Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation And
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NEW YORK, NY 20 - 24 March – Conference A 27 - 31 March – Conference B NMUN•NY nmun.org/nmun_ny.html SECURITY COUNCIL BACKGROUND GUIDE 2016 Written By: Thejasvi Ramu, Anna Ivanova, Jade Palmer, Julia Bhattacherjee, Amanda Wong, Kaitlin Sandin NATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS NATIONAL COLLEGIATE CONFERENCE associationTM © 2015 National Model United Nations THE 2016 NATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS SPONSORED BY THE NATIONAL COLLEGIATE CONFERENCE ASSOCIATION 20-24 March (Conf. A) & 27 -31 March (Conf. B) • www.nmun.org Kristina Getty & Beatrice Soler Dear Delegates, Secretaries-General Ardis Smith & Welcome to the 2016 National Model United Nations Conference in New York (NMUN•NY)! We are pleased to Cara Wagner Deputy Secretaries-General introduce the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Your Week A staff will be: Directors Amanda Wong (SC- A), Thejasvi Ramu (SC-B), and Anna Ivanova (SC-C). Your Week B staff will be: Directors Kaitlin Sandin (SC- Doug Arseneault & Sara Johnsson A), Jade Palmer (SC-B), and Julia Bhattacherjee (SC-C). Amanda completed her B.A. in Political Science from Chiefs of Staff Simon Fraser University and her PG Dip in Environmental Management from the University of London. This is Nguyen Cao & Amanda’s fifth year on staff. This is Thejasvi’s second year on staff. She graduated from the University of Camille Ellison Victoria with a B.A. in Political Science and Anthropology. Anna graduated from the Far Eastern Federal Assistant Chiefs of Staff University in Russia with a degree in linguistics and interpretation and is currently pursuing her Master’s degree Sonia Patel & Felipe Ante in International Economics. -
Central African Republic Country Report BTI 2006
Central African Republic Status Index Management Index (Democracy: 3.22 / Market economy: 3.14) 3.18 3.91 HDI 0.355 Population 3.9 mn GDP per capita ($, PPP) 1.089 Population growth1 2.3 % Unemployment rate - Women in Parliament - UN Education Index 0.43 Poverty2 66.6 % Gini Index 61.3 (1993) Source: UNDP: Human Development Report 2005. Figures for 2003 unless otherwise indicated. 1 Annual growth between 1975 and 2003. 2 People living below $ 1 a day (1990- 2003). A. Executive summary Following a constitutional referendum in late 2004, CAR conducted the first round of presidential elections in March 2005 and completed the second round on May 6, 2005 when voters cast their votes for legislative elections.1 These elections mark the end of a transitional period after a military takeover by General François Bozizé. Bozizé stood as a presidential candidate in the first round and succeeded to gain an absolute majority in the second round, despite declaring earlier that he would step down after the transition phase. Initially, most competitors were barred from running and only after mediation by Gabon’s President Bongo and the re-admittance of most candidate hopefuls were fair elections given a chance. The Central African Republic (CAR) is a poor country according to all traditional, albeit rather unreliable indicators, yet it is rich in natural resources such as diamonds, timber and unconfirmed recent oil discoveries. However, the sparsely populated and only marginally accessible interior suffers from extremely poor governance. After a series of unsuccessful mutinies, coup attempts and rebellions, Ange-Félix Patassé was overthrown in March 2003. -
Central African Republic – Uncertain Prospects
UNHCR Emergency and Security Service WRITENET Paper No. 14 / 2001 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC – UNCERTAIN PROSPECTS By Paul Melly Independent Researcher, UK Revised May 2002 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN 1020-8429 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction.....................................................................................1 2 Historical and Cultural Background............................................1 3 The Patassé Government and Military Instability......................4 3.1 The Patassé Administration: Political and Economic Tensions ..............4 3.2 The 1996-1997 Mutiny Crisis and Its Consequences................................5 4 The Crisis of 2001 ...........................................................................8 4.1 Failed Coup of May and Aftermath...........................................................8 4.2 The Aftermath and Consequences ...........................................................14 5 Factors Shaping -
Capital Flight, Hard Mineral Resources Exports and Political Governance Crisis in the Central African Republic: How Far We Have Learned?
Capital Flight, Hard Mineral Resources Exports and Political Governance Crisis in the Central African Republic: How Far We have Learned? Thales Pacic Yapatake Kossele ( [email protected] ) Oxford University Press Research Keywords: Capital ight, hard mineral resources, Political Governance crisis, Multiple Correspondence Analysis, ARDL, CAR Posted Date: October 9th, 2020 DOI: https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-88690/v1 License: This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Read Full License Page 1/23 Abstract The Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) approach to cointegration is applied to examine the role of political governance crisis in the relationship between hard mineral resources exports particularly diamond, and gold and Capital ight in the Central African Republic over the period of 1978-2010. The results of short- run show that ocial development assistance, gross national expenditures have a negative and signicant impact on capital ight while the interaction of political governance crisis and hard mineral resources, GDP per capita have a positive and signicant effect with capital ight. Moreover, governance crisis, exports of hard mineral resources has a negative and insignicant impact on capital ight. The results of the long run show a negative and signicant effect on governance crisis, ocial development assistance and gross of national expenditures. The interaction term between hard mineral resources and GDP growth have a positive and signicant effect on capital ight. However, export of hard mineral resources exhibits a positive but insignicant effect on capital ight. Without strong action to stop and promote political governance stability and the implementation of appropriate reforms at institutional level in CAR’s hard minerals resources sector, success in the ght against capital ight is unlikely. -
AC Vol 40 No 10
6 August 1999 Vol 40 No 16 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL SIERRA LEONE 3 MOROCCO Problematic peace The ceasefire is just about holding Our friend, the new king a month after the 7 July peace deal. The next stage - the Young King Mohammed VI faces a tide of economic and social demobilisation and disarming of problems bequeathed by his father Hassan II the rebel RUF - looks much shakier. The mass outpouring of grief after the death of King Hassan II, one of Africa’s most ruthless and And it's being made worse by the canniest rulers, is fast being overtaken by worries about the future, particularly the shaky economy. lack of foreign funds for rehabilitation. A week after his father’s sudden death from a heart attack on 23 July, King Mohammed VI went to Fez to lead Friday prayers. This was a critical signal of political and religious continuity. Surrounded by the Makhzen (the Palace-run political establishment) Mohammed VI took over as Al KENYA 4 Amir al Mouminin (Commander of the Faithful), Morocco’s spiritual head. Mohammed had accepted the Ba’ya (oath of allegiance) from his subjects immediately after Hassan II’s death. Leakey's big game King Mohammed’s assumption of the spiritual leadership told Moroccans that it would be Once more President Moi has business as usual for the Chérifien monarchy (which, as the title indicates, claims descent from the confounded his critics. After Prophet, as well as legitimacy through the role in the Independence movement played by the late meeting World Bank President King Hassan’s father, King Mohammed V). -
Civil War in Central African Republic
The International Journal of Multidisciplinary Educational Research 1(2), pp. 13-29, November 2020 Available online http:// www.scholarly-journals.com/TIJMER ISSN 2431-7132 © 2020 Scholarly-Journals Full Length Research Paper Civil War in the Central African Republic from 2012- 2016: A Historical Perspective of Foreign and African Interventions Professor Amakievi Okien Ijeoma Gabriel Department of History and International Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities, Rivers State University, Nkpolu-Oroworukwo, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria. Email:[email protected] Received: 15 October, 2020, Accepted: 2 November, 2020, Published: 31 November, 2020 This discourse on the Second Civil War in the Central African Republic from 2012 to 2016 sought to unravel the causes of the war even though the first civil war which started in 2004 ended in 2008. The reasons for and the roles of intervention actors from Africa and outside Africa were examined. This study largely depended on journal articles, news bulletins, newspapers, and reports (secondary sources) that were readily available. With the skills of interpretation and objectivity as well as the significance of hindsight it was discovered that a fundamental issue was the disarticulation of interaction between the elites resident in Bangui, the capital city, and those residents in other parts of the country. The elites in Bangui did not have adequate knowledge of the challenges especially poverty, inadequate, and in some communities a complete lack of infrastructure for social good. They were also -
2003 Comprehensive Report on U.S. Trade and Investment Policy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa and Implementation of the African Growth and Opportunity Act
2003 COMPREHENSIVE REPORT ON U.S. TRADE AND INVESTMENT POLICY TOWARD SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AFRICAN GROWTH AND OPPORTUNITY ACT A Report Submitted by the President of the United States to the United States Congress Prepared by the Office of the United States Trade Representative THE THIRD OF EIGHT ANNUAL REPORTS MAY 2003 2003 Comprehensive Report on U.S. Trade and Investment Policy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa and Implementation of the African Growth and Opportunity Act The Third of Eight Annual Reports May 2003 Foreword ................................................................... iii I. U.S.-African Trade and Investment Highlights ..............................1 II. Executive Summary .....................................................3 III. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) ..........................5 A. AGOA Summary, Eligibility, and Implementation .................5 B. AGOA II ..................................................11 C. Outreach ..................................................11 IV. Economic and Trade Overview ..........................................15 A. Economic Growth ..........................................15 B. Africa’s Global Trade .......................................16 C. Trade with the United States ..................................18 D. International Financing, Investment Results, and Debt ..............19 E. Economic Reforms .........................................22 F. Reforms Undertaken by AGOA Beneficiary Countries ..............23 G. Regional Economic Integration -
Fiche Pays Republique Centrafricaine
FICHE PAYS REPUBLIQUE CENTRAFRICAINE Avertissement : ce document a été élaboré par la Représentation pour la France du HCR à partir d’informations publiques. Toutes les sources utilisées sont citées. Il ne prétend pas être exhaustif sur le pays dont il traite ni décisif pour apprécier l’aptitude d’un requérant à bénéficier du statut de réfugié ou de la protection subsidiaire. CONTEXTE ACTUEL Ancien territoire de l’Afrique-Equatoriale française (AEF), l’Oubangui-Chari a accédé à l’indépendance en 1960 sous le nom de République Centrafricaine. Le caractère enclavé du pays a freiné son développement mais sa situation géographique lui a longtemps conféré un intérêt stratégique de première importance pour la France qui y entretenait à Bangui et à Bouar deux de ses principales bases militaires. Depuis son indépendance jusqu’aux premières élections législatives pluralistes du 22 août 1993, si l’on excepte la brève parenthèse de la deuxième présidence Dacko (1979/1981), la république centrafricaine n’a connu qu’une suite de régimes autoritaires, de la première présidence Dacko (1960/1965) au régime militaire du président André Kolingba (1981/1993) en passant par l’ubuesque mais tragique épisode de Jean-Bedel Bokassa (1965/1979), sacré « empereur » en décembre 1977. Ses années de règne virent la dégradation des conditions de vie de la population. L’agitation culmina en août 1979 avec la révolte scolaire : des centaines d’enfants furent internés à la prison de Ngaragba de Bangui où, selon Amnesty international, 150 d’entre eux ont péri. Après qu’une Mission africaine d’information eut déclaré Bokassa personnellement responsable de ces massacres, l’opération Barracuda de l’armée française dépose Bokassa le 20 septembre et ramène au pouvoir l’ancien président David Dacko. -
Failing to Prevent Atrocities in the Central African Republic
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect Occasional Paper Series No. 7, September 2015 Too little, too late: Failing to prevent atrocities in the Central African Republic Evan Cinq-Mars The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect was established in February 2008 as a catalyst to promote and apply the norm of the “Responsibility to Protect” populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Through its programs and publications, the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect is a resource for governments, international institutions and civil society on prevention and early action to halt mass atrocity crimes. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Occasional Paper was produced with the generous support of Humanity United. ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Evan Cinq-Mars is an Advocacy Officer at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, where he monitors populations at risk of mass atrocities in Central African Republic (CAR), Burundi, Guinea and Mali. Evan also coordinates the Global Centre’s media strategy. Evan has undertaken two research missions to CAR since March 2014 to assess efforts to uphold the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). He has appeared as an expert commentator on the CAR situation on Al Jazeera and the BBC, and his analysis has appeared in Bloomberg, Foreign Policy, The Globe and Mail, Radio France International, TIME and VICE News. Evan was previously employed by the Centre for International Governance Innovation. He holds an M.A. in Global Governance, specializing in Conflict and Security, from the Balsillie School of International Affairs at the University of Waterloo. COVER PHOTO: Following a militia attack on a Fulani Muslim village, wounded children are watched over by Central African Republic soldiers in Bangui. -
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION Central African Republic
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION Central African Republic (C.A.R) had already faced political complexity and insurgencies since its independence. Due to the eagerness of certain group to gain power, most of the presidents of the country were overthrown in coups which made the central government could not effectively do its function in dealing with the problem. The problem became more complex in the end of 2012 when rebel group called Séléka emerged as the disappointment of Muslim minority in the northern area of the country toward the government. Séléka is also the alliances of previous rebels groups like Democratic Front for the People of the Central African Republic (FDPC), and the Union of Re-publican Forces (UFR). Being led by Michel Djotodia, Séléka launched individual attacks toward the citizens and conquered some cities including the capital. Actions taken by Séléka resulted the toppling down of Francois Bozize as the president and changed into Séléka’s leader, Michel Djotodia. Under Djotodia’s administration, he was beneficiated from his access to power and to public funding for his own personal enrichment. Not only the leader, the whole Séléka also benefited from the taxes gotten by them, selling parallel mining authorizations, trading and smuggling diamonds and also pre-financing mining activities. However, since Djotodia was chosen unilaterally only by the member of Séléka, he was not recognized by international actors. During his administration, Anti-Balaka re-emerged as the protest of power abuse done by Séléka. Anti-Balaka itself is a modern coalition of local vigilante groups who formed in self-defense to protect communities from rebel abuses, bandits, cattle-raiders and poachers. -
Fractured Peacebuilding in the Central African Republic Lessons for African Union Engagement Gustavo De Carvalho and Amanda Lucey
POLICY BRIEF 87 | JULY 2016 Fractured peacebuilding in the Central African Republic Lessons for African Union engagement Gustavo de Carvalho and Amanda Lucey Summary Key findings The Central African Republic (CAR) has seen decades of fractured peacebuilding processes. After holding elections in 2016, the country can The impact of the African seize the opportunity to reach sustainable peace. This policy brief looks 1Union (AU) can be seen most clearly in its capacity to at the role played by the African Union in supporting CAR’s peacebuilding convene stakeholders, including and post-conflict reconstruction and development processes; and identifies government, thereby supporting ways for the continental body to enhance its engagements. larger peacebuilding initiatives. The AU’s mandate to 2 engage on a post-conflict reconstruction and development THE PEACEBUILDING FIELD is desperate for more effective responses to countries framework can be more clearly facing or emerging from conflicts. A growing number of actors support peacebuilding defined in order to maximise its processes on the African continent, but, despite all their efforts, responses do not impact in this area. always achieve the desired results. The various peacebuilding actors and processes provide a complex and interlinked array of responses that may complement, parallel There is an increased AU and even compete with each other. interest in the Central African 3 In this context, an important case study is the Central African Republic (CAR). The Republic (CAR), which could country has been through various phases of conflict and has undergone some provide further opportunities for peacebuilding processes. However, continuous outbreaks of violence have forced linking with other AU-led initiatives. -
Immediate Priorities for Stabilization, Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in the Central African Republic
ADVOCACY DOCUMENT IMMEDIATE PRIORITIES FOR StaBILIZATION, PEACEBUILDING AND RECONCILiatiON IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC PRESENTED at THE High-Level SIDE EVENT ON CAR AT THE 70TH UN GENERAL ASSEMBly, OCTOBER 1, 2015 Immediate PRIORITIES FOR StaBILIZATION, PEACEBUILDING AND RECONCILiatiON IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC FOREWORD At this crucial stage in the history of the Central African Republic (CAR), we are gathered here with you to keep the flame of hope alive after the organization of the consultations with the people of CAR, a historic moment for my country since the people of the 16 prefectures took part in these consultations. The Bangui National Forum that followed confirmed the commitment of the people to put CAR back on the road of stability, reconciliation and peace. This Forum, for the political class, Central African civil society and armed groups, led to a historic consensus to turn the page on the various crises and usher in a new chapter of hope where security, reconciliation, justice, the fight against impunity, governance and economic development are now positioned as the major priorities for CAR. This, then, is the ideal we are pursuing. Meanwhile, we must also overcome the last challenge of the transition, that of organizing and holding a range of elections, particularly the presidential and parliamentary polls. Holding free, credible, inclusive and transparent elections over the entire country before 30 December 2015, pursuant to the ECCAS decision of July 2015, will mark the return to constitutional order and the end of the transition period. In this regard it is important, urgent even, to mobilize substantial financial resources not only for the implementation of all the operations to do with the organization of credible elections whose results are accepted by all, but also and especially for the many challenges after the transition.