "fresh" without the preconceived notions suggested by the program, others felt they knew enough to get by without it. Although powwows have an MC who gives some contextual information about the powwow, about Native Americans, and about specific events within the powwow, it is often difficult to hear him at all, or to understand him through layers of accent and PA static. The MC periodically goes through a list of "powwow etiquette do's and don'ts" and reiterates that this information and more can be found in the program. More than an effort to educate non-Indians, it is an effort to help Indians avoid being offended by a visitor who acts without knowledge of what may be construed as offensive (such as touching an item of the dancer's clothing, pointing, taking pictures during the more sacred elements of the powwow, taking photographs of individuals without permission, entering the arena inappropriately, or going the wrong way around the circle). Susan Mills points out that "the whole thing is there are so many little ways that the uneducated could offend and not mean to, like touch an eagle feather. That's one of the main purposes of putting out the program, just to sensitize people to those things." 72

Even the short list of do's has this purpose. This list contains information regarding appropriate dress for entering the arena, and the necessity to stand and remove hats at certain times. The other two items, though at first more inviting, also contain implicit "don'ts." For example, the invitation to participate in dancing: Feel free to join in the Intertribal Dancing. Listen carefully to the Master of Ceremonies. I le will tell you when visitors are permitted to enter the Arena and join in the dancing. At all other times, please respect the sacredness of the Arena by not entering it. This item of etiquette, though inviting visitors to participate in dancing, makes clear limits on that participation. Visitors are thus reminded that the powwow is an Indian event for Indian people and that the presence of visitors is at Indian prerogative. And indeed, there are smaller "mini-powwows" in the area, as well as in other areas of the continent, which are not open to the public. The many Indian nations which participate in powwows have developed a complex code for dealing with cultural differences and potential points of conflict, a code built on respect. It is assumed that visitors honor this code as well, but since some visitors come with the same view of participation as they would hold when visiting a "living history museum" the contextual information in the program and the powwow etiquette section specifically reinforce those considerations. Mark Welch of the NAIC explains that Native Americans respect each other's tribal differences and are able to learn from them, which has been a factor in the development of intertribal powwows and the associated "powwow ways."

Wc go to a powwow in Oklahoma; everybody dances backwards. In the circles I'm familiar with, you dance in a clockwise direction; and down in Oklahoma they dance kinda counterclockwise. Yet, that sacredness, that sociability and that fun and that enjoyment — its still there. Unless it would go completely counter to my religious beliek, I pretty much go with the flow. And that's respect. Our people try to firmly believe in respect. People ask me why the Santa Maria still exists, you know. I've so far respected it And so when I go to Oklahoma, even though I believe in dancing clockwise direction, I honor their ways down there and I know that its still the same thing. And I visit, every once in a while I'll go to different tribes and its not intertribal, its a tribal thing, and you leam something new, you know, and you start thinking about it And one of the things that kind of struck me is the thought behind it, and the spiritually behind it, is the same, but its just there are different methods. And when you begin to realize that then it becomes enjoyable and you can leam from it and you can grow from it And I think that's how the intertribals originated: our people realized that respect they were able to go with it, realized it was the same thing, just in a different manner. 73

Reference to the Santa Maria highlights the connection of the powwow and the political. The Santa Maria is a full-scale reproduction of Columbus's ship, placed in the Scioto River near downtown Columbus, Ohio, in connection with Quincentennery celebrations. It is a focal point symbolizing the discord between Natives and America, locally and nationally, since the original ship returned to Spain with 40 Natives in shackles and chains to be slaves and curios. That Mark Welch and other Native American leaders have not allowed its destruction — which would vent their hostilities and focus public attention on their perspective (albeit in a negative context) — is a strong statement about the depth of their belief in respect. That they welcome participation in powwows by Euro-Americans and non-traditionals is an equally strong statement. Carol Welch extends the discussion of respect and related an example where participants in a para-powwow activity took too much initiative, rather than learning and operating within the established codes of conduct.

[this concept of respect| goes back to what our elders have said: when these people came here they should have put their ways aside, and took up the ways of this land. And I think that's true; if you go to Oklahoma YOU go to Oklahoma and you should respect their ways, and if you're going to enter their circle, you need to dance the way that they dance. And I think that's real important. And I think that's kind of a good philosophy. You know for all aspects of life; not just dancing.

After the close of a powwow day, social dances just for fun often take place into the small hours of the night. Even though these dances are not an official part of a powwow, the same kind of respect for the drum and for the participants is shown. Carol Welch uses an incident at the NAIC's 13th Annual Labor Day powwow (1994) to illustrate how visitors not familiar with the traditional ways often assume that they know more than they do and unintentionally act in an offensive manner. Our people have a tremendous respect for the drum, whether it's in the circle or out of the circle. There were some women who were not Indian who were dancing a little off color and it wasn't exactly acceptable. Even though i ts a social, even though it's for fun, there are limitations on things — you know what I mean — you just don't do that. And so that was the only thing. And I think if they had kind of, instead of initiating, tried to just kind of wait and see what the people do [the situation would have been better}. 74

While Indians do expect visitors to be respectful, they recognize that most visitors know little or nothing about the event they are attending and the existence of Native Americans today. They are aware that the powwow is an important exposure for such visitors, but they do not cater to their curiosity for information — to do so would fundamentally change the nature of the powwow itself from an Indian celebration of Indianness to an educational event explaining Indianness. The existence of a program is one accommodation to balance these concerns, but Indians expect that visitors who are interested in finding out more take upon themselves the responsibility for their education. Susan Mills points out "a program doesn't really change anything, except that it gives the uninformed a tool." Powwow programs have repeated references to the MC as a source of further information, implying that the visitor who wants to learn more actively seek out information. "Remember to pay close attention to the MC and respect the dancers. As you listen and watch, you will begin to learn the ways of the Native American people" (OCNAA, powwow program, 7). Visitors are encouraged to ask about what they don't understand; however, even within this invitation, it is implied that such questioning be done appropriately — outside of the arena, rather than as an interruption of the event:

Feel free to talk to the Dancers outside the Arena. They are very happy to answer your questions about their Regalia, the dances, and share their culture with you. (OCNAA, powwow program, 4)

However, despite the foregrounding of cultural differences, conduct based on respect allows celebration of unity. What makes this work for a powwow, is that it is probably the only kind of exposure most visitors will get which is on Indian's terms: visitors enter the Indian world as outsiders, rather that vice versa. Especially appropriate is the greeting in the program for NAIC's traditional Wacipi at Fort Hayes Educational Center (May 1994). The use of the Dakota language foregrounds cultural difference as the rhetoric stresses the possibility of unity, and the terms on which it can occur.

CANTE WASTEYA NAPE CTYU21AFE!!! With a glad heart and handshake, we greet you !!! We warmly welcome you to our tractional Wacipi. We thank all of our old and new friends, all our relatives for sharing this celebration with us. Your presence gladdens our hearts and warms our memories. We gather together in friendship and peace to sing, dance, listen and leam. Let there be no strangers, no enemies. Let us all be himiiy. (NAIC Fort Hayes powwow program, np) 75

Native Americans of Central Ohio are very aware of the complexity of powwow's importance, from the miracle of "united nations" to the opportunity for dialogue on Indian terms with visitors. CHAPTER III

POWWOW AND SECULAR RITUAL: LIMINALITY, RITUAL

RECONNECTIONS, CREATING SUCCESSFUL EXPERIENCE

FOR PARTICIPANTS AND AUDIENCE

Certainly, powwows are intricately associated with Native America ethnicity, both as Native Americans perceive and practice it and as it is perceived by non-Natives. But the question of why powwows have been selected and intensified (in Toelken's terms) as markers of Native American identity must be addressed. Barbara Meyerhoff's theories of secular ritual ("Rites of Passage; Process and Paradox," "A Symbol Perfected in Death: Continuity and Ritual in the Life and Death of an Elderly Jew," "We Don't Wrap Herring in a Printed Page: Fusion Fictions and Continuity in Secular Ritual") elucidate the important facet of transformative ritual at the societal level: powwows are a ritual reconnection to culture which the Indian community needs in their modem fragmented anxiety-ridden existence as Indians constructing Indian identity in a non- Indian world. In Central Ohio, where boundaries between "Indian" and "non-Indian" are often indistinct, the differential identity (Bauman, Differential Identity) factor is increasingly important; powwows enact contemporary Indianness, linking the participants in a particular powwow symbolically with participants in powwows located elsewhere in North America and with other enactments of past, present and even future. And powwows express that sense of shared Indian identity to non-Indians even as they are included as participants in the celebration. This chapter first establishes that contemporary Native Americans are in a state of liminality, as characterized by Victor Turner and Barbara Meyerhoff. Liminality is a transition state between a former identity and a transformed identity, with the transformation effected

76 77 through ritual. Turner's expansion of the concept of liminality allows for the protracted, historically generated liminal phase characteristic of Native America, as Indians move from the former, pre-contact state, negotiating their existence in relation to Euro-American society. (This transformation is still in process, and is enacted in powwow, as secular ritual.) Powwows are established as a means of vitalization of the Native American culture, especially in an off- reservation area where the tension between traditionalism and assimilationism is high, resulting in marked discontinuity and fragmentation. The resulting liminality is expressed at the individual, tribal, community and collective levels and, as secular rituals, powwows involve a sense of connectedness and integration at all of those levels as well as in relation to the dominant culture. Meyerhoff's conclusions must be extended to apply to the larger-than-individual levels of liminality which powwow addresses. In addition to enacting a sense of connection within the local Indian community, among Native tribes, and with a generalized "Native America, " an important aspect of powwows is in bringing a contemporary image of Native people into the consciousness of the general public. Establishing a sense of connection among Indian people and between Indians and non- Indians is important to addressing the multiple functions of powwows. Powwows are shown to elicit a state of communitas, creating a sense of connection among participants of different tribal affiliations and customs on the basis of shared underlying spirituality wherein points of contention can be negotiated. Shared underlying spirituality does not equate with pan-lndianism, however. Thus random mixing of traditional elements, expression of inappropriate non- traditional elements and outrageous displays resulting from misinterpretation of what is "traditional" and appropriate are frowned upon, as evidenced by the Arena Director's comments. How powwows as secular ritual establish continuity within Native America on personal and group levels is outlined. Powwow attendance and participation is a common element in reclaiming or creating a personal sense of Native American identity for individuals experiencing a sense of discontinuity. The sense of continuity established through powwows links individuals of differing tribal affiliations and cultural awareness within the local community and its organizations; it also links individuals, the local community and organizations to the Indian population throughout North America. Strategic adaptation of Euro-American based elements and technologies (such as telephones, newspapers, automobiles) within the Indian cultural framework and worldview are 78 shown to facilitate the increasing sense of community among Native American groups across North America; solidification of sense of community is an important factor affected by powwows and contributes to the success of the secular ritual. Appropriation of Euro-American elements also contributes to powwow's success by increasing the numbers of participants and guests through long distance transportation and publicity. Native American community is also expressed in powwows by displaying differences with the non-Native population. Powwow, as successful transformative ritual, addresses a number of people of varying degrees of Native American cultural knowledge. Use of a guiding metaphor, primarily that of family reunion, and sequencing of elements are keys to success. Provided sufficient orientation, most attenders will be able to participate in some capacity, (which includes participation in the role of audience). Meyerhoff proposes five dimensions of evaluating the outcome of secular ritual, which are applied to evaluate powwows. Explicit purpose, symbols and messages and implicit statements are considered. Social relationships effected are considered at length, with attention to the multiple levels involved in distinguishing messages intended and messages received. The added factor of messages about Indians from non-Indian sources is discussed because these competing messages can further obscure Native American intended messages for an uninformed public, unable to differentiate. Powwows can also be considered a statement about culture in the face of chaos, statement which foregrounds the constructed nature of culture. Although powwows are an expression of a cultural system which stands in the place of a cultureless void, emphasis on nature, tradition, and past (rather than future or present) de-emphasize constructedness of Native American culture for participants. Meyerhoff has also identified six traditionalizing elements which are applicable to powwow analysis. Repetition is a key element expressing continuity with older ways even in first annual powwows or powwows where Native American interests are in conjunction with American interests. Performance aspects are another traditionalizing factor, including acting, staging, order and stylization. Although it is these aspects which draw visitors, the ordering, orientation features as well as the blurring of lines between audience and performer contribute to the sense of communitas and participation which form the collective dimension of this multifaceted transformative ritual. 79

L im in a l E xistence

To better understand the transformative process of powwows as secular ritual, their existence in an extended state of liminality must first be established. Native Americans — as individuals, communities and a collective — are in a particular state of liminality. They are in a protracted transition phase involving not only the internally generated changes which any cultural group undergoes but also the added influences of Western civilization. Native Americans can no longer exist in fairly distinct cultural groups, albeit in contact with adjacent tribes. They now must also be part of a larger constructed collective, and powwows are an integral part of constructing collective Indian identity as well as continuing tribal traditions. Powwows are particularly suited for this role as they have always been concerned with unity. Powwow's history as occasion for developing intertribal relations and exchanging news and information is commonly expressed. Toelken, Cronk and Parfit all indicate this function of powwows, as did the people with whom I spoke. Kenny Irwin, a leader in the local Indian community and respected powwow Arena Director, for example, is very specific about the connection between the underlying spirituality of the event and political dimensions such as intertribal relations and concerns about European influence: "Powwows were basically a celebration where various Native nations, tribes and clans came together to trade, to renew friendships, to see what was going on in various parts of the country. They became a focal point of celebrating life in general. And because these gatherings celebrated all life, they "became a place of gathering where other tribes could mend fences. Warring tribes could now become part of a larger family of Native people, and also discuss the coming of the European, what was happening to the land." (implications of family metaphor in powwow are discussed later in this chapter and in Chapter Four) As keeping informed about the activities of the "Europeans," which includes Americans because of the predominantly European ancestry, has become more urgent, intertribal gatherings have remained important in forging alliances among Indian nations and exchanging strategies and information concerning the many battles with Europeans and Euro-Americans. Today, tribal and collective Indian identity is greatly influenced by America, and all of these levels of identity are in a state of flux. Thus, Native Americans, especially those living away from reservation communities, are concerned with determining and re-determining their identity at all of these 80 levels. Powwows are obviously an important factor in this because they highlight Indian similarities in contrast to general American and other ethnic identities, while still allowing participants to express individual and tribal identity. Negotiating these cross cultural influences, emerging into contemporary Native American consciousness has been and is an on going process. This process is a protracted, historically generated liminal state, the broader concept of liminality from which Meyerhoff works. Turner successfully expanded the concept of liminality from a stage the individual undergoes within a rite of passage to "an interpretation of the liminal or marginal phase as existing autonomously, an independent and sometimes enduring category of people who are 'betwixt and between,'" writes Meyerhoff. And with this shift in conceptualization, "all manner of possibilities occur," she continues. "They are astonishingly diverse but share some of the characteristics of neophytes in the liminal phase of a ritual or transition" (Rites of Passage, 116-117). Turner explains that "History itself has sometimes generated religious phenomena approximating those found in liminal periods. This happens during epochs of marked cultural change and its accompanying personal psychological stress"(Religious Célébrations,211). Such eras. Turner notes, provide conditions for revitalization movements. Turner refers to Mooney's "Classic study of the ghost dance(1896)" as a description of such a revitalization process: "Its liminal character is obvious" (Religious Celebrations, 212), he concludes.

When powerful invaders and colonizers exert economic pressure and political force on indigenous groups of simpler material culture, who have no means of sustained military defence, rcvitalistic movements tend to take on a religious character. Many of the features found in liminal and liminoid situations come to dominate the new religion, drawing sustenance from many hitherto separate tribal traditions. Elements of the alien culture are frequently borrowed and synthesized with confluent autochthonous symbols, myths, beliefs and rituals. Ludic recombination of old and new cultural components rapidly takes place. Traditional shamans become new prophets. Their dreams and visions in trance and ecstatic dance become new myths and these are dramatized in new rituals, some of which become institutionalized. Existential communitas seizes the first converts and the new, rapidly improvised "message," cosmology, world-view; and round of rituals spread to embrace in a religious community many scattered groups whose only previous bond was like Arte, a sharod oppression. (211-212)

Native Americans are still in this historically generated liminal phase, still negotiating the cross cultural influences that necessitated the revitalizing Ghost Dance, which is still being performed in some areas today. Powwows are part of vitalization of Native Cultures, and today 81

are the most high-profile celebration of Native America in the face of America. In Central Ohio especially, powwows are a focal point within the revitalization of local Indian communities; the increase in traditionality expressed in powwows, as well as the increasing number of powwows, serves as sort of a barometer of the traditional values in the local community in much the same way as Cup Match and Carnival do in Manning (Manning, Cup Match and Carnival). Carol Welch's discussion of the history of Central Ohio area powwows (Chapter Two) indicates that local participants are becoming more involved with learning and displaying their cultures. Kenny Irwin also noted an increase. "I've watched powwows in this area get a good grip and start to come back up." This comment seems to more directly correlate powwows and the state of the population. Increasing numbers of powwows is a sign that there is more community interest. But it is the organizer's interpretation and practice of "traditional " powwow ways which is the real gauge of community values. Although the incline in powwow participation is by no means steady and steep, it is at the point now where traditional etiquette can be more strictly expressed. Kenny Irwin and other tradition oriented powwow organizers are distressed that some dancers wear inappropriate clothing or some drum groups do not show the drum proper respect. "You go home to a powwow up North, or down South, a traditional, " he says, "you will see [things done in I the proper manner " This statement is echoed by other more tradition-oriented community leaders, especially those with close ties to reservation areas. Such a statement does not seem to account for the fact that many local Indians have no experience with the reservation areas, where traditional customs are more consistently displayed. Differences in what is considered "proper" clearly indicates the constructed nature of etiquette and its relation to the equally constructed concept of tradition. Of course, as well as historical variations, as discussed in Chapter Two, there are tribal variations within the the powwow. Additionally, in areas where the Native American population is more homogeneous in tribal background, there is a stronger sense of consensus regarding what is "traditional" or proper. Kenny Irwin does, however, seem to realize that participants will leam from what they experience, and thus is compelled to interpret traditional powwow customs as strictly as possible when he serves as powwow organizer or Arena Director. He is thus shaping the experience and perspective of participants into a consensus reflective of his interpretation of tradition and proper etiquette which was in turn shaped by his experiences. As knowledge of "the 82 proper manner" grows in Central Ohio, powwows can become less lax in interpretation of what is acceptable. "Right now," states Kenny Irwin, "1 think the best powwow that's gonna happen is [the upcoming powwow at Heimut Hausj; this is gonna be strict. I'm arena director, and me and him [the MC[ have talked and it's going to be strictly traditional This has got to stop, its got to come back. " Kenny Irwin's sense of "strictly traditional " seems to indicate a powwow form that is closer to what occurs in a reservation area where there is a stronger sense of consensus regarding appropriate expression. Through enforcement of strict interpretation of traditional customs and values expressed through powwow participation, it is hoped that the local participants will gain a better working knowledge of those traditional ways and values so that they may be perpetuated. Today, Indians are engaged in trying to construct a more satisfying culture, in trying to keep those elements of their culture of value to them while not being forced to assimilate completely into the dominant culture. At the same time, some Indians, especially those with urban ties, are engaged in trying to construct a more satisfying environment for their culture — recognition and support from the laiger society and legislation which should lead to having more freedom to be left alone to decide their own way. Off-reservation Indians especially recognize that the material culture and customs, values and people of the dominant culture cannot be banished completely from their lives. They recognize also that some Indians must walk that fine line between traditionalism and assimilation, becoming fluent in the ways of American society and law in order to educate that society and put into place policies which ultimately allow Indians to back away from that line without the risk of being overcome by the dominant society. Indians appropriate elements from dominant society, incorporating them into Indian ways of thinking and value systems, utilizing them in construction of a Native community stronger in relation to America. Automobiles allow people to reunite over long distances. Colorful yams, beads, and snuff can lids are used in making fancy dance outfits. Powwow songs are recorded for sale on CD.

In d iv id u a l a n d C o l l e c t iv e L im in a l it y

This trying to be Indian in a very non-Indian world, spawns a pervasive sense of discontinuity and fragmentation, which contributes to the liminality of Native Americans at all 83 levels, from the individual to the collective. The category "Native Americans" includes more than 300 different languages and more than 500 different tribal groups, members of which hold differing levels of knowledgeability and differing stances towards the position of Native America within America. Additionally, many Native Americans are of mixed tribal heritage and even of mixed racial heritage. Native Americans "walk in two worlds," a phrase they use to describe how they must balance being functional members of the American society while at the same time being functional members of Native America, which usually also includes tribal-specific identification for one or more specific group. Such struggle for balanced identity is not peculiar to Native Americans; a similar dynamic was described by W. E. B. Du Bois in The Souls of Black Folk (1903). He noted two extremes "the first tending toward radicalism, the other toward hypocritical compromise" (203), between which he felt must be developed a "double consciousness" that acknowledged that "the worlds within and without the Veil of Color are changing, and changing rapidly, but not at the same rate, not in the same way." As those worlds grow separately, individuals must balance between them. For Native Americans, as well as other minority groups, finding that balance means "walking in two worlds"; being functional in both rather than following only one way. Realizing the difficulty of this balancing act, it becomes quite evident that contemporary Native Americans are in a particular state of liminality at several levels. In the Central Ohio area, for example, there are no nearby reservations. The Native American community is comprised of individuals with a variety of tribal affiliations and cultural backgrounds. Trying to succeed in the "white man's world," as Indians term it, requires that one be fluent not only in one's Indian cultural ways, language, values and means of success but also in the white or American way. Delores Santha, a Seneca-Comanche OSU Alumni, sympathized with Native students' frustrations with the difficulty in "walking in two worlds " and praised the efforts of the campus Indian Council in sponsoring powwows and other programs to help disoriented Native students find their balance. She values higher education and supports three scholarship foundations for Native Americans, feeling that it is important for Native Americans to hold their own within the larger society and earn their respect. Often, however, cultural values and ways are in opposition and the balance required for walking in two worlds can disrupt the balance required in the Indian world. This is especially true in legal and legislative endeavors which require a high level of expertise in law and American ways. Delores Santha stresses that "you must always remember where you came from, remember who you are." By having pride, but not arrogance, in 84 ethnicity, she feels it is possible to integrate cultural traditions into life in the larger society — to walk in two worlds. The most fundamental difficulty in walking in two worlds is maintaining family ties. Native Americans are family and community (extended family) oriented, whereas for mainstream America a small nuclear family, often miles away from grandparents and cousins, is the norm. For Amanda Warren, a Native American at the early stages of rediscovering her Indianness, recognizing this Native American pattern of family orientation distinguished her family from those of her friends and neighbors, which were more representative of the mainstream. In a Native American studies class, says Amanda, "we had talked about extended families and how strongly some Native American tribes feel about extended family where you take your brother's kids in if your brother can't. And my parents have done that... .[and| Summertimes there are always nine, ten, other relatives in our house, besides the six people that live in our house themselves. So not much privacy, but its really kind of close. " This familial closeness is an important part of Native American emphasis on the interrelationship of all life, and being away from one's extended family is a major source of discontinuity. Kenny Irwin emphasized, "the most spiritual thing now is the family unit. " Like many off-reservation Indians, he and his family struggle with fragmentation of the family unit and balancing fluency in Native values and customs with fluency in Euro-American ways, but also recognize the necessity of his having to be away from the reservation. Kenny Irwin relates his family's concern when they told him: "you belong on the reservation. You've got to be here. Yet you have a beautiful wife and family and you belong there. We read about you in the paper, we see you on TV doing things out there that benefit us here. So continue on doing your work, but remember where you're from. " For Kenny Irwin and other off-reservation Indians, this is difficult to follow in everyday practice; powwows then can become a focal point — symbolically and actually — of connection. As individuals and organizations, Indians find it important to develop ever strengthening ties to Native America and to the many individual tribal traditional ways. This need for reconnection is expressed as part of every day life and, in addition to involvement with powwows, may include participation in religious ceremonies, political endeavors, public education efforts. Native arts and crafts, traditional storytelling, traditional foodways, traditional language use, and many other activities. 85

Fragmentation and discontinuity in modem existence is hardly unique to Native Americans. It is common to all ethnic groups and even to "Americans" in general. As Meyerhoff notes, in America's complex and urban twentieth century society, individuals have decreasing communal ties of support even as stresses and life-crises increase (Rites of Passage,126). For groups such as Native Americans, which must manage their own culture's dynamics, the additional influence of America's stresses is a major factor. In America, Meyerhoff contends, individuals have privatized their rituals for coping with life's stresses and changes. "We have had to develop rituals and employ symbols in increasingly private contexts, living as we do in a diffuse, fragmented world with shattered or shallow consensual structures. This privacy leaves individuals nearly completely on their own when dealing with the subjects previously taken up by ritual " (Rites of Passage, 126). Such isolation in handling major changes can make individuals feel isolated and disconnected from society, whereas communal rites of passage stress reintegration into the society. Because Native America is concerned with balance and community. Natives have resisted this American trend toward privatization of life crises and transitions. For Natives in the Central Ohio area, concerned with developing their identity at various levels — individual, tribal, community (as in the Central Ohio Native American community), and collective (as in Indians in the general sense) — powwows are an effective and communal venue for strengthening community relationships and ties to individual tribes and to Native America in general.

C o m m u n a l T ransformative R u u a l a n d C h a n g in g P u b u c C onsciousness

In her discussion of the role of ritual in forming individual and societal transformation, resolving social problems and perpetuating order in moments of greatest anxiety, Meyerhoff draws on Turner's group level conceptualization of liminality; however, she applies it primarily at the level of the individual. Although she calls for creation of group, possibly even pan-American, celebrations and rites of passage such as a divorce ceremony, it is still for the benefit of the individual in the liminal state. However, 1 feel that Meyerhoff's theories of secular ritual and rites of passage can be extended to the communal or societal level similarly to her application of Turner to the communal. In this light we can see that powwows, though not created specifically to fill this 86 need, are a means of helping the Native American community, as well as its constituent individuals, cope with the immense changes and life-crises brought about by walking in two worlds — both of which are rapidly evolving. Indians today, regardless of orientation toward tradition, are part of both American and Native American cultures, and may not be wholly of either. They blend, in varying degrees depending on orientation to tradition, elements from a long continuation of Native ways and values, and from Euro-American ways and values into a unique present day "Native America." This process is typical of emergent ethnicity; Handler and Linnekin contend that tradition changes constantly, "a process of thought — an ongoing interpretation of the past"(274), which is echoed by Dundes (Defining Identity, 4). Fischer explains that ethnic identity is continually reinterpreted: "Ethnicity is not something simply passed from generation to generation, taught and learned" (6). Achieving this balance is a continuing process involving liminality as Turner has expanded the concept from Van Cennep's basic concept into a protracted rite and even a way of life. Liminaries are characterized by being in a state of betwixt-and-between — they are neither this NOR that, but are both, which results in some difficulty in classification, which is compounded in the protracted state. Liminaries are in transition toward a new state, a transition which often involves some tearing down of their former state. But that reduction overlaps with reconstruction. I believe that for most Indians, there is no inherent difficulty or paradox in this cultural dynamic; however, I fully recognize that there is resentment over the violence and force with which European cultures compelled Native cultures to begin this new phase. Confusion in classification is particularly evident in the case of Native Americans, who are typically evaluated by non-Natives in terms of authenticity according to a romanticized ideal, as were the Interlochen festivals in Bendix's study (Tourism and Cultural Displays). Therefore, another level in this liminal identity is changing the public perception of Native Americans, in bringing it up to date with the realities of contemporary Native America. Here particularly, liminality — as a continuing state implying deconstruction of a former state simultaneous with construction of new state — is a useful way of conceptualizing dynamics within Native America and in relation to America. There is a high level of romanticization and misperception within the general public from which Natives are trying to emerge into contemporary public consciousness. Kenny Irwin relates a common pattern: 87

you would think the children would be the ones with the questions, the children would be the ones wanting answers — you'd be surprised to know: Adults walk up to me "do you still live in a tipi?" No I don't live in a tipi. "Why do you wear you hair long?" Does it offend you? Its a part of my culture. When I go Into a store, me and Susan and Wolfgrass will go in and everybody looks and "OCOOOH such a beautiful baby, what's his name?" And the minute we say "his name is Wol%rass"... "WHAT? Wol%rass? What is he, some kind of an Indian? " there's different kinds? I mean, some kind of!

To counteract this level of public misconception and curiosity, which has been institutionalized through government and educational policy and practice. Native Americans have been actively engaged in many public education efforts. These include participation on racial awareness commissions, efforts toward textbook revision, speaking engagements and other public programs, and increased publicity for Native points of view. In Central Ohio, for example, a Native American organized and publicized mourning ceremony was held at the same time as Columbus Quincentenial celebrations begun in 1991. Throughout that year leading up to the 1992 anniversary, Indians across the country were highly engaged in making known their feelings about Columbus's "discovery." National Native News, nationally syndicated on public radio, aired an award winning series of stories out of Columbus, Ohio, about Native reactions to the Quincentenial and brought up other issues such as burial rights. An issue of Nervszveek was dedicated to the quincentenial and included several articles by Native Americans. USA Today newspaper ran stories covering Native American points of view, and featured photos of John Sanchez. Ironically, when the photographer set up the picture, he was interested in reinforcing the stereotypical image; he asked John Sanchez to pose in front of the Santa Maria replica and to wear buckskins and feathers. While John Sanchez reluctantly agreed to the location, he was adamant about looking like he does every day: Indian people don't wear feathers, buckskins and face paint all the time. Demand for Native American speakers for schools, church, public, and private organizations was at an all time high. During this time when Central Ohio was in the national spotlight. Native Americans maximized their opportunities to educate the public on contemporary Native life and issues while resisting the idealized notions of pre- or early-contact Indian life which Columbus Day typically encourages. When the Ameriflora celebration encouraged Native American participation, organizers envisioned display of pre-contact life. Tradition-oriented Natives refused participation because they insisted on emphasizing contemporary life, just the same as other countries participating. 88

Powwows are one such display of contemporary life and issues, and are under the control of Native American organizers. By inviting public attendance and participation, powwows are an important part of public education. Kenny Irwin continues;

Recently there has been a number of books been changed, which I am very glad. They actually let the non-Native community know that some of the things they've been told are basically.. . false. Truths were not told; now they are being told. Now people are more curious to understand the Native people of this land... 1 think they go away [from visiting a powwow) with a sense of a better understanding of what a Native person is... Wc have to let the general public realize that we are here, that the Native American is here.

Jill Williams, a non-Indian and a frequent powwow attender, agrees strongly that powwows are a valuable opportunity for Indians and non-Indians to increase communication.

With their growing attendance, powwows are reaching people and giving them a chance to see the respect and the foundations that powwows are built on. And hopefully people will leam things... 1 think its just complete unawareness which leads to being so disrespectful. If they had a little contact with Native Americans — just going to a powwow would help — they would realize that a lot of things we accept are disrespectful. But they never had cause to question. Through powwows, people can leam to discriminate between what's disrespectful and what's not. We are learning, but Native Americans haven't had as much publicity as say African-Americans. Anyone who goes to a powwow is going to leave feeling good. You hear the drum, you fuel and hear the words spoken. .. it's a good feeling.

Because they are concerned with increasing public understanding of contemporary Indianness, powwows fall into the category of public liminality wherein "liminaries are everybody in the community, and no one is elevated in status at the end of the rites" (Turner, Liminality, 39). Turner's distinction between private and public liminality is basically the difference between initiation rite and major seasonal festival (38). As in Manning's discussions of carnival in Antigua and Canada, in a festival celebration, lines between participant and audience are blurred since audience presence and participation is essential (Carnival in Canada; Cup Match and Carnival). There is little separation between "performers" and "audience" at a powwow. Because the social aspects are as central to the event as the dancing, audience members are part of the performance as they visit trader booths, buy food, meet and talk with people. Similarly, even first 89

time powwow visitors who know nothing of Native American culture are part of the event rather than distanced spectators or voyeurs. As Susan Mills puts it, visitors can

participate as much or as little as they want. They can simply sit and watch. I think they meet a lot of Indian people. They walk around and look at the crafts, the hand work that is done, whether it is silver or beadwork. .. . The way the powwow is set up, they can actually dance and sing and participate in the powwow activities themselves. They are invited. Anyone who comes is a guest, is considered to be an honored guest. And I think we treat them that way. They have an opportunity to talk to Native people; they are easily accessible, if you approach anybody at a powwow they are happy to share their information with you.

Additionally, the lines between dancers and audience are blurred:

The dancers and singers, even while dancing and singing as such, do not dance as separate fmm the people (as audience) or the social setting. Rather the dances and songs are vital parts of the gathering of people— The dancers dance neither for themselves nor just to present a performance to the audience, but to help make the gathering of the people and the continuation of tribal culture possible and effective. One dances with, for, on behalf of, and in relationship to the people and the social, cultural purposes of the event. (Huenemann, 131)

Thus powwow is a ritual which encompasses all who attend, not only Native Americans or dancers. Even when spectators are self-conscious of their lack of cultural knowledge and their position as audience, they are part of the event. And they usually feel that they have been a part of the event, jill Williams attended her first powwow after hearing about it by chance:

and it was close by where wc were. So I went over and, it was just great. I was just entranced by the dancing. I just stood there and watched the dancing and really didn't move. And I didn't know anybody, so I didn't talk to anybody very much but just stood and watched and then decided to go back the next day; and once again the dancing. But also as I walked around and looked at things, I just felt like the vendors were really friendly, not in a pushy way or trying to sell something, but just friendly. And you know, just the good natured sort of interaction that was going on there... But one thing I guess I do have to say about the powwows is that all of them I've been to, just the good natured humor, and interaction and all of the friendliness, and even if you don't know anyone, you can just see people all around you hugging and talking and just sort of feel the good feelings that are going on at a powwow.

Jill felt that she really learned a lot at that first powwow and emphasized that even though she is a regular attender now and often helps with kitchen or gate duties, she is still learning. "1 feel like 1 leam something every time I go to a powwow. " 90

E stablishing a S e n se o f CoNNEcrioN

As a ritual element of the liminal process, both negotiation of transition within Native America and between Native America and America are addressed. To be effective in the intercultural aspect, it is necessary to build a sense of connection. 'This is especially important in secular rituals, attended by strangers or people from different traditions to whom the symbols used may not be comprehensible," cautions Meyerhoff, "Ritual is a collusive drama, and all present must be in on it" (Symbol Perfected, 181). This is not to say that all must have equal knowledge or come to equal understanding. Meyerhoff takes into account differential identity as Bauman stresses it: "folklore performance does not require that the lore be a collective representation of the participants, pertaining and belonging equally to all of them. It may be so, but it may also be differentially distributed, differentially performed, differentially perceived, and differentially understood" (Bauman, Differential Identity, 38). Although many visitors may not be familiar with the cultural meanings of the dances, drum, costume, or trader's items does not prevent them from appreciating the artistry and recognizing that there is greater meaning for those with greater cultural knowledge. For example, one questionnaire respondent wrote, " The dancing is good, but didn't the Indians do different dances in the past?.. .|l| would like to know which Indians were there... [I| would like to know what most of the Indians do when they aren't a powwows or such." This respondent seems to be beginning to understand that Indians have a contemporary life, but is unsure of what exactly that is. By filling out the questionnaire and mailing it in after attending the powwow with these and other suggestions and a request to be put on OCNAA's mailing list, she is taking an initiative to increase her understanding. Meyerhoff characterizes rituals as "dramas of persuasion"; success means they were persuasive, although "not all the parties involved need to be equally convinced or equally moved" but, she stresses, "all must collude so as not to spoil the show or damage the illusion that the dramatic reality coincides with the 'other, out-there reality"' (We Don't Wrap Herring, 222). Thus powwows may be "successful" rituals in many ways, some of which would be considered unsuccessful by Native organizers. (There are many factors involved in the degree to which visitors sense connection with contemporary Native America, including the possibility that powwows can reinforce stereotypes, which are discussed later in this chapter and in Chapter 91

Four.) There is always the possibility that people strongly oriented to the romanticized notions of Native Americans will have that misconception reinforced, but ample exposure is given to contemporary life and issues. Because the first priority of powwows is their function for Native Americans, it is generally assumed that folks who want to find out more specifics about the event will take the initiative and ask appropriate questions at appropriate times. This is not always the case, but even so, spectators feel they have been part of something special, even if they're not quite sure what it was all about. Most questionnaire respondents indicated that they thoroughly enjoyed their powwow experience, and asked to be put on OCNAA's mailing list. This suggests that some level of communitas is achieved between participants and visitors as well as among participants. Communitas is a major feature of liminality. "In communitas there is a direct, total confrontation of human identities which is rather more than the casual camaraderie of ordinary social life. It may be found in the mutual relationships of neophytes in initiation, where communitas is sacred and serious, and in the festal ecstasies of great seasonal celebrations" (Turner, Religious Celebrations, 205). Turner's concept of communitas requires no formal rules. In evaluating a particular powwow, I have noticed that Native Americans express a similar, but even more loosely structured, concept; a positive evaluation is usually expressed as "that [powwowj was a good one," with a more specific basis for judgement being, "It felt really good" or "everyone had a good feeling." The criteria "good feeling" is academically problematic, but can be explained as a non- academic expression of the communitas concept. Communitas is established at different levels within the powwow — among all present, among participants and organizers, among Indians, between individuals. This is essential in fulfilling the contemporary off-reservation powwows' multiple functions, and especially in establishing some understandings between Native Americans and non-Natives. Powwows have changed as Indian life changes, and have become increasingly important in dealing with individual and societal changes and in countering the public image that Indians are degenerating from a pre-contact ideal state. 'There is clearly a profound therapeutic value in the recognition and ritualization of recurrent problems involved in the maintenance and repair of human relationships and in assigning meaning to what subjectively may seem to be merely pain and loss" (Turner, Intro to Celebration, 25-6). By adapting to cultural needs and encompassing these new aspects, powwows provide Indian society with a ritual celebration of life and spirituality 92 which can encompass just this. Because powwows are primarily Indian events, for Indians, where Indians work to take charge of their difficulties, on all levels — from learning what it is to be Indian, to helping the general public see what Indians are like today, to helping friends who need rent money or food, to organizing campaigns to support Native Americans' legal rights, tradition- oriented Indians take their crises into their own hands. Powwows, in addition to being an excellent venue for cultural exchange, are a context for determining what being Indian means, for celebrating being Indian, for celebrating the many struggles and dilemmas that are dealt with each day. Powwows are what Turner calls "more liminoid' than 'liminal,' that is, take our crises and transitions into our own hands, ritualize them, make them meaningful, and pass through and beyond them in a spirit of celebration, to begin a new uncluttered phase of our lives" (intro to Celebration, 26).

The powwow can reintegrate alienated individuals with their larger ethnic community without pretending that it is possible to lead a pristine tribal life unaffected by the disaster of invasion and plunder. In other words, the fact that powwow culture is different from the older tribal cultures is not a sign of cultural slippage but of selective, intensified ethnic tenacity. This is an activity which promotes a pride in being Native while not ignoring the fact that there are other tribes, other values, other religious views; it expresses Indianness without ignoring the confusing framework in which that condition must be experienced" (Toelken, Ethnic Selection, 154)

Meyerhoff does not posit a great divide between the tribal societies with which study of ritual and rite of passage is associated, and modern American society (and the many societies within it). She insists that since rites of passage and ritual in general are concerned with teaching the individual about the society and establishing the individual's place within the society, that there is "no reason for rituals in general or rites of passage in particular to differ or subside in modem circumstances in contrast to tribal societies. We still need their work, may still use them for a reorganization of meaning, a change in consciousness; the absence of unifying, axiomatic common symbols does not alter the possibility of our use of rites to provide and state meanings of life changes on a smaller scale " ( Rites of passage, 129). Considering contemporary Native .Americans, tribal peoples attempting to live according to their own values while also living in relation to a sodefy with radically different values, Meyerhoff's words are especially appropriate: "there is every reason to believe that rites of passage are as important now as they have always been, for our social and psychological well-being. Indeed, given 93

the fragmented, confusing, complex and disorderly nature of modem experience, perhaps they are more important: to orient and motivate us in the predictable and unique life crises that present themselves" (129). What modem experience could be more fragmented, confusing, disorderly and unpredictable than that of the Native Americans. Yet as communities and as individuals. Native Americans do manage to walk in two worlds. Powwows are an important part of maintaining evolving Native American identity in relation to America. Powwows are the sort of ritual Meyerhoff calls for, relying on "groups, communities, kin and friendship networks that are more inclusive" than the individual but less inclusive than societies (129) to help the individual through change. Powwows also help Native American society through changes as Indians redefine their position in relation to America.

C r e a t in g A S e n se o f U n it v a n d N e g o t ia t in g P o in t s o f C o n t e n t io n

That powwows are an essential element in Native American ethnic identity is especially important when considering the traditional intertribal powwows in Ohio, because of the nature of the local Indian community. Powwows in this area are a ritual reconnection to being Indian for many individuals from many tribes throughout North America. Powwows ritually reconnect individuals to a sense of being Indian and possibly to more specific tribal identity; they also connect contemporary Indianness to Indianness of the future and the past. In Central Ohio, powwows also ritually connect their sponsoring organizations and participants with tribal organizations from "home" with which there is geographic and sometimes ideological separation. Another important level of ritual reconnection for Central Ohio's off-reservation powwows is a sense of unity among Indians of different tribal affiliations, and the resulting differences in cultural ways and language. This continuity is important to Native Americans, who are both negotiating their common grounds to more effectively present their voice within America, and to Americans, and establishing their identity, and identities, in contrast to America. Spirituality is emphasized by most Indians to be the common factor expressed in powwows. For example, Mark Welch and Carol Welch explained that even when customs are different, they are expressing a common spirituality (Chapter Four). Kenny Irwin explained, "the spirituality [celebrated in powwowj is the biggest part of it all." This is true of both competition and non­ competition powwows, as he continued: "If it says tradition' on there [powwow information 94 sheets I, regardless of what nationality you come from, regardless of what tribe affiliation, whatever, the whole key is spirituality." Although there are many different traditions expressing that spirituality and celebration, the idea behind them is the same. Most of the tradition oriented Native Americans I've observed and spoken with over the past several years have expressed this underlying compatibility. This spirituality encompasses the cultural values which guide Native American adaptive strategy (Salo, 53). But, because of the many different traditions and people claiming to be following a tradition when in fact they are not, or people claiming to be Indian when in fact they are not, there are some problems. Slight differences in language and traditional practice may become points of contention when Native Americans must pray or celebrate intertribally simply because of the diverse Central Ohio Native population. These disagreements in interpretation are generally not serious, with the occasional exception of a tradition oriented individual discouraging community members from following another tradition oriented individual who follows a different traditional way. Such disagreements are worked out relatively amicably and among the Indian community, according to principles of respect discussed by Mark Welch and Carol Welch (Chapter Four); 1 am not aware of any instances when such a disagreement has been allowed to jeopardize legislative efforts or image in the public eye. A bigger problem is individuals claiming to be following a traditional way and/or claiming to be Indian when in fact they are not. Kenny Irwin is a respected Arena Director both in Central Ohio and across the country because of his ability to conduct a powwow according to traditional tribal ways. He is knowledgeable about powwow's history and development and, more importantly, he is knowledgeable about many tribe's customs and ways and how they are expressed in the powwow context. He related that at Central Ohio there are often problems when people who are not familiar with established tribal ways and expressions attempt such expressions. The most common manifestation of this is in dress. Kenny Irwin says, " you will see someone say I'm Cherokee,' for example, and here they'll come in the arena and they'll be dressed in a Cheyenne outfit. . . Some of the women will be dressed to the waist, something, the rest Sioux." Such random mixing of dress styles or apparent ignorance as to what one's own tribal dress style is is not traditionally appropriate. Even highly tradition-oriented Native Americans seem to realize that as their cultures have been in differential contact, and (as Royce explains), that sharing of cultural elements is a natural occurrence. Kenny Irwin emphasized this point 95 extensively, discussing the fact that the Cherokee now carry eagle fans (whereas their bird was hawk or turkey), wear bone chokers and hold sweat lodges; the Navajo and Hopi have the Sun Dance and carry eagle fans; these are all elements from Northern Plains tribes. And even among the Sioux nations, powwow-like gatherings have been essential to diffusion of traditional elements. "There are seven tribes of the Sioux Nation; there's two dialects. (Individuals! do not know each other. Powwows brought us together. We traded culture, we traded traditions, we traded spirituality. Basically its all the same." But such sharing is a slow process of incorporating elements into the already existing traditional ways and values of each group. Haphazard appropriating of tradition and increasing incorporation of non-Native elements occurring without the knowledge of underlying tribal values and traditions is detrimental to continuation of those values and traditions. Relatively minor non-traditional expressions may be tolerated, even with a strictly traditional Arena Director. "I ain't got time to correct every one of 'em," states Kenny Irwin. As Arena Director, it is his job to arrange the dancers in proper order for Grand Entry. "Indian is not the color of your skin; it's your brain and i ts your heart. It's the eldest that is dressed properly that is dressed in buckskin, and you bring them and you lead them in the front and you put the other ones in the back" even if the eldest properly dressed dancer is white. Kenny continues, "And the first thing I get from the Indian is (in a nasty voicej 'they're white. I'm traditional.' If you're that traditional, you're a Human Being, go back where you belong. If you believe in that tradition that much." Kenny Irwin's comment suggests the central factor in constructing Indianness is not biology but a sense felt tradition, thus reinforcing the importance of consensus in determining traditionality and proper etiquette. Attire is determined to be more or less traditional based on similarity to older historical consensus; this is consistant with Native Ameican value of elders and elder ways, the past rather than future orientation (Dundes, Thinking Ahead). Thus elements which are today considered to be markers of Indianness but not appropriate traditional dance attire (such as beaded sunglasses and beaded ballcaps) may come to be considered traditional and appropriate powwow attire in subsequent generations. But while tradition-oriented Indians may be highly attuned to such inconsistencies in dress, "people will not notice that, they will not notice that at all," says Kenny Irwin. While it is not particularly damaging to public perception of contemporary Indian identity to see and not recognize non-traditional use of traditional dress and accessories, it is damaging to see very non- 96 traditionally dressed dancers. One element of the romanticized notion of Indians is the images in paintings, literature and movies of scantily clad, buxom Native beauties. This image is perpetuated even today with the title character in Disney's upcoming Pocahontas. But Native American traditional values about how women should be dressed are almost the opposite of this popular image. As Kenny Irwin explains, the woman's body should be completely covered. T hat body of a woman is sacred to us; that to us is sacred to everybody in general because of the Buffalo Calf Woman herself. No part of her body is to be shown. Because that is the way it is; she is the giver of life." Carol Welch first made me aware of this. And later, as 1 constructed my first calico dance dress, the tradition oriented women (Native and non-Native) who helped me were very aware of it as well. As Arena Director; Kenny Irwin often sees "some of them coming out there with the tightest dance dress on with no sleeves. " At one NAIC powwow a blond, busty woman in a snug and off the shoulder non-traditional styled dance dress caused quite a lot of murmuring — among tradition oriented and non-tradition oriented participants and spectators alike. For spectators who know nothing of Indians beyond popular romanticized misconceptions, inappropriate non-traditional dress can reinforce those damaging stereotypes. Sometimes there are even more serious incidents. Kenny Irwin related two notable examples. "Down in Blue Jacket, [powwow held in Blue Jacket amphitheater grounds, near Dayton Ohio}, this guy did a flip ... He was doing the fancydance and all of a sudden he did this FLIP into midair. And it was like, everything just stopped. And Guy (the powwow organizer, a tradition-oriented local leader) looked at me, and everybody looks at me. And I went over there and went 'Come here, buddy." Pulled him out and I said go get dressed. " Terminating this man's participation in the dancing sends a clear message that such non-traditional behavior is not acceptable. Another example is even more outrageous, and obviously detrimental to public image of contemporary Indianness, as well as historical Indianness. As Kenny Irwin told this story, he, his wife Susan Mills and I had a good laugh at this fellow's misguided interpretation of tradition. Then we had this other guy come out there, had a breech cloth on. And that was it." Susan Mills interjects: "wagging his tail behind him " "Everything in the world," he laughed. At this point I knew what came next and filled in that the man was probably claiming that he was quite traditional and that this was the thing to do. "BINGO," responded Kenny Irwin. "This is the way we do it" [the man claimed). I said 'who's we?' And he says I'm a Cherokee.' There you go!" 97

This gentleman's interpretation of "traditional" is obviously based on an extremely bounded sense of tradition wherein any change from an arbitrary pre-historic point or use of Euro-American technology such as underwear is inauthentic and thus non-traditional. However, if "traditional" is acknowledged to be in constant negotiation and "authentic" is in regard to use rather than origin of material, then this gentleman's interpretation of traditional expression becomes obviously un-traditional; it is incongruent with the consensus of expression. There are many misguided interpretations and claims of Indian heritage which become very annoying and potentially threatening to the Indian community. A noticeable majority are attributed to the Cherokee, who were, ironically, among the first Native Ameicans to anglicize (Berkhoffer, 158-64). As mentioned earlier, and discussed more specifically in Chapter Four, Wannabe claims are often far-fetched and based on romantic notions of Indianness; as such, they are particularly inappropriate spokespeople for tradition-oriented Native Americans who are trying to promote a contemporary image while not abandoning traditional culture. Many tradition oriented Native Americans consistently express an understanding of the concept that Indianness is not about "race" but about values, knowledge of traditional ways and tradition orientation. However they still must carefully and actively guard those ways from appropriation and from the claims of non-traditional people and groups. There is room for non- Natives who are sincerely interested to leam about and practice Native ways, even spirituality, as long as they don't claim to be something they are not, or try to turn Native ways into something they're not. Kenny Irwin expressed the sentiment of most tradition-oriented Native Americans when he said "we do have the right to say THIS is my spirituality. "

R e c l a im in g P e r s o n a l N a tiv e A m e r ic a n I d e n t it y

In an area where much of the Indian population does not have strong ties to reservations or traditional ways and beliefs. Central Ohio participation in powwows have become the ritual focus of much of the early stages of reclaiming personal Native American identity for many people. Additionally, they are a focal point for interested non-Natives to begin involvement with Native causes. The nature of the powwow as a celebration of contemporary Indianness and as a family reuition makes it a logical place to begin, and a convenient way to discover sources for 98

furthering knowledge and involvement to whatever extent the individual desires. As Jill Williams has continued to attend powwows, she has become more involved with the Indian community;

Now I think I go to powwows as much because I teally believe in and support the causes the Native Americans are going through right now.... I went to some of the more politically oriented meetings about the burial rights, which I do believe in. And you know, the Leonard Peltier issue, which is, you know, unbelievable, that that doesn't get attention up higher. So I always sign my petitions; one time they gave us sample letters where we could just sign or write our own letter.... Unfortunately I'm not a very high energy person. I don't really go out and help; I don't really put much forth, I feel, and I'm not really in a financial situation to give the money I'd like to give, so when I go to powwows now I always try to help In some way. I park cars or I help in the kitchen. Just do whatever. If someone says "here, can you stand at my booth, can you stand in the OCNAA booth for an hour while I go walk around?" Sure. So, really I've done all of those things at powwows. And I enjoy it, once again I really like feeling like I can help out Sometimes Carol or somebody will come up to me and go "what are you doing right now?" and I'll they'll them "well, whatever you tell me I'm supposed to be doing." That really makes me feel good that they'll come up and grab me and say can you go over there and do that, and I'm more than happy to help. Actually, at the recent powwows, I haven't socialized as much or walked around as much as I used to because I'll just walk In and go to the kitchen and start making frybread. Which is, you know, fun. Its a whole different aspect of the powwow. Its not fun like it used to be maybe, but its fun in a different way, and a good way, again.

Many people in the Central Ohio area claim to have some Indian ancestry; however, most of them (like the "traditional " dancer in breech-cloth only) do not know anything about what it means to be Indian in America today — they are completely assimilated but still feel some pride in claiming Indian ancestry. Also, because of the Indian relocation acts of the 1950s, many Indians moved from the reservations to the cities and raised children who knew they were Indian but were disconnected from the community structures of the reservations. It is a fact of contemporary Indian life that most Native Americans are of mixed tribal and/or racial heritage; tradition oriented individuals are relatively fluent in one or more tribal identities. For example, John Sanchez is Yaqui-Chiricahua. He learned of these traditional ways from his grandmother and now has also become fluent in Siouxian ways through his involvement with the Central Ohio community. Kenny Irwin is Mandan-Hidatsa-Ogalala-Arikara. "1 don't favor none of them. Neither one is put number one in my book. My mother happens to be an Ankara and Ogalala, my father happens to be Mandan and Hidatsa. And 1 happen to be their son. All the traditions and all the culture of all of our ways are the same. If you just take a look at it. " Here, he indicates that a 99 sense of shared spirituality is central to expression of Indianness, although the particulars of cultural ways of expression may differ. But some simply feel some degree of identity as "Indian" in general, often because they lack specific information about their particular tribal heritages or they may construct themselves in that way because the general public is not familiar with specific tribal identities. For example, Amanda Warren became interested in powwows because her family "has — very little, but some. Native American background." When asked specifically, she responds that her grandmother is from the Eastern Cherokee. When I asked her the effect of learning more about Native America and going to a powwow, she responded "I'd like to identify myself as someone who's Native American, but I don't really feel I can because I don't have any real genuine experience, like people who have dealt with that throughout their lives, like people who look Native American and people who more strongly identify themselves as Native American. My family's middle class, white, Appalachian, but I do notice some Naive American elements." Several questionnaire respondents wrote that they had an Indian ancestor but they themselves did not know much about Indian culture. Some expressed a wish to find out more. One woman wrote "my great-grandmother was full Cherokee but I know very little about Indian culture, although I grew up with some. " Although she indicated a specific tribal background, she equates it with "Indian " in general. Perhaps because of lack of close ties to the particular culture of the "Indian" ancestor, although individuals often do specify the tribal affiliation of the ancestor, they seem to perceive it as representative of a general category of Indian. Such individuals, who do not differentiate among the many different Native cultures and traditions are the ones likely to "play mix-n-match " with cultural elements in dance clothing and other areas as they begin to explore their Indian identity. There is a certain degree of anxiety regarding separation from Indian identity, which contributes to liminal status. Individuals who are assimilated into mainstrean culture often still experience the racism associated with their minority status, and this may be particularly disturbing. Individuals claiming Indian heritage may also be uncomfortable being put in the position of "spokesperson " for "the Native American perspective" or of "educator" about "Indian ways " when they know little or nothing of Indianness. And this is a common occurrence, since many non-Natives are extremely curious about Indians and tend to assume that any Indian automatically is a walking depository of all cultural knowledge. For example, when my husband 100 and [ go out, I notice that he is often assumed to know everything about Indians because he is one. One summer day we were at a local flea market, sitting at a picnic table with the kids. There was a woman with an outdoor booth who was selling beadwork and feather things and other jewelry. She walks past me and says to him, "You're a Native American man, right?" He just looks at her and nods. "Let me ask you a question." She said there was a man there wanting to know the monetary value of some very old looking beadwork and she doesn't feel "value " is about the money. She wants him to take a look at the stuff and tell her, just to satisfy her own curiosity, what exactly the pieces are, what tribe they're from, how old they are, and what their value — their ceremonial value that is — is. He agreed to take a look at the pieces in case they were burial artifacts, but the man who had them never returned. Obviously, being a culturally aware tradition-oriented Native American does not mean that he could have definitively answered all questions regarding the beadwork. As indicated by questionnaire responses and my observations of and participation in conversations with individuals who feel they are Indian but don't know what Indianness entails, individuals feel the need to find some personal connection with being Indian; some want to increase their knowledge of cultural ways and current issues. Powwows help fill this need through their capacity of ritual reconnection. When people find out that there are Indians in Central Ohio — Indians who still speak the language and practice the ways — they often begin the journey of finding out about their cultural heritage by attending a powwow. When I discuss contemporary Native American issues in my classroom, or when I have spoken in a colleague's classroom about Native American literature, I have encountered several students whose great great ancestor was Indian and who are surprised to realize that they don't know anything about contemporary Indians and issues. I consciously invite these people to powwows and encourage their participation in the campus Indian Council. Some have become very excited about local powwows and have begun to participate. Thus powwows are a means of reconnection, in the way that Meyerhoff suggests communities should create and perform rituals which dramatize transitions and emphasize reintegration. At powwows. Native Americans have the opportunity to gain a deeper understanding of contemporary Native American life and its relationship to Native American life of the past and the future. To what extent this deepened understanding occurs, though, is highly variable. For tradition-oriented Native Americans, a powwow experience is intensely spiritual 101 and positive, usually involving renewal of acquaintances, progress toward a political or social goal, and a general feeling of connection with other traditional people. For the less traditional Indians not involved in the political arena, a powwow is still a positive experience, involving a feeling of connection to Indianness and renewal of acquaintances. For neophytes in early stages of exploring Indian identity in general or discovering tribally specific identities, participation in a powwow is a considerable growth experience wherein they can experience a feeling of connection with their heritage and make contacts with experienced tradition-oriented elders and get involved with Indian issues on a local, statewide or national level. Amanda Warren attended her first powwow as she was beginning to explore her Indian identity. And like Jill Williams, she became involved:

Wc were sitting and watching the dancers and they made an announcement over the loudspeaker. They needed someone to serve the dancers and everyone was welcome. And if you wanted to volunteer just to go over to the place where the food was being served. I don't usually do things like that; I mean I'm usually pretty shy sometimes. But I thought well, you know, if they need people. I'm gonna go do it. I thought it a neat way to get involved. I felt involveid but I also felt I was just watching and I wanted to do something. And my boyfriend and I went over and said, "hi. I'm here to help" and they sent us right to the women working there and they put us right to work, chopping things. I chopped a lot of unions. I boned a lot of chicken. When the dancers were ready to be served we went out and we helped serve them. They had a big long line, kinda buffet style. And we served everyone that came through. It was nice because I got to talk to everybody an tell them "HI" and ask them how they were doing. They asked me how I was doing. And I got to see, like see everybody up close, and it was a lot of fun; it really was. I was really glad I did that, and I got to cat with the dancers after that. I really enjoyed it.

Although Amanda Warren is quiet and shy, she took advantage of an opportunity to help with powwow operations rather than just take a passive spectator role. For her, volunteering to help feed the dancers was a way to participate in the powwow and to become actively involved with the Indian community. Like Jill Williams, Amanda Warren has little free time, but she makes a point of keeping informed about current issues, primarily through listening to National Native News. Of course, people in the beginning stages of establishing connections to Native America are also in contact with non-traditionals, and Wannabees who may steer them away from such involvement. Jill Williams clearly recognized that knowing some of the tradition oriented Native Americans was an advantage to her. Without that, she speculated, "I probably would have talked 102 to other people, more spectator type people, and had a different kind of experience." But, Jill Williams agrees that showing just a little bit of initiative makes a big difference in the direction of involvement. She explains:

If you just keep going around, keep coming around, people see your face, they see that you care, they see that you're always at the OCNAA table, the Native American Indian Center table. I think that anybody could just start going, just go with an open mind and look and listen to what's going on around you. Probably you could find yourself being drawn in as opposed to just spectating. And the next thing you know, you'll be making frybread.

S o c ieta l R itu a l R econnection

Powwows are a ritual reconnection to Indian identity at the societal level as well. Tribes, organizations and "Native America," are concerned with negotiating identity within America and in relation to other Indian identity groups. By sponsoring a powwow, a Native American organization not only provides a venue for individual participants to ritually connect with Indianness, but also connects itself to Indianness. Rituals contribute to formation of a group sense of identity, in this case the ongoing creation of Indianness. Powwows are an especially powerful means of doing this because the basic form is shared by so many diverse tribes. Putting together a powwow in the traditional way — which includes everything from a four year commitment, prohibition of sale of sacred items, and prohibition of drugs and alcohol to circular arrangement of the site (including camping) (Toelken), making sure all lodge doors open to the east (regardless of convenience) and serving food to the elders before other participants, to name just a few examples — implies knowledge of the traditions of powwow ways and their importance. This immediately positions an organization within Native America, as the more knowledgeable participants will evaluate adherence to traditional values. In Central Ohio, many knowledgeable powwow participants have ties to reservations, and these ties are strengthened through powwows. Many local Indians return "home" for powwows or other ritual celebrations and folks from back home are invited to attend Central Ohio gatherings. This connection emphasizes the sense of unity within Native America, especially as it is conceptualized in contrast to America. The similarity in powwow form throughout North 103

America reinforces a sense of similarity among different tribes and between reservation and off- reservation Indians. Reservation and off-reservation tradition-oriented Indians are in agreement regarding many important political matters, most notably burial rights. And, while many reservation conservative tradition-oriented Indians may not always approve of the degree of perceived assimilation in their city cousins, they may welcome their knowledgeability in difficult legal situations, as Kenny Irwin's family does. Native America as a whole is involved in on-going redefinition of its constituent peoples, the degree of their interrelations, and relationships to mainstream America and the roles of past, present, and future Indianness. Delores Santha spoke at length about the necessity of looking toward the future of Indianness, which implies the necessity of walking in two worlds to be able to continue Indianness into the future. In this extremely protracted liminal phase, powwows, especially the off-reservation powwows of Central Ohio, are important in establishing a sense of continuity throughout these different levels. "Continuity. .. is central to social gatherings of all sorts, when people assemble to experience their interdependence and overcome their human separateness," Meyerhoff stresses in "A Symbol Perfected in Death." "It is central to culture, the shared life ways of a group which are continued and preserved overtime. Continuity is essential for psychological well-being and personal integration, for an individual to experience him/ herself as one person despite change and disruption, throughout the life cycle" (164). She stresses the importance of not only personal integration and continuity but personal connection with one's people, and continuity of that people throughout history. Rituals provide continuity of two distinct but related kinds, the individual's sense of unity as a person (individual/ biographical continuity), and the sense of being "One People " on the part of the whole group (collective-historical continuity). Despite great changes and disruptions, the individual must be convinced of his/ her continuity; thus must be able to re-experience parts of the past in the present" (218). A similar process of integration occurs at collective-historical level. "The group, to think of itself as One People, must connect with those of their kind who have gone before and those yet to come. The difference between 'us then' and 'us nowr" is enormous. This sense of unity of identity, with one's past and future, 'We have been here and we wrill continue, despite so many changes' is a very important function frequently managed by ritual." (We Don't Wrap Herring, 218) 104

Like the elderly Jews of Meyerhoff's study. Central Ohio Native Americans are involved with creating and maintaining community despite the fact that there is even less similarity in background than Meyerhoff's subjects shared. The Native American population of Central Ohio comes from Sioux, Apache, Mohawk, Yaqui and many others; as Kenny Irwin mentioned, even within the category Sioux are seven tribes and two dialects. Regardless of tribal affiliation, individuals hold a range of degree of orientation toward traditionality, including the extremes of conservatism and of assimilationism. Those most directly involved in Native American organizations such as the Native American Indian Center and the Ohio Center for Native American Affairs, are more tradition-oriented, but nevertheless have considerable differences in background. Some are tradition-oriented non-Indians.

S t r a t e g ic A d a p t a t io n o f E u r o -A m e r ic a n E l e m e n t s I n t o

N a tiv e A m e r ic a n C u l t u r a l F r a m e w o r k

What they do share in common with Meyerhoff's subjects is their adaptation to their situation by combining elements from their cultural background with American ways adapted to their needs to establish an evolved culture and identity. This process of adaptation reinforces a sense of Indian community which is expressed through powwows. Meyerhoff's people were "freed from external pressures to be American "(167) by their age and separation from their grown families; they then turned to each other, reviving elements from their childhood in shetel life, including the use of the Yiddish language. Off-reservation Native Americans certainly are beset with external pressures to be "American " but those who are more tradition-oriented respond to their internal need to be "Native American." Especially in the off-reservation setting, it is difficult to exist without utilizing elements of American society, especially technology; but dependence on the dominant society implies forced assimilation and loss of traditional values and cultural ways. John Sanchez explains:

Because of European contact, and the Darwinism thought that came along with it, the Christianity, in order to control and civilize the Indians, they had to find a way to have Indians become dependent on things, and that's what^s happened. I can't go out and hunt a deer, even if I know there’s some in the park. I'd be arrested. And we become dependent on going over to the store and buying a 105

pound of meat.... The more you assimilate, of course, the mote you can afford. We're losing our traditions; and we're losing them because this culture wants us to assimilate, not only because it'll make life easier for everyone else, but so you can become dependent upon the culture, financially.

It seems like a silly little thing to have a powwow but its not Even though we're teachers and we teach our kids, everyone we come in contact with at a powwow is going to teach them something.

But tradition-oriented Native Americans, very much aware of the assimilating influence of these modem "conveniences" hold fast to their traditional values. As Selma once explained to me, by using modem things like trade cloth, and glass beads, it shows America that Indians can make those things their own, rather than becoming dependent. Thus, just as America appropriates elements of Native America for American use, Indians adapt America to fit the needs of Native America. Toelken's discussion of integration of pickup trucks and competition into traditional Indian value systems establishes that there is, in fact, no natural incongruity. This appropriation and incorporation of American things contributes to success of powwows; the Indian community is able to develop a sense of community over a large geographic area and is able to efficiently organize and run a large gathering. Success of the powwow extends to the public relations aspects when visitors are able to find out about, attend and enjoy an efficiently organized and run powwow. Natives from distances too far to travel without automobiles are able to gather for a powwow, and are able to easily transport their costume, and trade items as well. They camp along the perimeter in tipi lodges, pop-up campers or ragged passenger vans. Electric generators and propane stoves make possible food preparation for the elders, dancers and powwow committee people as well as for sale to the public. Mirrors, colorful yam, and other such items, often purchased from the local discount mart, are often used as part of fancy dance outfits. Native Americans have developed specific public relations strategies to inform the public about upcoming powwows through local mass media, as well as by the more time-honored word- of-mouth methods. Powwow public relations strategies are an excellent example of how Euro- American elements are effectively appropriated by Native Ameircans to contribute to the success of Native Ameircan secular ritual event. The many aspects of transformation affected through this secular ritual could not be effectively addressed without the attendance of interested individuals who are not directly involved in the local Native Ameican community. Because powwows are an 106 important early step in reclaiming personal Native Ameican identity and in establishing a contemporary sense of Indians (both for Indian people and the general public), it is impomtat that a large number of people can be informed about upcomming events which they can attend. Susan Mills discussed the variety of publicity strategies involved.

Word of mouth is a big way. We notify all of our members. We also send press releases out to a press list that we have, which is nation wide. We notify the newspapers that are Native run and operated, published by Native gnaups — and theres about five National publications. We notify all of the television and radio stations in the Columbus, Ohio, area. We haven't been real successful, but we've had some interest from the news media in particular; they come out, like Associated Press or UPl, We had photographers come and take pictures that were used nationally from our powwow. We hooked into the 1-800-BUCKEYE number and I am, for this year's powwow, writing to the Columbus Public Schools and to as many of the other school systems in the Columbus district that I can have time to get to, and asking them to endorse the powwows as an educational vehicle for students. And I'm including an opportunity for the kids to all have a dollar off coupon, and hoping that that will entice people to come in. I've also got a list made up of organizations like Boy Scouts, the Y, and places where they imitate Indian stuff, and I'm hoping that they'll come and see the real thing. And we distribute countless fliers at other powwows, and mail them out to a mailing list that we have of about 500 people, the traders that come take copies and they pass them out all over the place. I would imagine — we haven't really started the publicity for Trinity Farms, but everybody knows when it is.

Although integration of things "American" into Native American life and powwow organization, such as extensive utilization of communication networks, carries some risk of assimilation, for the most part, tradition-oriented Native Americans do use these things in accordance with Native value systems. As established in Chapter Two, the use of modern or American elements does not in any way invalidate the traditionality of the powwow process as an expression of Native American cultural identities. The history or powwow is one of change, adaptation and integration of elements. Unlike the elderly Jewish people of Meyerhoff's study, for Native Americans, freedom from external pressures to be "American" does not come from their marginality and invisibility to the society around them (Symbol Perfected In Death, 167). Native Americans as well as other ethnic minority groups are marginal to the larger society in the sense that, as John Sanchez puts it, "They don't have to know anything about me, my language, how I live, to survive; but I have to know as much as I can about them just to live day-to-day. " In other words, for a minority group "to survive at all, to get ahead, requires knowledge of the subtleties of institutional structure as 107 well as knowledge of the thoughts and values of the dominant group" (Royce, 4). This knowledge, Royce contends, can be advantageous to subording groups because "they generally view situations in all their complexity rather than in simple black and white terms. They are aware of subleties of meaning that may appear to dominants as simple statements" (4). But Indians are not completely invisible to the non-Indian society in which they live. Although most members of the general public are ignorant about the existence of Native Americans in Ohio today, they do have romantic notions of Indians — noble savages or savage Indians. Also, within the past five or so years, many of the concerns of Native Americans are reaching public attention on the local and national scale. For the Columbus, Ohio, area, Columbus Quincentennary celebrations focused local and national attention on the city; and Native American counter activities received some of that spotlight. Since then there has been more (and more sympathetic) coverage of issues such as burial and repatriation in local media. The Native American voice in Central Ohio politically has become stronger over the past several years. Also, other Native issues — such as the Leonard Peltier campaign, land disputes, hunting and fishing disputes, and gaming — have gained enough popular attention through news reports and documentary that more non-Native people are aware of some of the elements of contemporary Indian existence, although some still may hold romantic or stereotypical notions as well. This interaction with the non-Indian culture and the resulting public attention has served to increase Native Americans' focus on their culture rather than to encourage assimilation. Whereas for Meyerhoff's subjects, freedom from pressures to be Americanized resulted from decreased contact with American society, for Native Americans, it has resulted from greater engagement Royce, in keeping with the principles of differential identity (Bauman, Differential Identity), contends that "ethnic identity is more often the product of increasing interaction between groups than the negative result of isolation " (40). Organizations such as American Indian Movement (AIM), which is known by some non-Indians as a radical and sometimes violent movement, have worked for Native American civil rights in the wake of African-American organizations such as the Black Panthers. Ceremonial occasions are a means of becoming visible to the outside world, Meyerhoff contends; 108

In this setting the opposite of honor is not shame, but invisibility. Without public occasions which allow them to show themselves, no one knows they exist It is more painful to them to be completely ignored than it is to be seen in a bad light, or to be ridiculed or shamed. . . it is not surprising that people use ritual and ceremonial occasions of every sort as opportunities for making themselves visible and, if possible, dramatizing their worth" (Symbol Perfected In Death, 183).

For Native Americans, the present danger is not in complete invisibility but in public misperception. If the general public perceive Indians as long-ago and far-away peoples, or as troublemakers in other parts of the country, then contemporary Indians face an even deeper invisibility than Meyerhoff suggests. Although Central Ohio Native American individuals may be recognized as ethnic because of elements such as skin color, other physical characteristics, names, or beliefs, if they are recognized it is likely to be individually rather than in connection with a community. And because most Central Ohio Native Americans do not conform to the pervasive stereotypical image in their daily lives, they may not be recognized at all. Native Americans are quite aware of a powwow's usefulness in gaining a foothold in public perception, and try to foster the sense of connection necessary to create more accurate public perception and awareness of contemporary Indianness. Directly inviting schools and other organizations to attend a powwow, and information shared in the program are concrete examples of cultivating a sense of connection through which to begin to correct public misperceptions.

C rea tin g S uccessful R it u a l E x per ien c e

Because most of the visitors to a powwow are largely unaware of the symbols and ritual elements indicative of cultural understanding (many may be attending a powwow for the first time), creating a successful ritual experience for all involved presents special difficulties. When participants in rituals do not have common backgrounds or experience with the particular type of ritual, such rituals "must overcome special handicaps in achieving their ceremonial goals [to| convey a sense of rightness and inevitability" (Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 200). Since collective ritual must elicit response from the members of the collective, "in a ritual without the emotional response provided by basic, deep symbol, how are rituals to move and persuade participants and witnesses?" (Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 200). Meyerhoff has determined that use of a guiding metaphor and two kinds of sequencing of elements within the event are the key. 109

There is alternation between secular and sacred themes or symbols. "Here, the secular elements — usually quite particular and unique, are juxtaposed with those regarded as unquestionable and permanent" (Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 200). There is also an alternation of open and closed elements. "Rigidly fixed, recurrent, highly specific ritual acts, . .. alternate with open spaces, which are used for improvisation and particularization The fixed segments are highly predictable, allegedly unchanging, and are the traditionalizing ingredients in a complex ritual" (Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 200). The open segments, which can be conventional or truly new, "must convey a sense of accuracy and authenticity"(Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 202). Sense of connection with Indians and powwows "back home" (which generally refers to a reservation area) is conveyed through powwow organizers and officials who are known to have ongoing ties to reservation areas and who actively participate in powwows across the continent. Kenny Irwin is respected as Arena Director because of his experience in the capacity at powwows across the continent, an experience which lends a definite sense of accuracy and authenticity to the Central Ohio powwows which he is involved with. It is this sense of authenticity, the feeling that a ritual is in some way connected with tradition and, more importantly, is not just a touristic show that is most compelling for both participants and visitors. Another important function of the open segments is letting the audience and participants know what is being done so that they can coordinate appropriate responses. Since participants and spectators have very different levels of understanding, for powwows, rather than alternation of open/closed and sacred/secular sequencing, the elements are juxtaposed. From visitor and from participant points of view a powwow is two events in one. For example, in the Indian view of the event, the MG is necessary to announce drum rotation, note intertribal dance or specific exhibitions or ceremonies, and call names of honorées for ceremonies such as give-aways. The general public often does not gain much from these kinds of MC information (unless they have some previous knowledge of powwows or are attentive to the program and MC). Information that the public does find useful — who the head dancers are, etiquette and customary behavior, when not to take pictures and brief information about dances, costumes, historical Indian life, upcoming powwows, petition drives — is redundant to most Indian participants. Of course, there is a continuum which contains more knowledgeable non-Indians and less knowledgeable Indians; and all perceive a somewhat different "sequencing." "Clearly such communications are redundant in the established familiar sections or rituals. But within the improvised sections. 110

coordination between participants must occur in order for those involved to be certain that they are in the same play, so to speak" (Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 202). In addition to sequencing, the use of a guiding metaphor is an essential factor in coordinating the improvisations of secular ritual and creating the sense of meaningful traditionality. Powwows often are compared to family reunions, which provide a guiding metaphor for non-Indians in attendance, as well as Indians. Powwow goers should then expect to see a number of people in celebration of their family ties (their Indianness), and history, as well as focusing on continuation of the family into the future. They should also expect to be uncomfortable at times when encountering people and situations they are unfamiliar with, as anyone who attends a large family reunion is uncomfortable with relatives whom they barely know. "The guiding metaphor in ritual serves to remind all concerned who they are, where they are and what they are doing there.. . By naming the event with a familiar name, audience and actors are quickly oriented within the less familiar sections" (We Don't Wrap Herring, 202). Thus, while ritual as a collusive drama of persuasion must have the participation of all present, it is not necessary that all present share an understanding or interpretation of the event. Because the powwow "audience" by definition is in a participatory role (remember that there is little separation: visitors are considered to be honored guests rather than voyeurs, and when dancers are not in the arena, they are part of the audience), it is not difficult for powwows to create that sense of collusion. However, a wide range of specific responses is possible, including strengthening of stereotypes and misperceptions rather than elimination of them.

E valuating S ecu la r R it u a l

In evaluating a powwow as secular ritual, operational and doctrinal efficacy should be distinguished. "Doctrinal efficacy is a matter of postulation. As the intrinsic explanation, it need merely be affirmed. It lacks the dimension of outcome or of sequence which is attributed to operational efficacy. Results, successes, failures are part of the operational effects of a ritual" (Meyerhoff, Intro to Secular Ritual, 12). Meyerhoff also reminds us that as fieldworkers, our data concerning the operational effects can never be complete because people are not able to put into words the subjective transformative effects of ritual. This is one of the paradoxes of ritual. I l l

Efficacy, especially operational efficacy, must be evaluated along the continuation from knowledgeable Indian participants to first time visitors. As a means of evaluating efficacy, Meyerhoff notes "five ways of looking at the outcome of secular ritual" which were distinguished at the symposium which spawned Secular Ritual : Explicit purpose(s), explicit symbols and messages, implicit statements, social relationships effected, and culture v. chaos. Powwows have multiple purposes — some explicit, some implied. For Indians, powwow is fundamentally a gathering in celebration. However, since contemporary Indianness involves politics, legalities and social issues and because the general public is invited to attend for a ticket price, there are other levels to consider. In creating, renewing and maintaining acquaintance relationships, powwows also become a venue for discussion and often for initiation of action concerning legal, political and social issues. Because many tradition-oriented Indians are highly concerned with preserving their culture and continuing their customs, beliefs, and values in the face of threatened assimilation and diluting of those in the mainstream American culture, powwows are very much about establishing the boundary between Indian and non-Indian. As Dundes establishes, "As there can be no self or concept of self without other, there can be no sense of group without some other group" (Defining Identity, 7). Powwows are a display of Indianness to the oppositional group "non-Indian". Within the display participants (including the less knowledgeable members of the audience) enact their understanding of Indian cultural ways in a public setting to be evaluated by all. Royce explains that

If we recognize that there is a greater complexity of shared knowledge within groups than between groups, where interaction is restricted to certain structured situations, then it follows that performance becomes important within the inner boundary. It is there that individuals are judged on the extent of their cultural knowledge. Their claims to membership in the group arc judged on their ability to behave adequately in the role rather than on identity based on ascription.

Thus, within this double boundary, the Fancy Dancer who did a flip is evaluated within the inner boundary (by culturally aware and tradition-oriented Native Americans) as displaying non-traditional performance highly inappropriate to the context. From the outer boundary (less culturally aware powwow visitors) this distinction would not necessarily become evident and the dancer could be held in high regard as particularly athletic. Of course, these judgements are based on present interpretations of what is traditional or appropriate. 112

Because the general public is largely ignorant of tradition-oriented contemporary Indianness, powwows are also a means of cross-cultural education and exposure, a way of differentiating Indians. (Education and tourism aspects are discussed further in Chapter Four.) Negotiating boundaries between groups is an important aspect of identity formation displayed in secular ritual. An additional aspect of cross-cultural exposure is transformation of the general perception of Indianness as based on romanticized notions to a more accurate contemporary perspective. Even though visitors may come to a powwow expecting to see romanticized notions of Indians reinforced, they are presented with ample opportunities to see contemporary Native America — from new foods like Indian tacos, to new land disputes and persecution. Elements that at first would seem to reinforce romanticized notions, are, in fact, significantly different. For example, although powwow form is basically that of Plains Indians, who form the core of the romanticized notions, presence of ribbon shirts and ribbon dresses, satin fancy dance shawls and colorful yarn grass dance outfits (rather than exclusively buckskins) are definitely modern elements. The rhythm of the drum and the vocal expertise of the drums is obviously more sophisticated than Hollywood renditions. Having visitors participate in the powwow experience is a particularly effective and interesting way for Native Americans to show outsiders what Native America today is all about. And, since the costs of putting on a powwow are extensive, and because there is an admittance fee for spectators, powwows are a fund raising event as well, although they usually don't make a profit after expenses. For the general public, powwows may be seen as primarily a fund raising or awareness raising event, since from the outside perspective, they seem to best fit that rubric. Kenny Irwin feels that the fund raising aspect is complementary to the purpose of powwows. "Powwows were — all tribes were invited; it was a social event, people go to meet people. Today it has become more of a way of teaching our culture, and teaching our traditions, our spirituality. But to do this, money is needed to put on events. It's a must; it has to be. And I myself think it's a great way to let the non-Native community know that we do exist, that we are still here " John Sanchez says "a lot of what people think a powwow is, is it’s a dance, you pay money to get in, it's a fund raiser for an Indian center or something like that. But its not like that at all; it's a preservation of the culture, a keeping of the traditions. And it's not a trip back through time. " The general public may also misinterpret expression of culture as an attempt (either serious or for touristic show) to return to an "untainted " way of life (pre-contact or 19th century 113 romantic notions again). However, some may not realize that they interpret what they think they are experiencing to fit their preconceived ideas. People who attend powwows for the first time may be curious about an "other" culture and see their experience as part of their multicultural education, as some questionnaire respondents indicated. They feel that by experiencing a powwow, they have learned something. Participants and visitors may have very different conceptualizations of what a powwow is and how it operates, and many visitors are not familiar with the deep cultural symbols which communicate meaning to the more knowledgeable participants. It is necessary that participants and visitors are sufficiently oriented that they can participate effectively in the ritual. Explicit symbols and messages include the use of the guiding metaphor of family reunion to orient participants and visitors to the ritual. Within the guiding metaphor, axiomatic symbols are "activated and used to fuse disparate domains of experience" as symbols they "provided form and substance which were used to build the ritual, they were the symbolic sources sustaining the metaphor which guided the ceremony" (213). Meyerhoff encountered a similar cross-cultural difficulty in the ceremony which marked completion of a course of study by several elderly members of the Jewish Community Center. The event was called a graduation-siyum, utilizing two culturally specific guiding metaphors of rites of passage to orient the participants and audience, although the event was neither specifically a graduation nor a siyum. Underlying this guiding metaphor, the axiomatic symbols of Being-a-Jew and Learning emphasized the cultural identity of the participants while fusing the "disparate domains of experience" among the elderly Jews and the audience (which was, for the most part, removed from those old-country traditions). In powwows, similar axiomatic symbols can be identified. "Being-an-lndian" and "Learning about Indianness" underlie the guiding metaphor of family reunion, though not so explicitly as in the Meyerhoff graduation-siyum study. Indian participants are trying to establish and strengthen their sense of connection with Indian people, a process which continually involves learning. While learning about Indianness is important to Indians, it is also important to non- Indians. As Indians leam about and express their culture, the display teaches non-Indians; and it is very necessary for the general public to leam accurate and contemporary information about Indians and Indianness. "A ceremony activates or presents selected ideas necessarily related to larger cultural frameworks of thought and explanation," writes Meyerhoff. "Thus some of the 114

work of ritual is to make momentarily visible an ideology, or part of one, as basic model. It may also make available many symbolic elements which are fragmentary, separate and evidently unsystematized (Intro to Secular Ritual, 16). By using the family reunion and celebration as guiding metaphor with the underlying symbols of Being an Indian and Learning about Indianness, powwows make visible the idea that Indians and non-Indians are part of a larger family (Mitakuye Oyasin), and are not so different that they cannot respect one another's ways. In addition to implying that Indians and non-Indians are capable of respectful co­ existence, powwows imply that the Indian community is indeed a cohesive community. Such "implicit statements" may expose or may mask contradiction and paradox, may express affirmation or transformation, says Meyerhoff. "A ceremony may formulate, pattern, or transform such materials; it may reiterate or present afresh ideas about social relationship, cultural or specific models, connecting them with universal personal experiences linking or dividing, aggrandizing or diminishing, blurring or clarifying" (Intro Secular Ritual 16). There are many implicit statements involved in powwows. Intertribal powwows stress the commonality of Indianness while supporting tribal differentiations. The event functions as a family reunion, but, of course, not all participants know one another, especially considering that many travel from out of state for Columbus powwows. And although there may be disagreements among members of the sponsoring organization, or disputes among powwow participants, no infighting is evident during the powwow. Thus a sense of solidarity among the Indian community is reinforced for Indians, who recognize and utilize differential identify boundaries in establishing a united front in order to gain a viable voice within the larger society. The sense of Indian solidarity is reinforced for non-Indians as well, who may not be aware of great differences, including differences of opinion, within the Indian "community." But, above all, the implied message of powwow is one of continuity and continuation for Indian people. When considering "social relationships effected," Meyerhoff suggests separating social effects from messages conveyed since "indeed, one social message may be given and quite a different one acted upon" (16). Because there is such a wide range of knowledgeability among powwow goers, it is impossible to assume that the messages conveyed are always received as intended. For example, the romantic notion of the nobility, beauty and closeness to nature attributed to Indians is still alive and well, especially considering that many people do not realize that there are culturally practicing Indians in Ohio today. People coming to a powwow with such 115 predetermined notions tend to interpret what they see as reinforcement of what they think they already know. If they feel that Indians are different and mysterious and interesting people, then the dancing, the Native language(s) and the ceremonies and ritual will be incomprehensible and "other" and fascinating, thus reinforcing their stereotypes about Indian people. People may attend because they are involved with spiritual or environmental groups which appropriate elements of Indian spiritualism or beliefs. They may interpret the presence of informative literature concerning these movements as endorsement of them and their appropriation, while not noticing the indications that Indians do not approve of such appropriation, and indeed are actively opposed to it. Many Native American material culture items, such as dream catchers and mandatas are popular outside of Indian culture, and may be appropriated into other spiritual belief systems. Visitors noticing such items for sale may interpret their availability as approval of their use in non-Native contexts. Native Americans cannot control the many potential uses to which items purchased at powwows may be put; and, restricting who is allowed to purchase certain items would be discriminatory, and thus in opposition to powwow's fundamental celebration of spirituality and unity. However, Native Americans can, and do, offer information to educate consumers about the items they purchase and appropriate uses. For example, with purchase of a dream catcher, many vendors include a photocopied explanation of the item and its use (see appendix B). As mentioned in Chapter Two, sacred items are not offered for sale at traditional powwows. Many Indian traders have and will trade in kind for sacred items, though. The sale prohibition, which is common to other religions as well, has the additional effect of safeguarding sacred items from misinformed or inappropriate use. Another area where the intended message may be easily misinterpreted by outsiders regards the relationship of Native culture and nature. Powwows, in their celebration of the spiritually within all life, do foreground nature and humanity's interrelationship with the natural world. The message intended is that contemporary Indianness still values the worldview emphasizing people as part of the natural world, but that culture and lifeways may be considerably different than those of the ancestors. How clearly this message is received is a function of cultural knowledge and familiarity of the receiver. Inattentive powwow visitors highly orientated toward romanticized notions, could have their equation of "Indian " with "nature" reinforced. Thus, urban Indians would be seen as not authentic because they seem to lack that connection with nature. Alcoholism, hopelessness, and crime often associated with 116 thoughts of Indian existence today are then interpreted as result of degeneration from the idealized state of connection to nature. Ohio's large and high-profile Wannabe population is a factor in considering social effects and messages conveyed. Because Wannabees construct themselves in relation to the popular image of Indians, the public may not be able to easily differentiate their messages from those of tradition-oriented Indians. The consequent social effects hinder Indian self-representation efforts. Some Wannabees are simply fascinated with their perception of Indian culture. Other, much more dangerous Wannabees actually claim to be Indian when there is no biological or cultural basis for their claim. They then attempt to speak on behalf of Indians in public lectures and in informing legislative decisions. OCNAA's encouragement of stricter standards and facilitation of other public eduction measures (including powwows) are an attempt to help people who are largely unaware of Native American cultures to differentiate messages by and messages about Indians. As discussed earlier in this chapter, although borrowing and hybridization is a natural element of cultural contact, most tradition-oriented Native Americans are quite disturbed by what they perceive as misuse or abuse of appropriated cultural elements. This is especially so when the recontextualized elements are still associated with Native America, because related messages will also be associated with Native America. Natives are well aware that the general public does not know enough to differentiate Native ways from pseudo-Native versions. John Sanchez is particularly adamant about the harm such appropriation can cause to Native America, and often gives public lectures and media interviews on the subject to help members of the general public sort out these conflicting messages. "We used to be open with everything, and that's how we lost a good part of our culture," he explains. "So anymore, traditionalists will not tell wasicus [white people] how something works, how the sweatlodge works, how the Sundance works, how to speak the language. Part of the reason these things are not offered any more is that Wannabees come in and they bastardize what's left of the culture. That's why traditionals are so upset with Wannabe people." John Sanchez has many examples of Wannabees and practitioners of "New Age" spirituality appropriating elements of Native culture and how damaging the results can be. "People want so much to know something about Native America, and they know so little, that they believe anyone." Wannabe claims can divert grant money, validate archaeological claims to 117

Native remains, and reinforce stereotypes and misperceptions, all of which are damaging to Native America. But Wannabe claims can also be damaging to non-Natives as well, and that damage is easily attributed to Native America. One particularly tragic incident involves a Wannabe "Ancient Cherokee Purification Rite"; but the newspaper headlines did not report that there is no such purification, and that the woman was a fraud. He relates this story often in his speaking engagements.

Not long ago, a woman who calls herself Parisha Taylor, from the "White Buffalo Calf Society" out of Cleveland, convinced this woman that in order to go through a Cherokee purification that they would have to bury her underground and she would just breathe through a tube. And so, she did, she buried a woman underground, and she breathed through a tube, except that the woman choked and died while she was underground. Parisha Taylor was not sent to jail because she had the woman that died sign a release before going through with the purification. Plus, the woman paid to have this done to her. This is like, ridiculous! This is how Wannabees can hurt real Indian people: there's no such purification underground like that. I know both chiefs — there are only two Cherokee chiek in the whole world and I know them both — and they've never done anything like that ever. But this person, Parisha Taylor, her real name is Patricia Taylor, the Cleveland Plain Dealer did an investigative story on her, and did a genealogy on her and found no Indian blood in her at all. Plus they talked to some of her relatives, and her relatives said there's no Indian blood in this family at all. Now this is how Wannabees are making money on people who are short on their own religion, or have found contemporary religion not to be satisfying and then look for something else. They turn to Native America. And in this case she turned to a Wannabe person and lost her life. If you're non-Native and you read that in the paper, and the newspaper reports it as an Indian woman who kills another woman by burying her underground as part of an Indian ceremony — what do you think about Native America then? Wannabees do nothing but hurt traditional Native America.

Powwows are a means of providing the uninformed public with accurate information to make cultural differentiations. They also have the potential for getting through the message that appropriation of Native cultural ways can be disrespectful and quite harmful to those very cultures which the appropriators wish to honor or revere. For example, as the many fliers, pamphlets and news articles which are displayed by powwow traders emphasize, most tradition- oriented Native Americans feel offended, not honored by many popular uses of their images. Images associated with Atlanta Braves, Kansas City Chiefs and Cleveland Indians mascots. Jeep Cherokee, Dodge Dakota and Pontiac, Calumet Baking Powder, Land-O-Lakes margarine, and Crazy Horse Malt Liquor all are perceived as racist caricatures of Indians, implying that they are no longer a dynamic living culture. 118

For another example, Indian spiritual ceremonies appropriated into New Agism — and especially when invented ceremonies are termed "Native American" — are no longer "Native American"; they may be based on Native beliefs or ceremonies, but within the rubric of New Agism they are New Age ceremonies. When they are still called Indian, perhaps in an attempt to give these new forms a sense of tradition and connection with a long-established group, it is a misrepresentation which implies Native American involvement. Although New Age rituals are certainly valid in their own right, they are not Native American. Powwows are essential in expressing Native American culture in relation to popular culture and in contrast to the cultural chaos created by decontextualizing and conglomerating different spiritual elements into new rubrics. At a more fundamental level, like all collective ritual, powwows create cultural order; they are part of the creative process of constructing Native American worldview against the possibility of the chaos of no culture or cultural order, Vteyerhoff's "culture versus chaos" evaluation. This element of culture versus chaos is an important consideration in the efficacy of ritual. "Last, at its most general level, all collective ceremony can be interpreted as a cultural statement about cultural order against a cultural void... Through form and formality, it celebrates man-made meaning, the culturally determinate, the regulated, the named, and the explained. It banishes from consideration the basic questions raised by the made-upness of culture, its malleability and alterability" (Intro to Secular Ritual, 16-17). This illusion which discourages questioning the made-up quality of culture, and its changeability, is especially paradoxical for Indians and powwows. Because Indians must be so concerned with preserving the integrity of Indian ways, stressing the made-up-ness of culture, including Native culture, would be easily read as tacit approval of appropriating and bastardizing cultural elements, regardless of the harm done to traditional Native America. The de­ emphasizing of the constructedness of culture seems though to be not so much a conscious political strategy as an outgrowth of powwow's history. Powwows are not a consciously invented form; present-day powwows are part of an on going culture, and have changed and adapted to suit the needs of a changing and adapting culture. Although the recurrence of natural images and elements helps to reinforce the naturalness of the powwow form, rather than the constructed nature of all cultural expressions, this emphasis on nature is more directly related with the physical and spiritual ties to the environment which was an integral part of Native American life 119 only a few generations ago, and which has not been completely abandoned even by the city- dwellers. However, these elements resonate with romanticized notions and may thus reinforce stereotypes. Indians are striving to bring themselves into the 20th century consciousness of the American public, a public which thinks of them in terms of authenticity relative to pre-contact "corruptions" or changes. Change is seen as something forced upon the Indians with necessarily negative consequence. Seeing Indians step out of a van in full dress regalia is an incongruity, an image filled with contradictory implicit messages. However, the cultures of Native America are living, and thus dynamic. There has always been change, and always will be change. By using the powwow, which focuses attention on dance, costume and language ( which the general public spectator has no way to evaluate in terms of evolution), as well as intercultural relations, to increase public awareness of present-day Indianness, Indians run a risk of having that message misinterpreted or ignored by those with strong preset notions. Although Central Ohio powwows are increasingly providing information about their changing cultures through the context given by the MC and the use of printed programs, the form of powwow does discourage consideration of the man-made quality of culture.

T r a d itio n AUZiNc E lem ents

"Certain formal properties of that category of events ordinarily called collective ritual (or ceremony) all lend themselves singularly to making ritual a "traditionalizing instrument". . . collective ceremony can traditionalize new material as well as perpetuate old traditions. Some of its formal properties mimic its message in this regard": 1 Repetition; 2 Acting; 3 Special behavior or stylization; 4 Order; 5 Evocative presentational style or staging; and 6 the collective dimension (Intro to Secular Ritual, 7). Meyerhoff uses these elements in her analyses of secular rituals within the elderly Jewish community (We Don't Wrap Herring, Symbol Perfected in Death, Intro to Secular Ritual). Powwows' traditionalizing functions can be usefully analyzed along these lines as well. "Repetition" is an important traditionalizing element and can be of occasion, content or form or a combination. Although contemporary powwows do not celebrate a particular holiday 120

or occasion such as many American secular rituals do, most are annual events and, once established generally occur at about the same time each year. The NAlC's Labor Day weekend powwow is associated with American occasions. Whether consciously or not, the juxtaposition of Native American celebration and American Labor Day celebration creates some strong messages. Native American political goals are reinforced by the implied connection with the Labor movement's goals of rights for the common people, solidarity, and organized efforts to reach group goals. CXZNAA's Annual New Year's Sobriety Powwow, consciously juxtaposes the Indian celebration with the American holiday. New Year's Sobriety powwows are a relatively recent trend; New Year's Eve 1994 saw eleven Sobriety powwows, across the country, including the one sponsored by OCNAA (in its 3rd year) and the oldest one in Minneapolis (in its 13th year). Because Native Americans are disposed to alcohol abuse. New Year celebrations, which for Americans traditionally involve drinking, are particularly problematic. Since alcohol use and abuse are considered an impediment to following traditional spiritual ways, a New Year's Sobriety powwow explicitly discourages drunken celebration. As Susan Mills, who has been involved in coordinating the OCNAA sponsored Sobriety powwow, explained:

Of course, we always insist of sobriety at any powwows that we do, but its not billed as a sobriety powwow; its just billed as a traditional powwow. This one is tradition, we just absolutely encourage, insist on, and provide tools, support mechanisms for people who might otherwise be totally drunk out of their minds on New Years. Because that's a traditionally drunk-as-a-skunk night not only for Native Americans but for everybody. So we provide an alternative activity for becoming stupid drunk, and a danger to yourself and everyone else.

Some of the tools and support mechanisms offered at the Sobriety Powwow have included speakers. Native American drug and alcohol abuse counselors, alcoholics anonymous meetings, and informal talking circles. Susan Mills reported that the attendance for the 1994 Sobriety was up significantly from the previous year. "We came close to having a third more people that we had the year before. We had a lot more dancers and a lot more Native people participating. We didn't increase our gate tremendously [number of paying visitors], but we just had a lot more response from the [Indian] community, which we wanted to reach " New Years is associated with a new start, and thus a New Year's Sobriety Powwow encourages starting over without alcohol use. 121

No matter the occasion of celebration, powwows are generally consistent in form and content, another manifestation of repetition as a traditionalizing element. As mentioned earlier, there is a complex set of traditional customs and formalities regarding the set up of the arena, placement of traders and camping, appropriate items for sale or display, etiquette within the campsite, the direction of dance (which for most tribes is clockwise), ordering of dancers in Grand Entry, alternation of intertribal dancing (which is open to people of all nations) with other types of dance, exhibition, and ceremonies, alternation among drums, etc. The general powwow form is familiar to most tribes and is followed, although with variations. Tribes may omit or add certain features in order to be consistent with their own values, beliefs and practices. The New Year's Sobriety Powwows incorporate support mechanisms and information regarding drug and alcohol abuse. Occasionally "mini powwows" are held to celebrate a particular occasion such as an individual's birthday or to help the Indian community cope with experiencing an unusual level of anxiety. Even "1st annual " or one-time powwows are traditional in form and content, thus demonstrating the power of the repetition of form and content as traditionalizing element. The performance aspects of powwow are another important traditionalizing factor. Meyerhoff identifies the elements of acting, staging or evocative presentational style, ordering, and special behavior or stylization to establish that ritual is "not an essentially spontaneous activity, but rather most, of not all of it is self-consciously acted' like a part in a play " (7). Activity within a powwow is much more fluid and spontaneous, than one might expect in comparison with a play, but a powwow is very much a performance as well as a ceremony. There are codes of conduct and etiquette which are known and observed by most knowledgeable participants and which some powwows publish in a program. And the style of dancing and dress carries particular meaning for those knowledgeable enough to interpret them. In such stylization or "Special" behavior, "actions or symbols used are extra-ordinary themselves, or ordinary ones are used in an unusual way, a way that calls attention to them and sets them apart from other, mundane uses " (7). It is perhaps the stylized behavior that most attracts visitors to powwows. The costumes and dance, and perhaps the food, become the focal point for visitors, who then make interpretations based on their own cultural knowledge. Music and Dance are easily recognized as performances, but perception of their place within the performance of the whole event can become distorted. Thus visitors may become annoyed that "nothing is going on" when 122

in fact they are not noticing the very important socializing and other cultural expressions because those do not immediately seem to be part of performance. Performance theory suggests that folklore forms are integral and dynamic elements of culture and cultural expression. Folklore performance need not be oriented to a spectating "audience"; performance is the doing of the folklore, which does imply the importance of the relationship between the sender(s) and receiver(s) of the communicative messages implicit in folklore performance. Cultural expression and continuation take place in the personal interactions, and they are definitely part of the overall performance of the powwow ritual. "Collective rituals are by definition an organized event, both of persons and cultural elements, having a beginning and an end, thus bound to have some order. It may contain within it moments of, or elements of chaos and spontaneity but these are in prescribed times and places. Order is the dominant mode and is often quite exaggeratedly precise. Its order is often the very thing which sets it apart" (Intro to Secular Ritual, 7). Powwows are not nearly so rigid in order of form and content as Meyerhoff's description would suggest, since Indians conceptualize of time in a more fluid manner than Westerners, but order is still an important traditionalizing factor. For example, Kenny Irwin indicated a very specific order to the dancers in grand entry. Also powwows begin and end with particular ceremonies and there are certain times for certain things. But those times are not predetermined by a generic model or even necessarily preplanned by the powwow committee. For example, if a person approaches the arena director about an honor song for someone's birthday, the arena director directs the person to chose a drum and shortly thereafter, the honor dance occurs. During the 1994 Trinity Farms powwow I approached Kenny Irwin, the Arena Director, and told him that John Sanchez's birthday was that weekend and that I'd like an honor song for him. Kenny Irwin asked me to choose a drum, suggesting Prairie Island, and directed me to make a small cash offering when I made my request. I approached the drum and spoke with the lead singer, asking for a birthday song. He agreed and as we shook hands I passed him ten dollars, the appropriate amount. After the next rotation of drums, Kenny Irwin announced the honor song and we were called into the arena for the honor dance, which followed the same format that Toelken describes (Ethnic Selection, 152) and which I describe in Chapter Two. Establishing a sense of tradition through effective ordering often involves an alternation of sacred and secular elements in secular ritual. This is particularly true in invented ritual or in 123 cases where not everyone is familiar with the meanings communicated by cultural symbols, where orienting the participants and visitors is necessary. "Fixed sacred elements alternate with more open, secular aspects, as if to lend authenticity, certainty and propriety to the open, optional sections. In the open sections, modifications, particularizations, and innovations occur, which tie the fixed sections more firmly to the situational details at hand, together providing a progression which seems both apt and traditional" (Meyerhoff, Symbol Perfected, 180). Such alternation, in combination with the guiding metaphor which orients participants and audience to the type of format, help insure that participants and audience know what to expect and can follow appropriately. In addition to methods of ordering an event, "evocative presentational style or staging" is important in its success, both for powwow participants and visitors. Powwows, while not meant to produce the extreme concentration of a Sun Dance, still do produce a definitely attentive state of mind, and usually some commitment. This is especially so for the dancers who, through their concentration on the drum and their dance throughout the day become highly focused. "Collective rituals are intended to produce at least an attentive state of mind, and often an even greater commitment of some kind; ceremony commonly does so through manipulations of symbols and sensory stimuli. . . ritual may be a framework that engenders creativity in individuals both through mandatory improvisation (liminal periods, trance, visions) and through highly structured, rule-bounded activities, both of which produce a concentration so extreme that there is a loss of self-consciousness, and a feeling of 'flow"'(7-8). In a completely different way, powwow spectators may also become highly focused. Those who come hoping to leam something about Indians and feel that they are witnessing or participating in a real Indian event, become highly focused on observing and interpreting their experience. They may ask questions of dancers, traders and powwow staff, hoping to understand more about the event and the people. And since most respectful questioning is gladly answered, these attenders may increase their understanding, may even feel comfortable joining in the intertribal dancing (which presents more opportunity for question) and leave with a feeling of connection. The drum may be an important factor here as well; its deep steady rhythm can be heard or felt throughout the powwow grounds, providing a sense of continuity and connection within the powwow experience. Even as a visitor wanders the outer perimeter of trader booths, well away from the arena and out of sight of the dancing, the sound of the drum is present. 124

Perhaps because of its similarity to a heartbeat, there is something compelling about the drum. Its sound creates a sense of human unity. Examination of powwow's "collective dimension" and contained social message (Meyerhoff, Intro to Secular Ritual, 8) is compounded by the fact that the collectivity is quite diverse in nature and that there is a continuum of participant positions, with knowledgeable, tradition-oriented Indians at one extreme and general public members ignorant of contemporary Indianness at the other. The range of possibilities tends to separate into two categories, although there is some grey fuzzy area as individuals move from outsider to insider status. However, although insiders and outsiders may recognize their positions and the existence of a range of attender positions, generally, attenders feel they have been a part of the event, "in the same play, so to speak" (We Don't Wrap Herring in a Printed Page, 202), as Meyerhoff puts it. None of the questionnaire responders indicated any feelings of disorientation or feeling "lost," although negative reactions were solicited on the form. Many did note that they found the program helpful, but several indicated that it was not as helpful as they would have liked. I asked Jill Williams and Amanda Warren specifically if they felt disoriented or left out, and they both responded that they felt very much a part of the event. "You feel like you're a part of things," said Jill Williams. Amanda Warren said "I really didn't know what to expect at first; I was a little nervous. But when I got there I didn't feel uncomfortable at all. I went around and looked at all the booths and displays and talked to everybody. Everything was just, real open. People walking around. I didn't feel uncomfortable at all." Meyerhoff writes.

Because ritual is a social event it is necessary that, within it individuals' temporal experiences are coordinated somewhat. They must be delicately synchronized, without obliterating the individual's sense of an intense personal experience. Ordinary time is suspended and a new time instituted, geared to the event taking place, shared by those participating, integrating the private experience into a collective one. These moments of community built outside of ordinary time are rare and powerful, forging an intense communion which transcends awareness of individual separateness. Continuity among participants prevails briefly, in a sometimes euphoric condition which Turner has described at length as state of communitas (Symtral Perfected 198).

Powwows as collective secular rituals seem to be quite effective in creating some sense of unity among participants and visitors, although visitors may be initially uncomfortable if they are disoriented. However, with closer examination, and realization that among participants and 125

visitors there is a tremendous range of knowledge and motivation, it becomes obvious that there is a tremendous range of interpretation as well. But despite this, powwows are able to accomplish some fusion of disparate elements of two domains into personal and community continuity — both for the participants who feel that they walk in two worlds, and for the general public spectators who are leaving their world to look in on another. Many of Meyerhoff's insights into creating effective secular ritual, especially in a context of differential identity where not all participants share equally in knowledge of cultural meanings, can be observed in Central Ohio intertribal powwows. The means of orienting participants in ritual are very important because a ritual "fails as a communication, either because it is misunderstood or because it does not manage to call forth the requisite attitude of specialness' and attention from its audience" (Symbol Perfected, 195-6). "The attitude so arranged is one of the basic tasks of all ritual: that of calling attention to a segment of everyday life, making it extraordinary by framing it, setting it apart from the trivial, mundane, evanescent progression of daily affairs. Ritual celebrates, freezes and frames that which it takes up"(195). Through stylized performance, powwows seek to call attention to everyday life of Indians, although powwow activities are only an element of contemporary Indianness. They are a significant element, however, because they express themes and activities deeply integrated into everyday life.

The value of this music and dance to the peoples who created them and still use them cannot be overestimated, Indian music and dance pervade all aspects of life. .. the importance in American Indian dance is found not only in its impact on modem society, but also in the traditions and values it expresses to and for the Indian peoples. (Heth.lT)

Powwows are important to Indians not only on powwow weekend; powwows are integrally connected to Indianness, and Indianness is expressed throughout every aspect of life. "Powwows are about keeping the traditions, but you don't just do it at powwows; you do it all the time, " explains John Sanchez. "It's not a trip back through time; it’s the culture. You can't be Indian just on the weekend and be white the rest of the week, or even try to." Kenny Irwin explains further.

The color of your skin does not make you Native... your brain and your heart is what makes you a Human Being. They make you part of Tunka Shila‘, make you 126

part of the creator, and make you what you are. And make you a person who understands life Itself. And doesn't say 'One day I'm gonna be Indian. Tomorrow I'm gonna wake up. I'm gonna be Indian. And then the next day open up a can of Budweiser.'"

A powwow weekend is simply a public venue for performance of what is performed privately all along. John Sanchez says

It’s time when you can take all these things that you've been sharing with your family in the winter months and share them with the rest of the people. That's how the culture keeps going. You get to see the little ones grow up — from just being little, little bitty birds, and they get to be real big and you share them with the rest of the people. For me anyway, that's a big part of the powwow. And the kids get to see the elders, see the dancers, and listen to the drum.

Like [our four year old son| Dakota. He'll go see grandpa and give him a big hug an tell him hello in Sioux. Dakota's been listening to the drum since before he was bom, and now he dances at the powwows, but what he likes best Is the drum. He sits there and he can sing. I mean, he takes "Twinkle Twinkle Little Star" and turns it into an Indian song. That's part of us raising the boy, and another part is he just hears the drum at the powwow and at ceremonies and he wants to be around people that look like him and act like him and talk like him

People will sit there and they'll drum in their own language. And they'll take your kids and they'll play with them. I mean that's the biggest part of becoming extended family. They are these people that you don't see much all Winter, and in the Spring when the kids come out they can see that uncle Mark, his hair is longer, and he's been practicing his Sioux all winter. And the kids are old enough to understand — when they do something wrong they and get yelled at in Sioux, that's the words they'll remember. Cause there’s no school to sit down and Icam the language; there's no school to sit down and leam the culture. You're taught that everyday. Powwows just give you a chance to share it with the rest of the people.

Kenny Irwin's discussion reiterated many of the points expressed by John Sanchez:

If you're going to live it, live it everyday... Powwow itself is nations coming together to renew old friends, meet old fhends, to see each other, to see how big the kids have gotten, and just to sec how things happen and get together... That's why you can go light that sage in that bowl and watch him [eighteen month old son WoI%rass| and he will bring it to himself. This is what I want him to know. And when we re sitting here. I'll speak to him in my language. I'll tell him to sit down or other things, in my language. And he will do it

' Kenny Irwin's spelling. 127

Powwows for participants operate in the way Meyerhoff suggests, as a ritual reconnection to Indianness; however, for some of the general public (those who have no other contact with or knowledge of Indian people), that segment of everyday life which is frozen and framed becomes equated with the totality of Indian existence. Nevertheless, powwows as secular ritual are a part of a transformative process, establishing a sense of ritual reconnection to traditional values and customs for individuals and groups in the Central Ohio community. Powwows are also part of the transformative process of emergent ethnicity, negotiating a contemporary version of Indianness, in continuity with older versions. Another transformative dimension is in moving contemporary Indianness into the general public's perception, replacing romanticized or stereotypical images of Indians of old, with a more accurate sense of the dynamic Native cultures as they exist today in Central Ohio. CHAPTER IV

POWWOWS AND CULTURAL POLITICS: THE DYNAMICS OF ETHNICITY

At powwows, especially in the Central Ohio area where Indians are intensely engaged in renegotiating their relationship to the non-Indian society, the political and social definitions of concepts such as "tradition," "authenticity," and even "Indian" as well as the roles of Indian, non- Indian and "Wannabe" are debated, formally and informally; while a unified Indian-Community consensus is, out of political necessity, projected, often there is quite a range of organizational, tribal and individual difference. Powwows in Central Ohio are an important aspect of relations between Native Americans and non-Native Americans on many levels, although many problems and conflicts must be confronted in the process. Applying theoretical approaches and concepts from ethnicity studies, particularly concerning emergent ethnicity, and authenticity, tradition and tourism concerns makes a unique contribution to exploring Central Ohio's off-reservation, traditional inter tribal powwows. As Chapter three detailed, powwows create a sense of shared experience and understanding among participants and visitors, but ultimately this interaction is for the purpose of negotiating the boundary between Native American cultures and mainstream America. As discussions in Chapter Three and herein indicate, there is no clear cut line of demarcation distinguishing Indian from not Indian; rather, there is a spectrum of biology, cultural fluency, and orientation to tradition or to assimilation through which status is negotiated. This spectrum is constantly in flux, and participation in the secular ritual of powwow is a means of moving from outsider to insider status.

128 129

This chapter begins with a discussion of the complexities involved in emergent ethnicity, focusing on particularly problematic areas for Native Americans in Central Ohio. Powwows, as a metaphorical family reunion contribute to creating a sense of Native American ethnic identity both for Natives and for non-Natives. The fundamental act of determining who is or is not Indian in Central Ohio is highly complex and problematic, especially when the dynamics of emergent ethnicity are considered. Within the category Native America is a tremendous range of cultural knowledge and fluency and of orientation toward tradition or assimilation. Additionally, even the biological factor is difficult to establish as many people claim to be of Indian descent without documentation sufficient for federal or tribal recognition. Sorting out Indian identity is necessary in considering issues of entitlement. Central Ohio has a history of individuals and groups attempting to represent Native American interests without the support or authorization of the local community. Cultural fluency is a significant factor in addition to biology in determining Indianness, thus the grey areas involving people with only one of these factors are discussed. Powwows are public expressions of interpretation of emergent ethnicity which creates double boundaries in evaluating the degree of ethnic awareness displayed. There is some confusion regarding interpretation of tradition and Native American orientation to nature and to the past. Powwows are an effective part of Native American strategy to increase awareness and understanding of contemporary Indian life and issues among the general public and ethnically unaware Indian people. Although powwow attendance does not guarantee deepened understanding, many Native American leaders feel that attentive spectators will leam enough to make appropriate interpretations and conclusions regarding Native American ways and values. However, efforts toward this end are not allowed to alter the basic nature and operation of the powwow. Powwows display many innovations which attest to their continued importance for a diverse and dynamic group of cultures. While a normal part of cultural dynamics, innovations can be quite troubling to the dominant society. Problems arising from attempts to legislate Native American authenticity are discussed regarding the Portal Case in New Mexico and ramifications of the 1990 Native American Arts and Crafts law on the Central Ohio Community. The final section examines selection and intensification of Native American elements in relation to expressing Native American identity. Foodways and tipis, in addition to music and dance, reveal the complexities of negotiating and expressing emergent ethnicity. 130

E m er g en t Et h n ic it y

Powwows, in their capacity to maintain and symbolize ethnic identity within the non- Indian society are an important means of affirming and asserting identity in relation to America. Bauman establishes that folklore performance often involves groups whose members may have significant cultural differences, concluding that "folklore may be as much an instrument of conflict as a mechanism contributing to social solidarity (Differential Identity, 38). As Royce's Ethnic identity: Strategies of Diversity continually points out, contact between an ethnic group and the dominant society is integral in many ways to establishing ethnic identity. Festivals are effective in creating and asserting ethnic identity, both within the group and without, as Manning and Bendix establish. Bendix's study of Swiss Interlochen festivals is particularly interesting. Bendix found that several cultural displays originally invented by the state to attract tourists or for other political reasons have become a mean for "affirmation of local and national cultural identity in the face of seasonal mass foreign invasion" (132). She notes that locals come from throughout the surrounding area to watch and participate, showing up in greater numbers than outside tourists, to affirm their cultural identity (132). As locals are affirming their cultural identity, they are also displaying that identity to the tourists, expressing their distinctness. Similarly, in Central Ohio, Native Americans from around the state and all areas of the continent gather to display thier identity among themselves as well as express their distinctness to the non-Indian visitors. Toelken's premise that powwows are an essential factor in maintaining Native American ethnic identity, seen in conjunction with the dynamics of emergent ethnicity, is especially important when considering the traditional intertribal powwows in Ohio. Powwows select and intensify ( in Toelken's terms) certain cultural elements that are distinctly Indian, and which can be recognized by non-Indians as a marker of Indianness as well. Non-Indian attendance at Central Ohio powwows is valued for a variefy of reasons and the general public is invited to attend and participate (although in a somewhat limited frame) as a means of distinguishing and displaying Indianness. Because they have evolved from tribal celebrations and tribal and intertribal gatherings where anyone, regardless of national origin, could attend and participate, powwows sponsored by Indian organizations allow non-Indians a chance to participate in an 131

aspect of Native American life, as Native Americans live it, without being particularly intrusive. Indian identity has been constructed in the American consciousness by non-Indians for various political, legal and social purposes (Berkhoffer gives a lengthy and specific account of this historical process) which makes establishing their own identity and voice today particularly difficult. This is especially so considering that Indians are struggling to determine their own identities (individually, tribally, and inter-tribally). Ethnicity, like the "tradition" to which it is linked, is not a bounded entity to be handed down from generation to generation. In any dynamic culture, there will be change, adaptation to changing social, economic, geographic and other contexts, which necessitates corresponding adjustment to traditions and to conceptualization of ethnicity itself. In other words, ethnicity is constructed based on present emphasis on how elements of tradition are interpreted. Fischer eloquently explains the complexity involved in grappling with ethnic identity. "Ethnicity is something reinvented and reinterpreted in each generation by each individual, and that is often something quite puzzling to the individual" (195). Because ethnicity is interpreted, there will be a range of interpretations of what compromises ethnic identity, of where the boundaries of group identity fall, and of interpretation of tradition. Tradition-oriented Native Americans place greater value on continuing cultural ways, values, and orientation, while others may place more value on assimilating into "mainstream America." Of course, there is a full range of orientations. Additionally, in the individual's process of reinventing and reinterpreting ethnic identity, there may be some movement along the spectrum. Negotiating ethnicity is complicated by the increasing importance of ethnicity in the United States today. As Royce points out, "In today's world, an ethnic identity can be a weapon, a tool for improving one's status" (220). Increasing numbers of people claiming ethnic identity makes it increasingly important to recognize that within an ethnic category, individuals hold a range of orientations toward tradition as well as degrees of cultural literacy. Stem points out that the "degree of individual involvement varies from person to person and therefore one cannot isolate a given individual as typical of any ethnic group" (31). This is especially true of Native Americans because curious non-Natives often know so little that they are willing to take the perspective of any individual as representative. Powwows provide an opportunity for non-Natives and ethnically unaware Natives to learn to make differentiations within the category "Native American" so as to be less likely to take one individual's perspective as representative. 132

Powwows in this area contribute to the formation of ethnic and tribal identity for many individuals of many specific tribes throughout North America. It is a fact of contemporary Indian life that most Native Americans are of mixed tribal heritage, if not of mixed racial heritage, a fact which can complicate construction of ethnic identity. In an area where much of the Indian population does not have strong ties to reservations or traditional ways and beliefs, and where there is considerable range of orientation toward tradition. Central Ohio powwows have become the focus of much of the early stages of reclaiming personal Native American identity (tribally specific and/or in general) for many people. The nature of the powwow as a celebration of contemporary Indianness and as a "family reunion" makes it a logical place to begin, and a convenient way to discover sources for furthering knowledge and involvement to whatever extent the individual desires. The guiding metaphor of family reunion, a ritual familiar to most Americans, also serves to orient visitors to how the event operates so that they can fill a participatory role. Family reunions are not thought of as a show or spectacle, but an event in which one participates, even if in a peripheral role. This guiding metaphor is calculated to make powwow an understandable and familiar concept to non-Indians who know nothing about Indians or powwows, and who conceptualize the event as something exotic, unfamiliar, and "other." Many people familiar with powwows compare them to a family reunion for these reasons, but while the image may make the concept of an Indian event more familiar, it does present some contradictions. A family reunion is a secular event, but within the secular framework of a powwow are many sacred elements such as honorings, prayers, and items such as eagle feathers. While Native Americans have no difficulty with this balance of sacred and secular, the Euro-American worldview tends to dichotomize, recognizing an event as either sacred or secular, although there are in fact many secular events which include sacred elements. Visitors may interpret the powwow as an event that is open to public display for educational or public relations purposes. They then have some trouble understanding why they are prohibited from taking pictures or making recordings at certain times, and are asked to refrain from photographing an individual or touching an article of dress without specific permission. They may not recognize the sacred nature of particular elements within the secular gathering. The closest analogy American culture may have to offer is the invocation. Star Spangled Banner and perhaps alma mater or team song which are sacred parts of very secular sporting events. 133

A more important consideration is that the metaphor of family reunion still implies that Indian culture is separate from non-Indian culture and that all Indians, from all tribal backgrounds and degrees of ethnic identification, are kin. Thus, while the metaphor is helpful in one way, it inadvertently may reinforce the monolithic notion of "The Indian" without regard to tribal and individual differences, and also may even reinforce the notion of the Indian as exotic other. The possibility that powwows may be interpreted as cultivation of an exotic distance is problematic: Native Americans, while not wanting to promote the idea that they are just like Americans, do recognize that an exotic distance between themselves and the public is at the foundation of many of their most troubling issues. Seeing Indians as exotic others makes it harder to see them as human beings, which makes it easier to rationalize desecrating a cemetery in the name of scientific curiosity. When Native Americans are part of Natural History museums, they are seen as part of American history, and the remains of their people and traces of their cultures are seen as public property, and fair game for excavation, research and display. One example which reveals the extent of depersonalization was a "little known fact" which Kenny Irwin related to me. A Native American man who had attempted suicide was charged with destruction of federal property, because Indians are wards of the federal government. Whether or not this particular case can be confirmed is largely irrelevant; what is important is that this narrative indicates the pervasive Native American folk ideas (Dundes, Folk Ideas) regarding the relationship of Native Americans to the United States government: that Indians are institutionally perceived as being owned objects rather than people. This folk idea actually reflects historical fact: Native Americans were legally defined by Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall in 1831 (Berkhoffer, 163) as both sovereign nations and wards of the state ("domestic dependant nations"), thus providing legal validation for established and continuing social attitudes. Parfifs research indicates that "the reason for the growing popularity of powwows may be what many have called a resurgence of Indian identity" (94). "Today more and more Indians are coming back," he continues, "not to the despair that has marked reservation life but to the strong sound of the drum" (102). As one picture caption in his National Geographic article states, "a renaissance of cultural pride draws Indian and non-Indian alike to more than a thousand powwows in the United States and Canada each year" (93). Parfit determines that "an estimated 90 percent of Native Americans attend powwows" (98). This increased cultural revitalization 134 focused around powwows has been a major factor in Native American efforts to reclaim political, social, and legislative voice in America. The Native American powwow as a cultural form is enjoying increasing popularity with Native Americans and non-Native Americans alike. As the non-Indian world increasingly values and romanticizes their perception of the Indian lifestyle and connection to nature as an antidote to our society's environmental, spiritual, and social ills, many non-Indians participate in or emulate powwows as well as other Indian ceremonies. There are also some powwows which are put on by non-Indians, often in conjunction with other civic events. Although Native Americans occasionally attend these events — often to see if a "real Indian " can win in competition with "Wannabees" — they do not consider them to be real powwows. Powwows not organized and sponsored by Native Americans and Native American organizations do not serve as a focal point for transmission of Native American culture among Native Americans. However, most general public tourists may not be able to distinguish these non-Indian sponsored events from those sponsored by Indian organizations, and may perceive them as "authentic" Indian cultural articulation, regardless of the fact that most participants are non-Indian. Non-Native events, while not expressions of Indian culture, are, however, very valid expressions of Wannabe culture. Native Americans, who are very aware of what organizations sponsor what events and of the tradition-orientation of the organizers, easily recognize that non- Native powwow events are not meant to be a venue for anything other than touristic display without the full dimension of a Native American sponsored event. Authenticity is a relative concept, with value judgements being relative to the context of cultural politics. Wannabees or New Agers who appropriate, decontextualize and re- contextualize Native elements into their own culture are not troubled by the continuing implied association of those effects with Native America or the effects; tradition-oriented Native Americans perceive it as terribly wrong and potentially damaging. Indian spiritual ceremonies appropriated into New Agism — and especially when invented ceremonies are termed "Native American" — are no longer "Native American"; they may be based on Native beliefs or ceremonies, but within the rubric of New Agism they are New Age ceremonies. When they are still called Indian, perhaps in an attempt to give these new forms a sense of tradition and connection with a long-established group, it is a misrepresentation which implies Native American involvement. Although New Age rituals are certainly valid in their own right, a 135 problem exists when such rituals are still associated with Native America, as in the case of the "Ancient Cherokee Purification Rite" tragedy discussed in Chapter Three. Powwows are essential in expressing Native American culture in contrast to the proliferation of inaccurate representation of Native American culture created by decontextualizing and conglomerating different spiritual elements into new rubrics. Condemnation of misuse and abuse of appropriated Native American cultural elements is not to be equated with condemnation of change, development, and incorporation of cross-cultural elements. Present-day powwows are of an on-going culture, and have changed and adapted to suit the needs of a changing and adapting culture. Remembering that the concept of tradition as practiced by most Native Americans is very compatible with the academic conception of the term, even the most conservative Native Americans who speak of holding on to traditional ways, do not literally mean halting all cultural development or turning back the clock to pre-contact days or the ideal of a specific point in history. Tradition-orientation is consistent with Native American past orientation (as opposed to American future orientation, as Dundes explains) (Dundes, Thinking Ahead). Handler and Linnekin's model recognizes that tradition is a symbolic construct, is not in dichotomy with modernity, and is not essential or bounded; even tradition-oriented Native Americans recognize that while the aspects of "tradition" they value are closely related to the past, there is always change and evolution of those traditional aspects in relation to the changing world in which they live. In his National Geographic article. Parfit stresses, "these Indians are not playing games about how it was. They're trying to carry a long heritage right into the future. This is not how it was . This is how it is " (105). However, Native Americans do not seem to be self-consciously aware of the interpretation of the past; individuals who I have observed and spoken with do not recognize that their concepts of past and tradition exist only in present-day interpretation. It is this inability to recognize the constructed nature of tradition that contributes to the animosities regarding appropriation of Native American elements. Additionally, this inability to recognize the constructed nature of tradition results in much of the contentions surrounding claims to Indian ethnicity by tradition- oriented and assimiliation-oriented people. Ethnicity is interpreted differently as tradition and orientation to tradition is interpreted differently. Tradition oriented Native Americans feel that a greater degree of cultural fluency is required for claims of Native American ethnicity to be legitimate; less tradition-oriented and assimilation oriented perspectives accept lesser degrees of 136 cultural fluency, eventually disregarding it altogether, when considering claims of ethnicity. In Central Ohio, most members of the local Native American community, and especially tradition- oriented members, are highly aware of differences in tradition-orientation, especially as that factor relates to determining who is or is not considered Indian. The issue of determining who is Indian and who is not is foregrounded largely because of entitlement concerns. As discussed in Chapter One, self-representation is important for the continuation of tradition-oriented Native America in light of the United States history of genocide attempts. Determining who is a "real" Indian is a difficult issue — especially in Ohio because of the nature of the state standards and the makeup of the local Indian population. To be considered Indian by national standards, one must be enrolled with a federally recognized tribe and be of one quarter or more blood; one is then issued a numbered identification card. State standards in Ohio have been considerably more informal, which has resulted in the large number of people and groups claiming to be Indian and who have gained some recognition as such. Native Americans, especially the more tradition-oriented Native Americans, use the emic tern "Wannabe" to describe individuals or groups inelligible for federal recognition, but who claim to be Indian and to represent Native American interests. These individuals generally have no contact or affiliation with the tradition-oriented leadership and organizations in Central Ohio and acquire little (if any) of thier interpretation and expression of Native American culture from ethnically aware and culturally knowledgeable Native Americans. Thus, Native Americans generally consider Wannabees well outside of boundary of Native America; however, the general public, for lack of information on which to make such differentiations, may consider Wannabees to be Native and entitled to represent Native American interests. The tradition-oriented Native leadership in Central Ohio is concerned with revealing the imperfections in dissemination of cultural knowledge within a context of differential identity, especially when such dissemination occurs primarily through mediated forms such as books rather than through direct contact with and participation in contemporary Native American culture. The Ohio Center for Native American affairs (OCNAA), a statewide organization which was begun to coordinate legislative efforts regarding burial rights and legal representation has had considerable difficulty with individuals and groups claiming to be Native American when in fact the federally recognized tribes with which they claim affiliation do not support those claims. Even so, such Wannabe individuals and groups, often put themselves in positions of representing 1 3 7

Native American interests and opinions in political and legal issues. Such misrepresentation has been very detrimental to efforts to gain favorable burial rights legislation and in other matters as well. An important function of OCNAA has been educating the public about contemporary Native American issues, including who is Indian and who is not. Powwows, as shall be discussed in more detail later in this chapter, are an important aspect of OCNAA's public education strategy. John Sanchez has identified two main reasons for the booming Wannabe population in the area.

You're only going to find them in big cities, places where there’s a lot of money to be made because the lecture circuit pays quite a bit of money for people who speak on Native America. I know of a guy in the southern part of Ohio. We did an investigation on him, Indian genealogy, and found no Indian blood In him at all, none in any of his family. And he made almost a hundred thousand dollars last year giving lectures up and down the East Coast on Native America. And the only thing he knows is from a book.

In addition to money, self-esteem is an important factor motivating Wannabe claims. Increasing emphasis on multiculturalism has left many white Americans feeling dull and cultureless. "In today's world, an ethnic identity can be a weapon, a tool for improving one's status. We surely have seen the power invested in ethnicity in the United States when to be lacking in an ethnic background is to be culturally disadvantaged" (Royce, 220). "People who have low self esteem," John Sanchez continues, "there's nothing in their lives they can turn to and say 'this is exciting, this is fun, this is what I was meant to do.' Being "Indian " gives them a purpose. People seek them out; people want to sit and talk. " Such unlicensed and misinformed cultural representation is very damaging to Native America because it perpetuates misinformation and stereotype within the general population and in legal matters.

Outside of Indian country, it's a big thing to claim Indian ancestry. They say, 'oh, well, our ancestors were Indian, we were raised white, but now we're Indian' All of a sudden. Or they read a book. Being Indian is not something that you leam in a book. If you're raised white what do you know about being Indian? You don't know nothin' about it! It only hurts Native America when you stand up an say something that's completely off the wall and then people — educators, lawmakers and just the average citizen — txlieve you.

As Kenny Irwin emphasized, "Don't try to say you're something you're not." Stopping the controversial community recognition proposal was an important step in asserting Native American control of who is considered Native American. The Native American community of 138

Ohio has become much more efficient in exposing fraudulent claims. John Sanchez gives one example:

One of the things we've done through OCNAA is that now in order for you to get a grant for Indian art, you have to prove that you're registered, federally registered, with a federally recognized tribe. In order to do that, all you have to do is lay your card down on the table; that says you're an Indian by the federal definition. And since you're spending state and federal dollars, we don't feel that that's a problem. If you're Indian, you can do it. If you're a Wannabe you cannot. And what that has done is prevented these Wannabe guys from putting on these artificial Sundances, these artificial make believe Wannabe sweat lodges, and art shows that aren't at all what Native America is all about.

For the most part, these high-profile Wannabees do not attempt to participate in Indian- sponsored powwows; however, the misinformation and stereotype they perpetuate is an influence on the general public. There is considerable controversy among Native Americans regarding who is entitled to represent Native American interests, both within the community and beyond. Obviously, being biologically Indian does not ensure that an individual has any cultural knowledge of Indianness; and, although informally "Indianness" is characterized not by biology but by knowledge and orientation (your brain and your heart, as Kenny said (Chapter Three)), individuals who are not biologically Indian are less likely to have experience with the everyday lifeways and experiences of biological Indians. Orientation to tradition is a complicating factor; many biological Indians are not tradition-oriented and there are some tradition-oriented but biologically non-Indian people. Tradition-oriented Indians feel that Indian interests are best represented by individuals who are federally recognized, culturally knowledgeable, and preferably tradition-oriented. Native American activists are well aware of degrees of orientation toward tradition, and are concerned those people who may have some Indian lineage but are not ethnically aware (as Toelken puts it) — who are more "assimilated" or "non-traditional" — are not allowed to speak on behalf of more tradition-oriented people or groups. Wannabees are regarded as extremely dangerous when they attempt political or cultural representation of Native Americans. Their sense of understanding in these areas usually does not reflect tradition-oriented Native American values. Tradition-oriented Native Americans particularly feel very strongly that Natives should be in charge of their own representation, not Wannabees, especially since the general public is often unable to distinguish tradition-oriented 139

Native American values from the mainstream-oriented values of Wannabees. Generally, those claiming to be Indian in order to influence legislative matters, or for financial gain do not attend powwows; Native Americans have been increasingly effective in exposing these fraudulent practices. The Ohio Center for Native American Affairs does not hesitate to contact tribal offices to verify an individual or group's claim of affiliation. One recent example involved a group which calls itself the Shawnee Remnant Band, led by Bryan Dabe. When this group presumed to represent Native American interests in the state, OCNAA contacted the only three federally recognized Shawnee tribes (all of which are in Oklahoma), asking whether Dabe and his "tribe" were authorized to represent them. As The Columbus Guardian, a local newspaper, reported, "Federally recognized Shawnee tribes in Oklahoma deny that Dabe is Shawnee and they don’t recognize his tribe" (Just Who is an Indian). OCNAA maintains a file of correspondence with federally recognized tribes regarding this and many other examples. To further curtail Wannabe efforts to represent Native American interests, a law proposing to give official state recognition of Indians on the basis of community recognition was stopped recently. Tradition-oriented Native Americans oppose the community recognition standard because it does not specify which community's recognition is necessary; thus, an individual who is recognized by his "community " of followers or organization members or who is believed by the general public to be Indian is eligible for state recognition. The proposed law caused much heated debate within the Indian community, as some members felt that state recognition for people recognized by the Native American community would be a good thing. However, although many individuals who aren't eligible for federal recognition (because they lack the one quarter or one sixteenth bloodline from a federally recognized tribe necessary for federal recognition) are given community recognition, there are many people and groups who do not have the traditional values necessary to be recognized by the tradition-oriented community. The proposed law would not distinguish which community's recognition would be necessary and would allow those people state recognition, and thus access to funding, publicity, and public education forums. In Ohio, there are many people claiming Native American ancestry who do not have sufficient documentation for federal recognition. Documentation, however, does not prove or disprove their claims. Additionally, proving or disproving ancestry does not directly correlate with an individual's level of cultural knowledge or status within the existing Native American 140 community. These issues are a point of some contention among local tradition-oriented Natives. John Sanchez would not discuss these issues with me, but Kenny Irwin indicated the commitment of the local leadership to ensuring that Native American representation is by people who are tradition-oriented, culturally aware, federally recognized and, most importantly, recognized by the Native American community as appropriate spokespeople. Kenny Irwin acknowledged, "people say that they are Native who are not. And there are a lot of people who have bibles who have records saying they were," says Kenny. "Now who gives you the right or me the right to say they're wrong. We don't know that for a fact. But I will fight to the end as I know John will " against people who try to speak on behalf of Native America when they don't know anything about being Indian. Tradition oriented Native American activists are very much aware that being Indian biologically does not automatically equate with being Indian culturally and are adamant that individuals without practicing cultural knowledge of Native American tradition are not entitled to represent Native American interests. Claims of Indian heritage can be very elaborate and farfetched. I have heard many accounts of people who claim to have stayed behind when their tribes were forced westward onto reservations. Many of them married into non-Indian families generations ago, but their descendants still claim to be of Indian culture. Others claim to have lived undetected, carrying on the traditions of their ancestors. Kenny Irwin related the story of his meeting with one such man.

I spoke to this one individual who said that he was Shawnee I'm fullblood, but I'm not as dark as other Native people, or even some less than full blood. And I said "and you are telling me you're Shawnee and your skin is light, your eyes are blue and your hair is blond. I would like an explanation of this, give me an explanation of why you arc the way you are or why not" And he looked me dead in the eye and told, me "Well, my great great ancestors, my grandmothers and grandfathers kept us hidden in caves so the white people wouldn't find us." This is an adult telling me this, and I thought to myself, well, why do you even have to try to prove you are Native, why do you have to try to say that you are of Indian descent. Why can't you be what you are, be proud of what you are. And let it go at that. And if you understand that the spirituality of life itself gives you a better understanding of yourself, the culture of your day to day activities, it keeps you going, its something that you can hang on to then do so. Don't try to say you're something that you're not. Don't practice something because you think it’s going to make you a better person.

Kenny Irwin's comment is judgmental of individuals making such for-fetched claims on Native American identity, especially when they are culturally unaware. Many tradition oriented Native Americans are similarly judgemental. Here, the distinction seems to be not biological, but 141 cultural, thus the idea of pretending to be something one is not refers to "pretending" that one is Indian when biologically one may or may not be, but culturally, one is certainly not. Making such a claim based on romanticization (the idea that Indians are more noble or natural or somehow "better" than non-Indians, for instance) seems to be judged inappropriate motivation for such a claim. Kenny Irwin comments on the mystique of being a card-carrying Indian:

The card I carry that says I am Native American, people say "can 1 see it? What does it look like?" Why? It's nothing but a piece of paper stating that I happen to be form of indigenous descent, I happen to be bom on a reservation, I happen to have a mother and father who are that And that’s it So what does that make me? It doesn't make me no better than you.

However, there are still a number of people who wish to lay claim to some distant Indian relative or who are simply fascinated with some version of Indianness. For Wannabees, termed "the largest tribe in Ohio" by John Sanchez, participating in powwows is a way to claim Indian identity or affiliation and to display their perception of their Indianness. Usually middle class white men and women. Wannabees often have the monetary means to buy or make spectacular dance costumes and accessories. They catch the attention of nearly everyone. Native Americans tolerate Wannabe presence, but with considerable grumbling about Wannabe lack of humility in displaying costumes, and skill at crafts, dance, drum and singing. Daisy Liggins is particularly outspoken. "Look at them, dancing up a storm!" She feels, as do many tradition-oriented Indians, that although they may have the regalia and know the dance, they lack understanding of the cultural context. Some of these non-Indian participants are quite sincere in their commitment to learn, and their commitment does not stop at the close of the powwow or during the winter months when there are few powwows. When non-Indians develop skill at the drum, dance or crafts — especially within the cultural context — it is recognized, though sometimes with the tongue-in- cheek qualification of "for a Wasicu (white person)." Those whose commitment to Indianness permeates all aspects of life, and who are active in the community can be fully accepted. Being traditional is about values more than about bloodlines. However, reversion to American ways and values quickly finds disfavor within the Native American community. There at first seems to be a problem distinguishing someone who has some cultural knowledge but no blood from someone with some blood but no cultural knowledge; however. 142

when a person with little or no apparent knowledge of Native culture seeks a leadership role or assumes a representational voice and is challenged by a tradition oriented organization, such individuals generally have not been able to produce a federal Indian identification card, although they claim to be Indian. Those who are serious about discovering Indianness recognize that it is a lifelong process and that their neophyte status does not entitle them to attempt to speak on behalf of their elders. Amanda Warren related her feelings about one biological but culturally unaware Indian who was eager for a leadership role in the campus Indian Council.

Actually I know a guy who ran for office In this oigani/ation. He is a gentleman who lived in my dorm. He had asked me to come to some of their things... I had a problem with him: I was like, that's almost like me. You know. Now he did have a stronger blood line, if you want to put it that way. He was a quarter Native American, he was raised in white middle class, whatever — no problems with stereotyping, prejudice, whatever. No experience with any of that stuff, which I think is pretty important to be involved. He doesn't have a clue about that Now why would he even want to run, except for the fact that he's kinda power hungry, egotistical, individual. Not to be mean, but we didn't get along too well... . He doesn't really know all that much, and 1 really had a problem with that. I told him, flat out.. . I don't think he has enough experience with Native American culture, he hasn't been subjected to the kind of tensions that can occur..., I just don't think he has enough experience; he's not familiar enough with Native Americans.

Non-Natives with some cultural awareness such as myself, Susan Mills, Jill Williams and many others have roles in the community, some very active, but do not try to assume key leadership roles. Jill Williams is highly aware of not representing herself as something she's not.

The fact is that I'm one hundred percent European stock. I don't look Indian and I'm not. I'm flattered and touched to have the beautiful Indian jewelry that was given to me, but I try not to go overtxaard with it or with the way that 1 dress. I try not to do like some people do and talk Indian talk [she lowers voice and uses same tone and rhythm as the caricaturing UC! ME BIC CHIEF stereotype]. I try not to act like something I'm not. Indian is a neat thing to be. And part of me thinks "wow" I guess sometimes I wish that's what I was. But I'm not. But that doesn't mean I can't appreciate it, and still be what I am. And I've never been made to feel like because I'm not Indian too that I'm missing something, or that I'm not in because I'm not Indian. I'm sure there are things I'm not in on, but you know, I respect that I'm not Indian and I shouldn't be in on everything because I don't understand it; I haven't been brought up with it, I don't speak it and I expect there's going to be times when the folks who really are [Indian) aie gonna say "these things are mine. " 143

(ill Williams expects cultural ownership claims and understands that a certain level of experience and cultural fluency is necessary to be able to participate in those claims. Her statement echoes very closely that of Kenny Irwin (Chapter Three): "we do have the right to say THIS is my spirituality." Jill Williams has a solid enough appreciation of Indianness that she recognizes her place within it and that she should not misrepresent herself as Indian when in fact she is not. This includes not speaking on behalf of Indians, even when it would be easy to do so. Friends or associates know of her interest in the Native American community and that she attends the area powwows on a regular basis, and often ask her questions about Native ways or beliefs.

And that's one thing I'm hesitant about. I just don't know enough to say. People see you at a powwow and they think you know what's going on. That's something to be careful for Just a smattering of information, just a little bit of knowledge, can be so misleading. That's another thing, I think its real important for me to say "I like to go around, but I don't mally know that much. If you're really interested you should talk to so-and-so, or why don't you call the Indian Center, why don't you call OCNAA and maybe someone there could talk with you and tell you more. " I would hate to, you know, something I may have seen or think may not come out right, or may not fly or may not be the right thing to say.

When relatively culturally aware non-Indians have chosen to represent Indian interests in an inappropriate way — such as practicing spiritual ceremonies without proper training and authorization for speaking in legal issues without being supported by the community in doing so — the individuals quickly find disfavor. If the problem continues, the individual looses the trust and acceptance of the tradition-oriented Indian community and is soon categorized with the Wannabees. At powwows, Indianness is interpreted and expressed in a public setting. And, as Royce's concept of double boundaries suggests, expressions of Indianness are evaluated differently from different cultural perspectives. Because the general public is invited, the dynamics of ethnicity and its interpretations are complicated further. Most powwow visitors, who tend to hold a rather monolithic conception of Indians, are unaware of distinctions in orientation to tradition and of related problems of representation. Susan Mills feels that "people are real innocent when it comes to that. People who come to a powwow are probably happy to be there and take everything at face value." However, powwows are often evaluated by visitors (and by local television coverage) in terms of authenticity since concepts of tradition and authenticity are so closely related. Signs of 144

dynamic ethnicity and cultural change can be interpreted as cultural slippage, in comparison with a bounded concept of Native American tradition. Tourists may perceive powwows as "authentic" in the sense that they have the opportunity to glimpse, interact with people or even participate in a cultural practice dating back hundreds of years. Some tourists may be bothered by modem "corruptions" — the presence of automobiles and electricity on the powwow grounds, athletic socks, beaded sunglasses and yarn grass dance outfits, the occasional dance or song which pokes fun at visitors misperceptions. More attentive tourists recognize that Indian people, culture and practices have a relationship with the past, but exist today in today's world. From this perspective, in keeping with Handler and Linnekin's concept of authenticity, elements of 1994 America on the powwow grounds are no more inauthenticating to the observer than they are to the Indian participants. (However, I do not mean to imply that powwow organizers, participants or visitors recognize Handler and Linnekin's concept of the past existing only as it is interpreted in the present.) Handler and Linnekin's concept of tradition and its impact on interpretation of authenticity is integral to consideration of powwow innovations. When tradition is viewed as constructed in the present, then authenticity can be evaluated in terms of consistency with cultural worldview rather than degree of change from an historical practice. Of course, this means that authenticity is is determined within the political context and is continually being negotiated as tradition is continually negotiated according to changes in the political context. Toelken shows that modem American elements are appropriated into Native America so as to be consistent with traditional tribal values.

The Navajos, for example, whose principle cultural and linguistic "leitmotiv" is movement, were happy to encounter the horse, for the horse made movement even faster and more efficient; they were even happier to get pickup trucks, for — far from abandoning older cultural ideas — they were able to maintain and intensify an essentially Navajo idea about mobility when the world was closing in around them. (Ethnic Selection, 138).

Vennum discusses the same dynamic in relation to drum making. And Parfit arrives at a similar conclusion based on the pragmatism of Indians and of powwows. Though not from an academic theoretical approach, he easily reconciles the seeming "contradiction" between older and modern elements: "Crow Fair is a pragmatic place. In the effort to carry ancient memory and culture into their lives today, Indians don't hesitate to use modem tools. This seems perfectly in character; they didn't scorn horses or rifles either" (103). 145

Following these lines of thought leads to Toelken's conclusion that selection and intensification of dance and the development of the powwow dance form is integral to maintaining and continuing Indian ethnicity.

Today the various Native American communities are beset with pressures thought to cause disintegration, dissolution, depression, alienation, and separation. No matter what their tribal differences may have been in the past, their contemporary reality is one of a commonly experienced, commonly perceived corrosive trauma. One of their only ways of dealing with this sh iK k has been to select those features of their various cultures which give them a way of sharing the experience of holding on and maintaining what they have. (Ethnic Selection, 153)

The common experience of domination by Western civilization has led to this emphasis on common elements and values of Native America. One means of stressing commonality, negotiating Indian-non-lndian boundaries, expressing Native American relationships to nature and reifying the sense of naturalness of the cultural form, is the predominance of nature metaphor in powwow descriptions. Description and explanation of powwows typically utilizes natural imagery. Reference to these natural elements may be particularly significant regarding Central Ohio's intertribal powwows, which are part of both Native culture and Centeral Ohio interest. The metaphor of the voice of the drum being a heartbeat is particularly suggestive of the centrality of powwow to Native American culture. The sense of organic nature of Native ways is reinforced in imagery including bloodlines, sun and moon movement as markers for spatial and temporal movement, natural materials used or represented in costume, etc. Although the recurrence of natural images and elements suggests naturalness of the powwow form, rather than the constructed nature of all cultural expressions, it should be interpreted in that symbolic relationship, as interpretation of perceived relationship with nature rather than as a statement that powwows or other Indian cultural elements are nature. This emphasis on nature is more directly related with continuing physical and spiritual ties to the environment which are held important by most tradition-oriented Native Americans. Although organic métaphores invoke a sense of bounded tradition, they are consistent with Native American conceptions of the relationship of people and nature; people are part of the natural environment, and all natural things are related living beings. For example, yarn in Wayne Allcom's grass dance costume (Chapter Two) is clearly a metaphor for the grass which was itself 146

symbolic of human connection with nature. The emphasis on life and interrelation suggests a dynamic rather than static orientation. Powwows, as the cultural construct of humans who are part of nature, reflect this imagery; they are a representation of nature, a symbolic and ritual way of connecting humans with nature. The emphasis on life and interrelationships suggests also self­ definition in reaction to urbanization, mechanization, and specialization of technologically progressed America. As Anya Peterson Royce, in Ethnic Identity: Strategies of Diversity states: "ethnic identity is more often the product of increasing interaction between groups than the negative result of isolation" (40). The frequent occurrence of nature metaphors in Native descriptions are echoed in ethnographic descriptions, thus illustrating Clifford's "continuous double structure": implicit in description is interpretation. (Ethnogrpahic Allegory, 101). This case is particularly interesting because of the different layers of interpretation present. Native American use of nature metaphor is strongly related to the culture's historical orientation to nature rather than to technology. Although contemporary powwows, especially off-reservation ones, are removed somewhat from nature dépendance, nature metaphors remain. Although from Anglo-American folk ideas of future orientation, persistence of nature metaphors can be a troubling factor, it is not surprising given the Native American cultures' past orientation (Dundes, Thinking Ahead) The persistence of nature metaphor suggests the continuing importance of traditional values as well as reaction to modern civilization and urbanization. As Royce indicates, identity which is satisfying and pervades all aspects of life is likely to persist (62). Remembering the importance of self-representation. Native Americans' own descriptions and interpretations of Native events are a valuable expression and assertion of Indian culture and history. That those same images are adopted by non-Native scholars attests to their powerful relationship with Indian culture — it is difficult to replace them with mechanical or non-organic metaphor. Although ethnographic use of nature metaphor can be interpreted as indicative of the line of thought which has placed Native American exhibits in Natural History museums, it can also be seen as an indication of some degree of scholarly acceptance or validation of the continuing viability of Native American worldview. Thus, in a very subtle way. Native Americans retain some power of self-representation. 147

T o u r ism a n d E d u c a tio n

In Ohio, many people are intrigued by Indians and interested in learning more about their ways and political struggles. Native American people are deeply embroiled in battles for maintaining, reinventing and reinterpreting their traditional values on all levels. Sadly, much of the state's general population is largely unaware of the existence of contemporary Native peoples, except perhaps, in light of occasional news reports concerning topics such as Ameriflora/ Quincentennial celebration protest activities and fires, break-ins and lack of money at the Indian Center. Thus, there is little support and understanding of Native American struggles in the state legislature concerning burial rights, desecration of sacred sites, religious freedoms, representation and other issues. Native Americans recognize powwows as a vehicle for increasing the awareness of the general public and generating support for such political endeavors. Since much of the general population knows little about contemporary Native Americans in Ohio and across the continent. Native Americans recognize the educational values which powwows offer. Many powwows are actively publicized by distributing public service announcement information to local media, distributing fliers, and vigorous word of mouth promotion. (Publicity strategies are discussed in Chapter Three.) While powwows do charge a small admission price for the general public (usually between $2.00 and $5.00), these revenues are insufficient for covering expenses incurred, which include rental of the grounds, payment of dancers and drums, food supplies for sales and for feeding the participants, sanitary facilities, power, and many other things. Often, area organizations lose money by sponsoring a powwow; but as organizers have become more familiar with fundraising efforts, they have begun to seek grants and corporate funding to supplement attendance, concessions, trader fees and raffles, which Susan Mills lists as the biggest income sources for the Trinity Farms powwows. These are cautious and thoughtful efforts, however. As Wannabees are weeded out of grant programs. Native American organizations are more comfortable with seeking grants and corporate funding for powwows and other events, but they do not allow funding guidelines to significantly alter the powwow's form and function, as they see it. If award of a grant is contingent upon significantly changing some aspect of the powwow, or sends a message in conflict with Native American values the Native organization will simply not accept the funding. 148

Conversely, Susan Mills reported that for the New Year’s Sobriety Powwow, alcohol abuse oriented organizations will be approached as possible funding sources because of mutually compatible goals. Local powwow committees have begun to solicit sponsorship and in kind donations from surrounding businesses and corporations to help with powwow expenses. Committees are very selective of which corporations they will approach. At one powwow committee meeting, it was suggested that a brewery in the area which contributes to many local festivals would be a good source of funding. However, it was quickly decided against. Kenny Irwin explained that having sponsorship from a brewery was fundamentally in conflict with the traditional value of prohibiting alcohol use, a value which arose after contact with Europeans as a response to abuses. Because many Natives have a problem with alcohol use, alcohol is discouraged in all aspects of traditional life, as well as powwows. Kenny explained that in other areas of the country in years past, brewing companies donated money but in exchange set up vending booths on or near the powwow grounds. Because this was an obvious contradiction of Native values, the practice was discontinued and funding was eventually recovered from other sources. Thus a precedent was set, and to go against it would be a dangerous move. Much support comes from local businesses and organizations, often in the form of donation of materials or services. For example, the financial statement for the Fourth Annual Trinity Farms Powwow shows that approximately half of the expense of kitchen goods was covered by donation of food items. In addition, approximately 90% of the $1,000 expense of designing, producing and printing the program was donated in kind. As Susan Mills explains, "We have been real successful at getting in-kind donations, getting people to donate or trade advertising for things like food items We haven't tried a lot of fundraising. We have a lot of people who every year donate a substantial amount towards the powwow, but we mostly survive on trader fees and the gate." Offers of support — donations for operating expenses and community outreach programs, help with legislative and legal endeavors, signatures for petition campaigns, volunteering to work with Native organizations — are usually welcomed by Native Americans for pragmatic reasons, even though they are sometimes rooted in "white man's guilt." But both OCNAA and NAIC do believe that sincere offers of support can mark the beginning of a process of involvement which includes increased education and understanding of contemporary Native 149

America. The process is viewed somewhat differently by the two organizations, however. OCNAA, as an organization, has a more explicitly focus on public awareness and tends to shape the learning process so as to support continuation of tradition-oriented ways. NAIC is also a tradition oriented organization, but is seems to trust that as people become more involved, they will come to understand and gravitate toward support of tradition-oriented perspectives. Through powwow, participants and visitors alike have the opportunity to gain a deeper understanding of contemporary Native American life and its relationship to Native American life of the past and the future. To what extent this deepened understanding occurs, though, is highly variable. For tradition-oriented Native Americans, a pov/wow experience is intensely spiritual and positive, usually involving renewal of acquaintances, progress toward a political or social goal, and a general feeling of connection with other traditional people. For the less tradition- oriented Indians not involved in the political arena, a powwow is still a positive experience, involving connection to Indianness and renewal of acquaintances. For neophytes in early stages of exploring Indian identity in general or discovering tribally specific identities, participation in a powwow is a considerable growth experience wherein they can make contacts with experienced tradition-oriented elders and get involved with Indian issues on a local, statewide or national level (discussed further in Chapter Three). (Of course, they are also in contact with non-traditionals, and Wannabees who may steer them away from such involvement). For Wannabees, as discussed earlier, participating in powwows is a way to claim Indian identity or affiliation and to display their perception of their Indianness. For spectators, there is an even greater range of possibilities regarding increased understanding of the powwow and its participants. Level of increased understanding depends on the level and accuracy of prior knowledge, and the attentiveness of the individual. As discussed in Chapter Three, people coming as tourists to see and experience something of the exotic other are likely to leave with just that experience, and with a reinforced notion of the monolithic Indian, despite noticing some differences in dress, dance style and crafts. "We tend to see what we have been socialized to expect, and are blind to the unexpected" (Royce, 5). However, with a slightly increased knowledge base, even that which may be provided by the program for sale at some powwows, attentive spectators may note differences in tribal regalia and dance style. They may realize that in addition to a diversity of Indian participants, that not all participants are Indian at all. And they may discern that people they had thought most 150

exemplified their interpretation of "Indian" are not part of ceremonies within the powwow. Attentive spectators may be introduced to local, state and national issues of importance to Indians such as the freedom for Leonard Peltier campaign and burial rights legislation. Very interested spectators may begin to get involved in various areas of contemporary Indianness, and begin a process of discovery similar to that of the neophyte Indian discovering personal identity within the community. For involved non-Indians, the same peril exists for following Wannabe ways or more tradition-oriented Indian ways. Native Americans have become increasingly aware of the fact that simply attending a powwow does not correct many of the misperceptions the general public holds. In general, it is expected that if spectators arc interested in learning more about the powwow experience that they will ask someone, probably the MC, to provide information which is not available in the program. Increasingly, MCs have been charged with giving more contextual information and explanation of events within a powwow. However, because many people choose not to purchase a program and because it is usually difficult to hear what the MC says on the noisy powwow grounds, many spectators leave feeling that they've been a part of something special but not quite sure what it was all about. Thus, as discussed in Chapter Three, a powwow may successfully create a sense of shared participation and understanding as secular ritual, but actual furthering of knowledge is much more elusive. Native Americans do not concentrate on overtly educating the public to the extent that it may change the nature of the powwow. All are welcome, but the responsibility for education rests with those who wish to be educated. Native Americans typically believe that the best method of learning is observation and participation, even though one may not fully understand at first. As VIeyerhoff says of the effectiveness of secular ritual, "doing is believing." Attending a powwow can be a very disorienting experience for anyone who is not familiar with Native America. What and how much meaning an individual is able to make of a powwow experience is highly subjective and culturally shaped. My conversations with tradition-oriented Native Americans suggest that they feel that meaning is bounded and that a participant-observer will learn what the ceremonies are all about, the meanings of songs sung in Native language, the stories told in the dance. John Sanchez, who has taught university level classes on Native American affairs, has often expected his students to participate in order to learn, rather than providing them with explanations and information in advance. Kenny Irwin is more encouraging of asking questions 151 in conjunction with participation, but also was confident that a participant-observer, even from another cultural background, can draw the same meanings. He explained that even if there is a language barrier, some communication will take place.

If you're out walking around the area, some Native woman will kx)k at you and say this woman's lost' automatically, because they're traditional, they will come to you and they will say "may I help you", then at that point, you say I need to know is this appropriate" or "is it ok if i do this or that" they will automatically tell you what is right or wrong. Then again, and I'll say one more thing, you do not take that as gospel; go to another one. Usually, about the fifth person, you will put all five together and you will know what is right or wrong.

Although Kenny Irwin's discussion explicitly incorporates some differences in meaning and a process for arriving at one's own conclusions, what apparently was not fully realized by any of my Native American informants is that an individual's interpretation is based on the individual's cultural lens and level of knowledge. Thus, as discussed earlier, those who come to a powwow with strong preconceptions or misperceptions are likely to leave with their stereotypes reinforced. Information included in the program and MC commentary helps avert reinforcing of stereotypes, but visitors are expected to be active learners, rather than passive observers. Native Americans seem to be confident that with continued attentive participant-observation that eventually a functional understanding can be reached. In addition to providing an opportunity for cultural education, powwows provide information about current legal issues. I have collected numerous fliers and pamphlets on a variety of issues, including racist sport team mascots, Leonard Peltier, Walk For Justice, Sacred Run, and burial rights. In addition to distribution of informational materials among visitors and participants, powwows are an important venue for discussing developments in various political and legal struggles and for coordinating future strategies. Thus the educational aspects extend to culturally aware Native Americans as well by providing an opportunity to increase knowledge of contemporary issues and activities. Powwows are highly effective in this regard because so many tradition-oriented people (from organizations state wide and beyond Ohio) gather, highly focused on Indianness. Of course, these discussions are "behind the scenes" matters, not accessible to the general public in attendance or even to non-Indian powwow participants and Indians who are not directly involved in legislative efforts. Tradition oriented Indians recognize the political and public 152 relations necessity of presenting a unified voice, especially within the context of intertribal alliance and cooperation evident at local powwows. However, the reality of presenting such a unified voice makes it almost impossible. Within the local population are Indians from many diverse nations, all with different degrees of orientation toward tradition and different goals and visions for the direction of the Ohio Indian population. In addition, the situation in Ohio is complicated by the proliferation of individuals and groups falsely claiming Native American identity and seeking to represent the Native American community's interests in legislative and scientific matters. The presence of general public tourists does not negate the fact that the powwow is primarily an Indian event with ongoing functions within that group. Although aware of the presence of an audience (composed of other Indians of varying levels of traditionality, and non- Indians of varying levels of knowledge), participants are not hindered in performing their dance and music, making selling and eating their food, making and displaying their clothing and learning from each other about all of these elements and how they relate to Indian identity and how Indian identity is situated in relation to the past, present and future — all of the things powwow is all about for its participants. But at the same time, the general public is able to witness and participate in this Indian event. As Bauman emphasizes the context of folklore performance is rarely a homogeneous group, and often performer and audience have few cultural commonalties (Differential Identity). As Meyerhoff shows, this differential identity factor can be managed to create a successful transformative experience (A Symbol Perfected in Death; We Don't Wrap Herring). Bauman also notes the educational aspects of sharing folklore in performance contexts where differential identity is a factor; such a performance context not only spreads knowledge of material from one group to another, but allows the different groups to learn something of one another. 'The lore is shared in the sense that it constitutes a communicative bond between participants, but the participants themselves are different, the forms they employ are different, and their view of the folklore passing between them is différent" (Bauman, Differential Identity, 37). In folklore performance contexts involving differential identity, performance structures the interaction of people from different groups. This is one of the most important things about a powwow; it is perhaps the only venue in which Native Americans control and structure the interaction between Natives and non-Natives. In a powwow setting, the roles of majority and minority cultures are reversed. Thus, Native Americans represent the aspects of their culture 153 which they wish to represent. Although they cannot ultimately control how those messages are received and interpreted, the Native American image expressed is one of dynamic, contemporary cultures which value traditional values and customs. As discussed above, powwow visitors' touristic experience can be quite educational and transformative even as it may reinforce notions such as exotic otherness and monolithic Indianness. Visitors to a powwow frequently will attend subsequent powwows, and many times become involved with supporting Native American endeavors and even in exploring Native American cultural and spiritual practices. Indeed, many questionnaire responders indicated intentions to attend subsequent powwows and asked to be put on OCNAA's mailing list. Jill Williams and Amanda Warren each are in the process of becoming involved with other aspects of Native American life. Jill Williams has even become quite involved in spiritual practices. That Indians are aware of and even actively seek the presence and participation of outsiders does not mean that they pander to expectations involving romanticized notions or stereotypes. As was established in Chapter Three, powwows and the gatherings they developed from have always had some form of audience, including participants and outsiders. The touristic element in contemporary powwows does not significantly alter their dynamics. Actually, in addition to being integral to public awareness efforts, general public attendance facilitates powwows very existence. As Susan Mills explains,

t don't think Native people feel it's a commercial thing rather than a traditional thing. The traders do better if the public comes, because the Native people generally don't have a lot of money to spend on things, or they trade back and forth between themselves, which was the way that they always did do things. And I think that if it weren't for the gate money, we wouldn't have been able to do it it’s just so critical. You can't hunt food anymore."

Bendix suggests that tourism, by definition, alters authenticity; "No matter how far into the everyday domain a tourist is allowed to peek, the authenticity remains staged by the very fact that the tourist is looking at it" (133). Although tourist presence and the folk's awareness of it change the content and context of performance, the key to this dilemma lies not with audience but with the function of the folklore for its folk group, regardless of its function for an on-looking group (this is discussed further in the following section). And, as Bauman's perspective contends, performance contexts involving differential identity have valuable functions for the aggregate group. 154

One element of the powwow which is explicitly geared to the visitor is the program. NAIC experimented with brief programs which listed order of dancers and included recipes and politically oriented information in the mid 1980s, but programs did not become standard feature of local powwows until recently. Susan Mills explains that as a non-Native with little powwow experience prior to organizing OCNAA's Trinity Farms powwow, she assumed that there would be a program. She took the initiative to put one together, and it has become standard at OCNAA and other area powwows.

When we did the very first powwow at Trinity Farms, as a non-Native only having been to one powwow ever in my life but having gone to a lot of other things where it's pretty common to have a program, 1 said, aren't we going to have a program?' And they all looked at me with these big brown eyes and said "huh?" [laughter] and so I put together a program. I kind of plagiarized a little bit from some other articles, and took the feather article, the one about what to do when a feather falls, that one I borrowed from [a Dayton area powwow organizer I, with his permission, from their program. And then I put the other stuff together. And I think every other powwow around, in Ohio at least, copied it. Word for word. But that's OK.

"A program doesn't really change anything, except that it gives the uninformed a tool, " explains Susan Mills. She compared the situation to other events which use a program as a means of orienting visitors or spectators and providing them with information to familiarize them with the event so that they don't inadvertently interfere with the events operation.

AUTHENTICfTY AND INVENTION

It may be helpful to examine powwows more explicitly in terms of the performance model of folklore. Operational folklore is performance, and performance implies audience whether that audience be members of the group or outsiders. The presence of an audience implies staging. Performances which less resemble their usual performance context are more staged, but even performances in their usual context can be seen as staged. Thus a powwow is a staged event, even though audience is part of the usual context. The presence of a less knowledgeable or outsider component in that audience does not significantly alter the dynamic. This is especially true given powwow's evolution as a social gathering which anyone could attend. Bendix's Interlochen festivals were invented not by the folk groups involved but by government and 155

tourist enterprises for the nationalist and tourism purposes, whereas powwows developed from within the folk group. Thus, powwow is not invented in the sense that Interlochen festivals are, but are constantly reinvented. Such invention and reinvention may be quite conscious. One such innovation, the sobriety social, was debuted at the NAIC's 1994 Labor Day Weekend Powwow, and Mark Welch and Carol Welch expect that it will become a standard feature. Carol, with great insight about the re-inventive potential of her innovative idea, explains:

We did a social dance. A 49 is a siKial dance, but historically it has been a time of drinking. It's a dance that occurs outside the circle after the powwow's finished for the day. And because of the devastating effects that alcohol has had on the Native American community at large, we wanted to do something that promoted sobriety, and I feel like there were a lot of people who had not had a chance to have a good time together sober. And we just kind of wanted to give them that chance; we wanted to show them that after a powwow that you can have fun without kind of, you know, getting wasted. And it was a tremendous success. It was pretty incredible. We expected probably 50 people at most and — the shelter there, at the top of ttie hill — it was packed. And the first night we ordered 10 Big Foot pi/zas, which are like 240 pieces, figured that would be more than enough. It was out and it was gone in like two minutes. The second night v\e ordered 30. It was fun. And there was just one drum and all the singers kind of came together and sang together. And it was just real neat . And everybody danced, even people who don't have dance regalia — because its just for fun and everybody's in their street clothes so it’s like everybody feels comfortable dancing. It was real good. There was a lot of people there, people who I know would have been in a bar if they hadn't been there.

Carol's idea of a sobriety 49 has taken the existing form of the dance and added an innovative factor which she feels is beneficial and more in keeping with the values expressed during the powwow. 'The end of the formal program does not, however, signify the end of dancing: the '49 dance,' a much looser Round Dance, may last until dawn. Probably derived from the Nuhohtashe, the Swaying Dance held the night before a war party departs, 49s include a good deal of bawdy humor and trysting. Many 49 sings [sic| have English words" (Kavanagh, 121). Because the dance and social aspects of the 49 are looser than those of the powwow proper; alcohol consumption has become an expected part of the bawdiness, fun, and socializing. Carol's experiment with a sobriety social made use of the looser form of the event to change the precipitating factor from alcohol to BigFoot pizzas in an effort to demonstrate that an equally enjoyable occasion could be achieved without alcohol consumption. Emphasis on maintaining 156 sobriety (which traditional powwows insist on) is maintained throughout the weekend, rather than only during the day dancing. Mark notes an added dimension of the social — there were some non-Native participants who had an opportunity to participate.

There was a lot of non-Native people too that came to those. Not very many but quite a few. They came out of curiosity 1 think, and then for them to realize that they could join in and not feel out of place and not have to worry about that and dance clothes or anything really added to that too.

This more intimate gathering, where there is less distinction between performers and audience, insider and out, affords a view even further into the "real" lives of the Indians than even the powwow itself may. Thus, while it may seem quite "inauthentic" to the curious non-Indian, who may be surprised to hear songs sung in English, witness heavy sense of humor and eat BigFoot pizzas, once the reality that Indians live in today's world is understood, the event can be perceived as an even more authentic aspect of the everyday domain. The fact that minority cultures are dynamic and diverse is often overlooked by the dominant culture, which especially tends to reify romantic notions of Indians. In paternalistic attempt to "protect" Native cultures from being absorbed by America, laws have been made which instead constrict and limit Native cultures. In addition to the problematics in simply determining who is considered Indian, determining what is "authentically" Indian is overwhelming. Deidre Evans-Pritchard's "The Portal Case: Authenticity, Tourism, Traditions and the Law" explores one case where the difficulties of defining folk authenticity in relation to popular culture and touristic consumption in practice led to unfortunate and artificial boundedness. The Portal of the Palace of Governors, part of the Museum of New Mexico, was a traditional market for Native American jewelry and crafts. When the Museum allowed only Native Americans to sell their items there (even though non-Native Americans were selling the same types of things) the non-Natives brought their case to court charging racial discrimination. In an attempt to legislate the status quo, the courts decided that this was not racial discrimination but cultural discrimination, which was allowable, and that the museum had the right to limit who sold what in the Portal. 157

Furthermore, standards were inscribed. Only Native Americans could make the items, which angered Mexican jewelry makers who contended that it was the Mexicans who originally taught the Indians their jewelry making methods and styles. And things for sale at the Portal could be made only in the "traditional" way — no technology or innovation could be employed with the exception of turquoise polishing. This stifled Native American artistic and technological development. Acknowledging that Native American cultures are dynamic and that technological and artistic innovation and individuality are not necessarily bad or inauthenticating, the Portal ironically became more "authentic" in legal and public perception terms than it had traditionally been — and thus it became inauthentic, no longer operating within the guidelines which had evolved over the Portal's history as a marketplace. Besides the freezing of stylistic development in jewelry making, Evans-Pritchard suggests this legislation may help create a pan-Indian craft style: since craft styles and workmanship are largely based on public opinion and tourist expectation as reflected in sales, and artistic potential is so limited, there is no incentive not to make items which will sell rather than items which reflect the maker's cultural aesthetics. In response to such disputes, the Indian Arts and Crafts act of 1990, a Federal law governing the sale of Native American products, was signed. In summary, this law states that it is unlawful to offer or display for sale or sell any good in a manner that falsely suggests it is Indian produced, or an Indian product. Susan Mills explains that the law was designed to protect Native American artisans and the market value of their work.

The law was developed or passed t)ecause there were people selling rugs and they were made in Japan or China or Indian, someplace where the labor was very cheap. And they were patterned after the Navajo rugs which are made one at a time, by some little old Navajo lady on a loom. And they were being marketed as being Navajo made. And it was taking money away from the Navajo people and stealing their designs, because they don't copyright those things, they're not that sophisticated out there. And it was for that reason that the law was passed. Navajo rugs is one example, but t>eadwork, and leather work ate other things that can be stolen, the concept, and reproduced, copied somewhere else.

Embedded in this dispute is the entitlement issue. As Susan Mills indicated, "there are people out there who say that they are Native, or would let you believe that they are when they aren't Native by the definition that the federal government has." She feels that consumers are 158 being deceived if they purchase items which they believe to be made by Native Americans when in fact the makers were not recognized Indians. In such a case, non-Native artisans are presuming cultural representation of Native American artistic styles, and the consumer is unaware of the validity of that representation. For these reasons, traders selling "Indian" items which are not made by tribally or govemmentally recognized Indians must clearly indicate that such items are not Indian made. Many consumers interpret this as meaning items which are not Native made are not authentic and will strive to purchase similar but "authentic" Indian made items. This law has caused, according to Carol Welch of the Native American Indian Center, "quite a murmur, quite a stir, in the Native American community.. . . Among a lot of traders, a lot of them are concerned about this Indian arts and crafts law, because they're worried about, you know, are people going to buy my things' am I going to be allowed to sell my things " After some consideration by the powwow committee, OCNAA included a summary and explanation of the Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990 in the program for their Fourth Annual Trinity Farms Powwow. The decision of the powwow committee was stated in the preface to the summary: "The Ohio Center for Native American Affairs is involved with hosting powwows as part of its cultural involvement in the Native American community, and feels a responsibility to that community and to the public at large to provide education on current legislation " Following the summary and again with the traders list for the powwow, it is stated that the traders are responsible for compliance. Susan Mills explains further

We didn't limit it to Native American traders, because that's a big issue: whose going to say who is Indian and who isn't So, the route we went was to tell them all that they were subject to that law, which everyone is in this country, and to hold them responsible for complying with the act, so we wouldn't be. And just pointing out to the public that there is an issue here which they should be aware of when they're shopping. And make sure that they ask.

If I make a pair of earrings. I'm not Indian, even though they might be identical to the ones you have on that were made by a federally recognized Native American, if I sell them and say they were made by a Native, I'm lying. And you're being deceived. And so we felt there was a liability on the part of the hosting organization to educate the traders too who might be doing it innocently.

Traders without federal recognition as Indian were not prohibited from selling their items at the powwow, nor were they prohibited from selling Native made things. But, as the law requires of all items being sold as Indian, they had to clearly indicate whether or not items were 159

Indian made and be able to substantiate assertions by tracing each item back to its Indian maker. While OCNAA, due to the nature of the organization, determined that they should make the public aware of the law, beyond prohibiting "junk" items such as toy bows and arrows with colored feathers, they did leave compliance up to the individual traders. Many questionnaire respondents indicated that they had not known about the 1990 Native American Arts and Crafts Law, that they were glad to know about it and that they thought it was beneficial. Comments indicated that consumers did prefer to purchase an "authentic" Native American item rather than a similar but "inauthentic" Indian-motif item as defined by the law. Most respondents simply wrote that they "support totally" or "strongly agree" with the policy. One respondent wrote "if you onty allow Native American vendors, I think tha'ts great because I would like to be supportive of them." Although the law is designed, like the decision in the Portal Case, to protect the interests of Native Americans, the "grey areas" of determining who is Indian and balancing biological descent with cultural knowledge when determining an item's "authenticity" are problematic. Carol Welch of NAIC explains that especially in the Central Ohio area there are a lot of people who follow Indian ways and are accepted by the community and whose artistic work is respected but who may not be defined as Indian under the law. Because Ohio's Indian population is predominantly of multi-tribal and multi-racial heritage, many complications arise in application of this law. Carol spoke of a close friend of hers who is a full blooded, federally recognized Indian. His wife, who is not Indian makes things for sale at powwows. Under the law, this woman, who is more ethnically aware and knowledgeable about tradition-oriented Native American artistic work and is part of a Native American family, is not allowed to sell her work as Native American whereas many people who are biologically Native American but largely ignorant of the cultural and artistic aspects and tradition-oriented values are allowed to sell similar items as Native American. NAIC is an organization which provides social and cultural support for Native Americans and is involved with public education efforts such as speaking and performing in local schools. No mention of the law appears in NAIC powwow literature and the powwow committee's stance regarding sale of Indian items, Indian motif items and "junk" items is quite open. Carol explains that such inclusion is consistent with the powwow's historical development. "People came and sold what they had, " says Carol, "people sold food, and they sold other things that they made. That's just kind of traditional; they weren't necessarily Indian folks, they were just whoever 160 wanted to come and sit around the circle. And [ think that's important to remember... and just understand that these things aren't necessarily made by Native Americans." Carol's position implies that she, like most tradition-oriented Native Americans, does not view tradition as bounded. She actively recognizes that Native American culture has always been dynamic, changing in relation to the needs and experiences of the people and that it is inappropriate to think of contact, and interaction with non-Indian cultures, and subsequent appropriation of some elements as corrupting or inauthenticating. Although much of powwow programs are virtually identical, it is interesting to note that the NAIC program does not include sections regarding description of proper dress for visitors, or the 1990 Arts and Crafts law. These differences seem to coorelate with the nature and goals of each organization. The NAIC and its leadership are tradition-oriented, but they are more tolerant of the validity of a broad range of orientations than OCNAA is. OCNAA, because of the fundamental nature of the organization as a legal, political and public awareness instrument, must more actively promote the tradition-oriented perspective of the organization and its leadership as well as point out the potential difficulties caused by less tradition-oriented perspective. Thus, at OCNAA powwows, traditional powwow ways are actively encouraged and traders are prohibited from selling "junk" items which reflect negative stereotypical images of Native America. More explicit program information about what Native Americans consider appropriate — in dress as well as trade — is part of OCNAA's public enlightenment efforts. NAIC, which has always been a more social service oriented organization, takes a different approach, fostering a sense of community through which visitors feel welcomed and uninhibited to increase participation; as that participation increases, visitors are expected to also increase their knowledge and understanding. Regular powwow visitor/participants will realize, or be told, what is inappropriate. Carol suggests that imposition of the 1990 law, while designed to protect Native Americans, is somewhat discriminatory. "One of the most important aspects of the powwow is the circle. The circle is sacred, and when people are around that circle and they enter that circle, it's a spiritual thing, it's a sacred thing, and that circle represents a prayer that my people have: it's Mitakuye Oyasin, and that means all my relatives. It doesn't mean all my Indian relatives; it means ALL my relatives, all my relations." 161

S elec tio n a n d intensification

Innovations in Native American culture, specifically in regards to powwows which have a rich history of adaptation and change, are not inauthenticating, but are part of the cultural dynamics, complicated by the different perspectives generated by the dynamics of emergent ethnicity. Toelken's selection and intensification of certain elements as signifying Indianness can be used to help make sense of the dilemma: the process of selection and intensification implies change and adaptation. Changes (brought about through intensification) which are consistent with the cultural elements selected as particularly important, are not inauthenticating. This can be seen in the case of the NAIC's sobriety social. If an element inconsistent with Native American values had been the basis of the change, the fundamental nature of the event, and its relationship to the powwow would have been negatively altered rather than intensified. Powwow foodways are a less politically charged element of Native American lifeways in which the selection and intensification process is evident. Frybread, a simple dough patted into a flat, round shape and deep-fat fried, is an integral part of day-to-day and ritual foodways for many Indian people and a staple of powwow fare, and thus intricately connected with Indianness. However, among many Indian people it is also intricately connected with American influence and assimilation attempts. Sometimes termed a "commodity food," frybread reminds many of loss of freedom and livelihood when the people were forced onto reservations and supplied by the U.S. government with stale, spoiled, and infested food commodities.

This bread was not an original staple of the American Indians, but it is one of the ways in which Indians learned to make food with the flour given to them by the government in payment for some of their lands. Since much of the flour was infested with worms and insects, the Indians needed to find both a way to cook it and a way to kill its various passengers. Today, of course, fry bread is made with regular commercial flour, but it has become notonly a treat but a reminiscence of the days of early subjugation to the whites. (Toelken, American Indian POwwow, 63).

Frybread is recognized and enjoyed by Indian people of all nations, and has become, like elements of the traditional dance outfit, the basis for elaboration. Powwows all across the country serve frybread. In addition to the basic frybread, there are different dishes with a frybread basis. Indian Tacos, my personal favorite, consist of taco filling materials — diced tomatoes, lettuce, onions, cheese, and a meat sauce with red beans — heaped on top of a frybread. NAIC powwows 162 sometimes offer blanket dogs, hot dogs wrapped in frybread dough and deep-fried. Mark Welch explains that he considers some "Indian foods" to be international, by which he means they are imported forms, but are nevertheless considered to be traditional: Some of the foods we have today, are international. Some of them are very traditional like corn soup; but the frybread, that came with the government foods, where they were given the flour and the water and didn't know what to do with it and somebody — maybe somebody accidently dropped some in bear grease or something, I don't know, and made fry bread. And now you can go to a powwow in Ohio or South Dakota or Arizona or California, and usually corn soup, frybread and Wojape are all there. And now we have Indian tacos... if you'd come to Ohio 200 years ago and asked one of the relatives for an Indian taco, they'd look at you kinda funny. The NAIC powwows enjoy experimenting with offering a variety of food items. Several years ago, the powwow committee went to great lengths and expense to offer barbecued buffalo burgers, which have become quite a favorite. Mark is considering adding a new item at future powwows.

we just came through New York, came down from Montreal we stopped over at the Turtle Museum, which is an Indian Museum, which in some [people's thoughts is kind of contradiction (...) and they had a little restaurant at that museum, they had Indian burritos. I never heard of an Indian burrito in my life. You know, and so I tried it and basically its fry bread filled with taco meat and lettuce and rcfrys. It was very good. I'm kind of toying with the idea of maybe incorporating that into some of our powwow foods in our future powwows. That's something I learned accidentally. The idea of Indian burrito never entered my mind.

Just as there is room for tribal and personal variation in construction of dance outfits, there is considerable variation in traditional foods. "Com soup is like kind of a real common powwow thing, " explains Carol, "but it depends on where you go, exactly what that com soup's like." Similarly, no two people seem to make frybread the same way. There are regional differences to the point that one style of frybread is recognized as "Navajo frybread." There are considerable individual differences as well. Some use only four and water, others add baking soda, shortening, milk, sugar, or powdered milk. Some pat the dough out on a surface, others from hand to hand; some leave the dough thick, others pat it out to be thin and crispy; some leave a hole in the middle for more even cooking, others let it tear and perforate at thin points; some fry compact round breads, others are sprawling. I was even told once that "grandma" on the 163 reservation, a highly respected wife of a spiritual leader, buys prepackaged bread dough, which she pinches off and fries to make frybread. Because "grandma" is a respected tradition-oriented elder, her adaptation of tradition to technological change is consistent with traditional values, with which she is quite familiar. The same innovation performed by an assimilation-oriented individual without knowledge of traditional customs and values would most likely be considered inappropriate. But frybread is not an imported form for all tribes. "This is food, our people [northern plains! would not have had 200 years ago," explains Mark Welch, "yet some of it has its roots in Native American tribes; its just been shared over the years. A lot of the foods that most people call Mexican actually originated with the Aztec people and so the Indian taco had its roots there." Carol Welch interjects laughing: "you know, its pretty messed up roots, pretty far stretching roots." John Sanchez, whose ancestors are from the area today knows as northwestern Mexico, feels that frybread is not a commodity food or an imported form. He explains that the modern com and flour tortillas share a sort of common ancestor with frybread. 'The Indians of the Southwest and Mexico made bread out of blue corn. They patted it flat and fried it on a hot stone." Regardless of how far stretching the roots are, perspectives on frybread are shaped by whether one assumes it to be an innovation or improvisation when faced with commodity rations or to be more of a development of an established food form. But despite these differences in the particulars of what frybread signifies, once imported, frybread has been thoroughly incorporated into tribal ways. Even though Dakota and Lakota people tend to see frybread as originally a commodity food, frybread has a place in ritual contexts. As a formal food item, frybread can be eaten alone or topped with wojape, (berries cooked until thick). At powwows and other informal settings, frybread is often eaten topped with honey or powdered sugar, although highly tradition- oriented individuals sometimes object to these innovative toppings. One unstated reason for their objection seems to be that toppings not associated with Indianness may serve to associate frybread with non-indian rather than Indian culture. 1 arrived at this hypothesis by noticing that some tradition-oriented individuals seem very uncomfortable with comparisons of frybread to similar foods of other cultures. For example,when topped with honey, frybread is similar to Mexican sopaipillas (fried sweetbread topped with honey) and when topped with powdered sugar, it is similar to New Orleans style benigets (square donuts topped with powdered sugar). 164

It is clear that through powwows. Native Americans select and intensify (as Toelken suggests) elements of Indian and tribal identity which are important in continuing Native American identity. This is a process which occurs with any emergent ethnicity, but tradition- oriented Native Americans are concerned with keeping their own culture rather than assimilating into the mainstream. Refusing to let go of cultural items and practices which they believe to be still relevant is often interpreted by non-Natives and even more assimilated Natives, as counterproductive clinging to the past, or nostalgia. While bead and quill work jewelry and frybread are elements of Indian culture which are easily carried into everyday life, tipis cannot be used as a permanent home. They can, however, make a suitable home at powwows, and many Indians would prefer to set up a tipi rather than a camping tent, even Indians from tribes which did not historically live in tipis. It is generally felt, by powwow organizers, participants and visitors, that there should be tipis at a powwow, and organizers often plan for tipi camps to have choice locations. Toelken mentions tipis as a nostalgic element, which implies a sense of loss, "There is of course a certain amount of nostalgia for an older way of life, and the widespread use of the tipi at the larger outdoor encampments is one way of recapturing this older way" (American Indian Powwow, 154). Although this is certainly true, tipis can be seen as another element of Indian culture which is selected and intensified through powwows, and which can thus become a pan-tribal signifier of Indianness. Toelken's discussion of nostalgia suggests this view of tipis.

But Indians acknowledge today that the old way has indeed changed forever and that to survive they must now combine aspects of their older customs with realities of the world in which they live. No one believes, in other words, that the Europeans will move back to Europe and the Indians back to tipis. Nonetheless, no one believes that an Indian needs to stop being an Indian in order to live in his own country. Thus while most Indians take jobs when they can in the American economy, and most have adopted generally American styles of clothing for everyday life, what they have done on the other hand is to intensify and solidify the occasions on which they can celebrate the continued existence of Indian ways of life at home. (Ethnic Selection, 68)

Similarly, while Native Americans have adopted American styles of housing for everyday life, powwows offer occasions in which tipi ways can be integrated into contemporary Indian life. "The new way of life does not replace the old; the old survives by rising to the new demand, by adapting and intensifying" (Toelken, American Indian Powwow, 155). 1 6 5

Elements selected and intensified through powwows, especially music and dance, are central elements of contemporary Indian culture and traditional ways. "More than options or accessories, they remain at the heart of cultural matrices and provide an understanding of Indian beliefs and social life" (Huenemann, 146). Intertribal powwows, which are based in Plains type forms, have become an expression of Indian identity across North America, even among peoples for whom powwow is an imported form. Among an expanding circle of Native people, understanding and performing powwow dance and song has become a means of expressing tribally specific and/or generalized Indian identity "within a Western Society that usually has little appreciation or understanding of the content and richness of these dance and song traditions" (Huenemann, 146). Additionally, powwows in Central Ohio have become a valuable means of increasing the appreciation and understanding of the content and richness of Indian traditions as well as the realities of contemporary Native American life. Examples of incorporation of innovation into traditional cultural contexts are everywhere on the powwow grounds: the grounds themselves, dance and drum style, costume, food, jewelry, crafts, camping and transportation accommodations. These changes are best viewed as products of dynamic cultures rather than corruption of the authentic. Authenticity must be defined in the terms of the present, according to context and function. And judgement of relative authenticity or inauthenticity is always dependent on the position of who is making the judgements. CHAPTER V

CONCLUSIONS

Powwows, like the Swiss Inlerlochen festivals Bendix explores, are a means of solidifying and expressing traditional Native American values in the midst of popular culture while inviting touristic attendance. Indians are striving to bring themselves into the 20th century consciousness of the American public. Many "tourists" in attendance see their experience as part of their multicultural education, feeling that multiculturalism is a good and necessary thing in today's American society. Multiculturalism is about folk cultures being moved into the popular purview without the problematic connotations of using words like "tourism" which imply perpetuation of exotic otherness. Discussions of multiculturalism concentrate on the value of cultural pluralism and the necessity of the mainstream person becoming familiar with the ethnic heritage of the "other." This is essentially a touristic enterprise, where the search for "authentic" experience becomes even more important to the "tourist." What is not recognized is the complexity of ethnic identity and "tradition." Many Native Americans have tribally or even interracially mixed genealogies. People attend powwows to see traditional Indian heritage in operation but what they are seeing is an expression of contemporary Indianness. Powwows are intertribal in nature and offer rich evidence of incorporation of non- Indian elements as well as exchange of tribal elements. However, as discussed in Chapters Three and Four, by using the powwow, which focused attention on dance, costume and language (which the general public spectator has no way to evaluate in terms of evolution) to increase public

166 167 awareness of present-day Indianness, Indians do run a great risk of having that message misinterpreted or ignored by those with strong preset notions, rather than fostering a sense of a contemporary people. Realizing that change is normal in a living culture is a first step to ending evaluations based on "authenticity," which implies a bounded concept of tradition and ethnicity. As discussed several times throughout this dissertation, the differential identity factor is important in evaluating powwows, both as an integral part of contemporary life for Native American peoples and between Native peoples and non-Native society. The general public may come to realize that incorporation of Euro-American elements into Native American contexts is a normal occurrence when different groups come into contact. However, similar cross-cultural sharing occurring within the category Native America is generally not recognized or evaluated without some cultural or ethnic awareness. Even within this double boundary, determining and evaluating the sense of pan-Indianism which powwows can imply is problematic. Because the basic powwow form is common among diverse tribes (even among tribes for whom powwow is an imported form (Chapter Four)), because Central Ohio powwow organizers and participants are from many diverse tribes, because many neophyte participants are concerned with developing their general Indain identity as a foundation for later development of a tribally specific identity, because Indians must present a unified voice to be politically viable, and because much of the general public hold a monolithic conception of "the Indian," the issue of pan-Indianism must be addressed. "Powwows have often been described as pan-Indian events, suggesting that Native music and traditions are blended almost inseparably into one, unified pan-Indian culture," writes Michael Cronk, who studied powwows and other Native celebrations in Eastern Canada. Cronk makes an important distinction between pan-Indian and intertribal. Although a "powwow is an integrative force, it is clearly more appropriate to describe it as an intertribal (rather than pan- Indian) gathering" (77). And this is exactly how Native Americans term it: intertribal powwow and intertribal dancing. "Of course each powwow is different from every other," reminds Cronk, "influenced by different organizers, participants, and settings. [The| powwow does not submerge regional traditions and values; instead it is a vehicle that allows different nations to express a common bond as Ongioehomoe, or 'real people/ first people' of North America" (77). Given the diversity within the Central Ohio Native Ameircan population, the common bond, which is a sense of identity as Native American peoples who have a shared spirituality, is particularly 168 important as differences are negotiated. As Delores Santha said, "hopefully, we present a united front." Pan-ethnicity movements are a political necessity to gain recognition and voice within the larger culture; however, since such unions are not an outgrowth of intergroup relations and affiliations, they are usually tenuous, at best. Because of diversity within Native America, and within Ohio's Indian community, and public misperceptions, Indians have had limited success in establishing a united public front. Powwows provide a functional model of multiculturalism, celebrating diversity both within the Indian community and between Indian and non-Indian cultures. The multicultural nature of intertribal powwows in Central Ohio fosters a sense of Indian unity which contains and respects diversity in all levels of differential contact. The distinction between pan- and inter- is the important factor. It is within this context that cultural elements and selection of items appropriate for cross cultural sharing in secular situation involving the general public occurs. Powwows in Central Ohio are at the intersection of many levels of negotiation and expression of Indian identity. As Kenny Irwin's comments about mixing clothing styles suggest, powwow is about intertribal relations, not construction of pan-Indianism. Even highly tradition- oriented Native Americans recognize that cultural ways change, but changes, such as developments in clothing styles, dance, drum, and food are most culturally viable when occurring within the cuhural framework. The random mixing of clothing styles or other cultural elements without functional knowledge of the cultural contexts is considered inappropriate. Thus, while the powwow form, dance and clothing styles are based on Plains traditions, culturally consistent adaptations, such as those of the Iroquois (Cronk, 75), and the normal changes affected by differential contact imply knowledge of and fluency in the related cultural contexts. As discussed earlier, sharing and appropriation of cultural elements is inevitable and normal in situations involving differential identity. Until relatively recently, however, adaptation and integration of imported elements into the cultural framework has been a very gradual process. In today's world, mass communications and transportation technologies greatly influence the amount of differential contact and enlarges the geographic area in which such contact occurs, thus speeding up the process. Because sharing occurs ^ te r and because many Natives, especially in Central Ohio, are not tradition-oriented or highly culturally knowledgeable, it is more likely that rapid sharing or blending of cultural elements implies lack of thoughtful 169

understanding of cultural contexts. Such understanding is ncecssary for integration of elements into one's own cultural matrix. For tradition-oriented individuals and groups, cultural blending without knowledgeability is considered non-traditional and implies the eventual end of tribal ways. The reaction to such perceived cultural slippage in Central Ohio has been an increased emphasis on older values and customs by the tradition-oriented community leadership and powwow organizers. These process are particularly evident in Central Ohio. Area powwows contain the great diversity within the local community. At the same time, area powwows present a unified public front. Such a front is necessary for viable political voice and for public education and relations efforts. As Royce indicates "When threatened from the outside, for example, an ethnic group will tend to present a unanimity of thought and behaviors, but that does not mean that all the members of a group have the same ideas about their ethnicity or that they will always behave in similar ways. There may be a great deal of variation within a group, sometimes to the extent of developing factions" (11). Pan-Indianism in Ohio is a political necessity for the legislative battles regarding burial rights. Indians from many different tribal backgrounds do their best to present a united front in the political arena. However, there are considerable differences in personal and tribal values, which makes such a pan- alliance difficult, at best, to maintain. Outside of the legal and legislative efforts, differences in tribal values are better tolerated because a united front is not necessary. Actually, while efforts to gain viable political voice benefit from a united Indian front, pan- Indianism tends to reinforce the monolithic conception of the Indian which popular culture tends to hold. It is more valuable for the tourist at an Ohio intertribal powwow to see the many different tribes harmoniously presenting their own style of dress, craft items and dances, than to see them try to fit themselves into one cultural mold which is based on popular culture expectation. Even though the spectator may not be aware of the extent of diversity within Native America, most know that there are many tribes and can distinguish feather bustled men's traditional dance regalia of the Plains from the cotton pants and shirt of the Southwest. "The powwow is a social event stressing intertribal affiliations more than tribal differences and displaying traditional Indian characteristics as well as innovations" (Toelken, American Indian Powwow, 49). While this is true, it is still important to recognize that although powwows are about Indian unity, they are not about creating pan-ethnidty. Powwows are also about unity among all things (including non-Indians) — Vlitakuye Oyasin; just as powwows do 170

not advocate that Indians, no matter how Americanized they may be, allow American ways to subsume their Indian ways, they do not advocate that Indians allow Indianness in a pan-ethnic sense to subsume tribally specific identity. Nevertheless, scholarly opinion can blur this distinction, somewhat inaccurately implying an emerging pan-ethnicity fostered through powwow. For example, Toelken is inconsistent in his stance on the degree of pan-ethnicity involved in powwow ways. Although he acknowledges the continued existence and evolution of tribally specific ways and the recognition by participants that the selection process of powwow ways focuses on elements which are not sacred and which can be shared in a secular context, he comes dangerously close to suggesting that powwow ways are creating a pan-ethnicity, and are to some degree subsuming tribal individuality. As he begins his discussion in "American Indian Powwow" he stresses that "even in the West there are large regional differences in the singing and the dancing protocol" (49) of powwow, which, of course, are a product of differences in tribal ways. His most developed intertribal stance appears near the conclusion of "Ethnic Selection and Intensification";

The powwow can reintegrate alienated individuals with their larger ethnic community without pretending that it is possible to lead a pristine tribal life unaffected by the disaster of invasion and plunder. In other woids, the fact that powwow culture is different from the older tibal cultures is not a sign of cultural slippage but of selective, intensified ethnic tenacity This is an activity which promotes a pride in being Native while not ignoring the fact that there are other tribes, other values, other religious views; it expresses Indianness without ignoring the confusing framework in which that condition must be experienced. (154)

Here he acknowledges not only the progression of Indian traditionality from the historical past through the present, but also the continued existence of discrete nations, despite the commonality and unifying of powwow. Again in the earlier article, he implies the continued vitality of tribally specific ways, by reminding readers that there are elements of tribal celebrations and ceremonies which are not appropriate for powwow sharing.

It is clear that the Native American powwow selects those dances that people of different trit>es can watch or learn and do together without intruding on each other's religions beliek; and the special dances from particular tribes are chosen so as to minimize the possibility of misuse. This testifies to an ongoing sensitivity about the dance and its importance in the lives of the people themselves. (American Indian Powwow, 62) 171

That these sacred elements are not considered appropriate for cross cultural sharing, especially in a secular context, attests to the continuing importance and sacredness of tribal religious and sacred ways. If they were not vital any longer, there would be no problem with their demonstration or performance within the powwow context. It is true that Indians are defining themselves collectively against American society, and thus stress commonalties among tribes and de-emphasize historical differences and conflicts (Ethnic Selection, 153). But Toelken seems to suggest that Indians are involved with simply maintaining their identity, and creating a future pan-Indian identity which lacks the depth of more specific tribal knowledge from a diversity of tribes.

the reemergence of this larger body of custom and observance, which overarches and to a large extent subordinates older differences, is an indication that specific tribal identity is being reassessed by many Native Americans and being replaced by a powerful synthesis of related traditions that can articulate Indianness. (Ethnic Selection, 140)

In fact the dynamics are far more complex, as Toelken himself acknowledges in other discussions and when considering historical change. Mark Welch sees the unity of different peoples through powwows as somewhat of a miracle, and as a working model of united nations. His discussion (Chapter Four) stresses respect for tribal differences rather than subsuming them under a single rubric. He adds, "you know, the Dakota ways are different than the '^aqui ways, and in that circle, we can enjoy each other's company.... People talk about the United Nations: for us to truly have a United Nations that really works, people need to develop that respect and understand that what they do [has the) same reasons: same ways, different ways of doing it." Kermy Irwin's comment (Chapter Three) "all the traditions and all the culture of all or our ways are the same. If you just take a look at it" echoes the idea that a shared sense of spirituality is the unifying factor which is expressed in a diversify of cultural ways. The more tradition-oriented Native Americans in Central Ohio easily recognize this balance between specific ways and shared ways. They recognize that a united Indian voice is a political necessity in today's America. At the same time, they realize that allowing the general public to continue to hold a monolithic conception of Indians can be detrimental, especially to those who don't fit that image. The stereotypical image is usually based on Plains peoples, and involves feathered headdresses, horses, buffalo and so on. This image is reinforced by the plains- 172

based powwow form. Indians from other geographic areas have developed completely different cultural ways, although their expression of powwow form may appear quite similar. When un- ethnically-aware people begin to identify with their Indian ancestry, the tradition-oriented elders indicate that it is important not only to be Indian but to know one's own particular heritage and background. Central Ohio powwows are important in the process of developing deeper levels of Indian identity. Cronk's study illustrates just how flexible the powwow format can be in allowing for tribal individuality rather than subsuming it. Cronk notes that "Powwows are not part of traditional Iroquoian culture, though in some ways they complement Longhouse beliefs; their focal elements, music and dance, celebrate that physical and spiritual worlds around us in ways comparable with Iroquoian social music" (74). But despite the somewhat complementary nature of powwow to traditional Iroquois ways, adoption of powwow ways holds the possible threat of subsuming Iroquois ways to the more general powwow traditions. And indeed, Cronk states that "the introduction of powwows to Iroquoian communities has created tension among more conservative Longhouse people, since the events involve competitions for prizes" (74) The Iroquois followed the same pattern as Toelken discerns in appropriating those foreign concepts into ways consistent with their own worldview. "Many singers and dancers say that winning the competitions is secondary", reports Cronk; "the success of a powwow is really determined by the good feeling' generated through friendship, respect, pride in one's self, and pride in being Indian " (74). Cronk notes how the Iroquois modified the typical powwow format to suit their own needs. "There are no sunrise ceremonies or pipe ceremonies at Grand River [powwowj since these are not part of Iroquoian traditions" (75). Among the participants at this powwow are people from across Canada and the United States. This diversity is reflected in the variety of styles of dress, singing and dancing. Among the dance outfits, there is considerable variation. Cronk explains that, for example, the men traditional dancers wear moccasins, leggings and breech cloths; "but there is much innovation and individuality, particularly in the father headdresses or hair roaches they wear, the ribbons, beads or quillwork decorating their outfits, and the large feather bustles" (75). Such innovations are expected in powwow dress and reflect the interests, abilities and tastes of the dancers, which are in turn reflective of tribal differentiation and degree of ethnic identification and knowledge. Just as the Iroquois modified their powwow to be 1 7 3 congruent with their worldview and ways, individual [requis participants modified their powwow regalia to be more reflective of Iroquois dress than of the Plains style which predominates powwow attire. "Some Iroquoian dancers combine traditional Houdenosaunee ("People of the Longhouse", a. k. a. Iroquisj and powwow outfit styles, wearing a gustoweh (Iroquoian headdress) rather than Plains style hair roaches, or deer dewclaw garters instead of the more common bell garters around their legs" (75). As Cronk's descriptions indicate, powwows are indeed intertribal rather than pan-Indian events. "People join together to celebrate their collective heritage, creating unity among nations rather than weakening traditional Iroquoian beliefs" (74). There is a delicate balance in retaining tribally specific ways while sharing those ways with other groups and borrowing on other shared traditions. This is especially so considering that there are fewer and fewer Native Americans with pure tribal lineage, and an increasing number who are of racially mixed heritage. Increasing off-reservation populations and scores of people "rediscovering" Indian blood in their lineage account for a large population of Indians who have lower levels of cultural awareness and knowledge, and who typically explore their "Indian" identity in general before cultivating more specific knowledge. Although Cronk does not explore this dimension, his comments do allow that individuals do not limit themselves in creativity and innovation according to strict tribal guidelines. "Understanding the complexity of the interactions is important," stresses Cronk.

At these gatherings there are no simple, rigid boundaries separating Native communities and cultures. Although distinct musics and musical styles exist, many social music traditions borrow selectively from one another, adapting styles and forms to suit their needs and aesthetics. Musicians may perform and create music characteristic of other communities or nations. Distinctions among music and dance styles, dance outfits, or instrumentation may at times seem to blur, yet individual or tribal identities are not relinquished.

"At these intertribal events, it is not essential that the music (or even the event itself) be enticiy traditional to the region; the songs and dances are perhaps the raw material to which performers or communities apply their own values and traditions, which in turn shape these gatherings. In light of this, concepts of pan-Indianism or acculturation often seem too simplistic and generalized to have any real meaning when discussing contemporary Native realities in Eastern Canada. (84)

Although It is quite true that Indians are reassessing their identity in relation with each other and with America, such reassessment does not necessarily mean that tribal specifics be 174

replaced by a synthesis of Indian traditions, no matter how powerful that synthesis may be. Native Americans are developing a sense of themselves as a collective, but rather than that collective replacing or subsuming tribal identity, it is becoming just one more level of affiliation involved in self-identification moving from "the individual, as signalled by the personal name, out through a series of identity sets ending with the totality of all things that exist" (Dundes, Defining Identity, 1 ). It has been said that America is more occupied with cultural differences, where as similarities were once stressed, and that this preoccupation with difference promotes the fragmentary nature of today's America which is seen to be "falling apart." Multiculturalism is often a touristic enterprise wherein members of the dominant culture wish to see a little of ethnic cultures, to see firsthand some of this difference which is felt is dividing and destroying our country. What is not realized from this perspective is that these differences are no less constructed that the previously perceived similarities. Any system which treats everyone the same, ignoring the fact of individual and cultural difference, is in fact not treating people equitably. Such inequality, which forces everyone into a single category, is more conducive to disquiet and eventual breakdown that a system that acknowledges difference and seeks equitable relations. The intricacies of multiculturalism, especially in practical application, are formidable. But powwows provide a successful model which presents a sense of unity in spite of great diversity, and allows for presentation of a unified political voice while still allowing and encouraging individuality of constituent groups. This is particularly evident in the Central Ohio Native American community. Powwows allow a curious and often misinformed Central Ohio public to interact with Native Americans in what they perceive to be an authentic experience. This experience, however, is quite different from the romanticized pre-contact or 19th Century ideal many people hold. Thus, members of the general public have the opportunity to come to an awareness of contemporary Native American Indian life and values and the relationship this contemporary Indianness has to the life and values of the past and of the future. This study, though by no means an exhaustive coverage, makes a significant contribution to ethnicity study as well as study of contemporary Native America by exploring the complex dynamics of intertribal powwow in an off-reservation area with great diversity in itslndian and non-Indian communities. Approaching powwows from the perspective of secular ritual is a 175 particularly innovative and useful way to explore the pervasiveness and appeal of powwows among Native Americans throughout North America. This approach illuminates the importance of powwows in identity formation at individual and group levels by considering that Native Americans — as individuals, community members, tribe members and as an emerging collective — are in a liminal or transitional state of emergent ethnicity. The dynamics of this emergent ethnicity, including relations with the dominant society are explored, particularly concerning establishing identity boundaries, and related issues of authenticity, public education, and selection of expressions of cultural identity. Much of my analysis and conclusions are generalizable to intertribal powwows in other geographic areas of North America, and perhaps to similar non-Indian festivals and celebrations. Certainly, future research on Native American powwows as expression of contemporary Native American culture, customs and values is called for. Because powwows are so well integrated into the lives of many Native Americans, a variety of analytical approaches are needed to more fully reveal the growing significance of intertribal powwows. Special attention should be given to the range of orientations toward tradition and how these differences, as well as tribal cultural diferences, are negotiated. The tension surrounding the political and legislative necessity of creating a public united front, the possibility of pan-Indianism, and the tradition-oriented emphasis on vitalizing tribally specific cultural awareness and fluency is a topic for long-term study. Because Indianness is, and may always be, in an emergent state in relation to the larger dominant society, the ways in which cultural awareness is expressed, evaluated, and displayed, both within and without the double boundary, provide many opportunities for continued research. Because of the differences between tradition-oriented perspectives and those of the mainstream and the related importance of self-representation for tradition-oriented people, I feel that reciprocal ethnography is the only approach which a non-tradition-oriented researcher can ethically follow. Although this approach is demanding, it is rewarding, and produces rich opportunities for analysis without oversimplifying a tremendously complex dynamic. The multicultural aspects of powwows, including celebrating diversity within Native America and celebrating the distinctions between Native America and other cultural groups, should not be overlooked; intertribal powwows are increasingly becoming a means of increasing cultural awareness at many levels among Native Americans. Additionally, powwows are becoming an effective tool for public education regarding contemporary existence and issues. Powwows are 176 tremendously popular accross North America, their popularity among Natives and non-Natives still increasing, and provide a unique forum for expression of Indian ethnic identity and cross- cultural sharing and education. APPENDIX A

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR PUBLIC

Thank you for lolnint u>l To bclp uf make our next powwow even better, please take a few moments to share your thoufhts with us ~

Have you been to other powwows? If so, when and where?

How did you find out alwut about this powwow ?

DM you have any dlfflculiy flndln# the powwow site?

What dM you think of the coocessloos offered, service, goods soM by traders etc.?

DM you And the program bcipflU and iafbrmadvc?

How do you feei about our policies regarding Ametlcan Indian arts and crafts. prohiMtioa of the sale of sacred Items, prohibldon of drugs, alcohol and weapons?

What have you enjoyed least ahout this powwow?

What have you enjoyed moat ahout this powwow?

Do you plan to attend more ptnwmws In the future?

What wmuM be the most effective way Kor you to find out ahout when and where a IS?

Artrtlflonai Comments;

WouM you like to be on our mailing list: (please print clearly) The Ohio Center Address: • T » lerNaUva American Affaire III w siaw aM inu •cuuMaM.0MB««is* etaesaosae

177 178

Q uestionnaire for D ancers ..«ïHAW a,.

Have you attended an OCNAA sponsored powwow before?

How did you find out about about this powwow ?

Did you have any difficulty finding the powwow site?

How were the camping facilities, sanitation, security, etc.?

How was the food, service, eating areas, organization, etc?

How were condidons of the arena, grounds, amount of space to dance in, footing, ease of entry to and exit from the arena, seating areas for dancers, etc?

Do you feel the pay is appropriate?

Do you understand our policies regarding camping, sale of American Indian arts and crafts, prohibition of the sale of sacred items, prohibition of drugs, alcohol and weapons?

Do you feel that these policies contribute to a more enjoyable powwow for everyone?

MORE ON BACK — > 179

What bave you enjoyed least about this powwow?

What have you enjoyed most about this powwow?

Do you plan to attend other OCNAA sponsored powwows in the future?

Please offer additional comments and suggestions for Improvement:

If you are not already on our mailing list, and you tvould like to be, please clearly print your name and address:

The Ohio Center for Native American Affairs 203 East BnadSlrnt • Cotumdus, Ohio 43215 • «14.2280460 a p p e n d i x b

C o n su m e r In fo r m a tio n

One. ofi the. mont be.autif.uL tnaditionn hande-d down 6y ou a Ame.n.Lcan In d ia n Anae.nton.n in th a t o f the. DH&APï- CAtCH&R -A hoop - i tn c.ente.n. ioove.n into a we.b - in nunpende.d ove.n the. nLe.e.pen.n head. The web ea tch en aLL of the dneamn, and white the g.ood dneamn n tip thn.oap.h th e d en tex hoLe and ntide down the fe.athea fox the n teep ex to dxeam, the bad dxeamn become hopetennti^ entang.ied in the toeb - onLy. to dinappeax at the fixnt Liyht of dawn.

ISO APPENDIX C

P ow w ow Fliers

13th Annual Moon When the Ponies Shed Traditional Wacipi [powwow] Honoring Our Veterans and Loved OneT MEMORIAL DAY WEEKEND ^ May 27,2S, & 29, 1995 r Native American Indian dancing, music & food Traders of arts, crafts and other goods I HOSTJRUM DACOTAH TRAVELERS FEATURED DRUM / X FEATURED DRUM RED EAOLE / A DIAMOND WILLOW ♦M.C.* ♦OPENDRUM* GEORGE — - •DAY MONEY* SQUIRREL COAT J ARENA DIRECTQR A 1 ^ J . ü â HEAD VETERAN KEN IRWIN OWENDUCHENEAUX

OPEN TO THE PUBUC •SS.OO LoGMica; FORT BAYES SpooHind by FORT KAYESand the 3.00 EDUCATIONAL CENTER NATTVB AMERICAN INDIAN CTR 3.00 S40 JACK GIBBS BLVD. P.O. BOX 07703 weekend — 10.00 in Downtown COLUMBUS, OHIO 43207 5 wd under ftee COLUMBUS. OHIO______614,443^120 [flat443»26511

NO SALE OF PIPES, EAOLE FEATHERS OR IMPORTS NO ALCOHOL OR DRUG USE PERMITTED 181 182

K

TRINITY . V f a r m > ,

Pataskala, Ohio August 13,1994 aud August 14,1994 10:00 a.m. - Gates Open to Public 1:00 p.m. - Grand Bitry

dminlon: Sobriety wül be observed mt this Powwow! Adults $5.00 This event Setnois 3.00 hosted by: Kids 6-12 3.00 No sale of sacred items OCNAA Members 3.00 will be permitted. Kids under 5 FREE!! No drugs, alcohol or I fh weapons will be permitted. Powwow Coordinators: Ttadtr PTMvgiitntkMi Th* Ohio Center ter Netive American Affaire Kanny Icwin iMIOs 203 E u t Bcoad S m a t Cokmoua. Ohio 43215 814-228-0400 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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