Gondar - Architecture F Or the Representation of Fascist Rule
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GONDAR - ARCHITECTURE FOR THE REPRESENTATION OF FASCIST RULE What role did architecture play in identity formation and ideological representation in Italian-occupied Ethiopia? R6 The art of living in a damaged world Brent Patterson 27.05.2020 Johanna Toumieux Contents Introduction I. City planning to instil a fascist identity p.6 A ‘civilising’ mission Race laws and zoning II. Fascist architecture of Gondar: translating p.17 political order into built form The Post Office at the crossroads Circolo Militare e Coloniale, Comando Truppe III. Adunate: mass rallies as a historic p.20 connection to the Roman Empire and legitimisation of power The romanità narrative Conclusion Bibliography 1 Introduction The theme of this research paper is the ideological significance of architecture in Gondar, Ethiopia, during the Italian colonial period (1935-1941). Rooted in the ambition to recapture and dominate territories, which were once part of the Roman Empire, the invasion of Ethiopia played a major role in the construction of the Fascist identity and authority. Italy's involvement in East Africa consists of a complex history of events, politicians, ambitions and discourses. It began long before the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, before the fascist regime even came to power, with the purchase of Assab by the Italians in 1869. At the end of the 19th century, Italy was a recently unified nation (1861) seeking to build up its national identity and political power both in Europe and internationally. Italian nationalists spoke of reclaiming the importance of the Roman Empire through colonisation, with ambitions focused particularly on the African continent, which became the fighting ground of other European nations (Britain and France). This competition known as the “Scramble for Africa” was won by far better-equipped colonial powers, leaving Italy with a sense of deep frustration and humiliation, which lingered as Benito Mussolini rose to power, some forty years later. As a latecomer to both industrialisation and colonisation, Fransesco Crispi's government had to make a secret agreement with Britain, which already had a hold of African territory, to secure the Port of Massawa in Eritrea in 1886. This was the first major step in Italy’s ambition to controlling the Horn of Africa and with it access to the Red Sea. It was shortly followed by the occupation of parts of 2 Somaliland under several agreements made with the Somali Sultans. Italy’s interest in East Africa quickly turned to the Abyssinian Empire, ruled by Menelik II. In 1896, the Treaty of Wuchale was signed between the two nations; for Italy, Ethiopia became a protectorate, a subordinate country depending on a superior power’s protection and partial control. For the Ethiopians, the relation was primarily diplomatic, to facilitate foreign affairs between Menelik II and other European powers. These two very different interpretations led to the first Italo-Ethiopian conflict, where Italy attempted to force Ethiopia to accept the Treaty through military action. Vastly outnumbered and under-equipped, Italian forces led by General Oreste Baratieri were heavily defeated at the battle of Adwa (March 1896). This defeat triggered riots in Italy, and the collapse of Crispi’s government. Italy was forced to recognize Ethiopia’s independence, a severe blow to the national identity, which Mussolini will later seek to avenge.1 On the Ethiopian side, the 1880s and 1890s were marked by Menelik’s campaigns to incorporate new territories into the Ethiopian Empire, resulting in a sovereign nation. However, as Benito Mussolini seized power in 1925, Ethiopia’s independence was once again threatened. Though not subject to a formal declaration, Italy began the second Italo-Ethiopian War in 1935, claiming to respond to an Ethiopian border attack. Emperor Haile Selassie attempted to plead the country's cause to the League of Nations, but was unsuccessful as the most powerful countries were all engaged in colonialism. In 1936, Italy succeeded in its 1 Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta, Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini’s Italy (1997) University of California, p. 160-161. 3 long-awaited conquest of Ethiopia, through a strategically planned attack and the use of modern weapons and techniques.2 As former capital of the Abyssinian Empire, Gondar was appointed one of Italian East Africa’s main administrative centres. Thousands of Italians settled in Ethiopia to farm the land, expecting to profit from cheap labour and live as a privileged class on a “civilising mission” in a land of poverty. In the first part we will explore how Italian architects and city planners organized the city into different zones according to fascist ideas of social class and racial separation. Administrative buildings and other seats of power, located in strategic locations such as important crossroads, were meant to convey an image of Italian superiority and authority. Several major buildings will be analysed in the second part, based on historian David Rifkind’s interpretation of their location, along with physical and symbolic aspects, in the Fascist representation and colonial discourse. Finally, we will focus on a recurring practice: the appropriation of existing buildings of national importance for use by the Fascist regime, such as the Ras Biet Palace, which also had a large public space in front, which was used for Adunate (mass rallies). Thus evoking historic links to the Roman Empire as a legitimisation of power, and appropriating symbolically the ancient Abyssinian imperial city through ritual practice. This raises the question of the role of architecture as a material, historical backdrop for ephemeral events. 2 Ibid., p. 14. 4 Ethiopia is unique among other African nations as it was the first to be recognized as an independent state, enter the League of Nations, and experience a relatively short period of European rule. This essay will be based on historical research, in the aim of understanding and analysing the complex situation of the Italo-Ethiopian conflict through its repercussions on architecture, while attempting to question the idea of “humane colonialism.” 5 I. City planning to instil a Fascist Identity A civilising mission European colonialism in Africa was developed by major powers such as Britain, Spain, Portugal, France, Germany and Italy. Similarly to the other powers, the Fascist state established a colonial structure, which enabled them to control their colonies and benefit from their land, natural resources and labour.3 The impact of colonisation on all subordinate countries is political, economic, environmental, psychological, and the repercussions are present to this day. However, Ruchi Shree argues that “how and to what extent any country was affected was dependent upon numerous factors.”4 One of the distinctions she mentions is between ‘settler colonialism’ and ‘exploitation colonialism.’ Italy’s approach in East Africa can be described as ‘settler colonialism,’ as it was a large-scale immigration motivated by economic and political expansion. ‘Exploitation colonialism’ is similar, but mainly focused on the access of the colony’s raw materials to export to the homeland, as was the case for the British Empire in India, Egypt and South Africa. European Empires often justified colonisation (particularly on the African continent) by putting forward the various improvements they made in infrastructure, health services and education. The native population was represented as uncivilised prior to the arrival of white, racially superior colonists. The Italian Colonial Empire was no different in this respect, however it did “have many peculiarities that set it apart from other African colonies, starting with the 3 Shree, Ruchi. “Colonialism in Comparative Perspective: Meaning, Context and Forms.” University of Delhi.(2011 )p.4. 4 Ibid., p. 13. 6 particular way in which it was created and populated, not to mention its dependence on the totalitarian nature of the Fascist regime,” as Giulia Barrera states.5 It is therefore important to note that Italy made an insistent point of presenting the colonisation of Ethiopia to the public in a very dramatic way, hoping to shape settlers and natives into fascist identities. In the book Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini’s Italy, Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi analyses the construction process of M ussolini’s discourse as Italy’s claims on East Africa broadened in the early 20th century. The author speaks of a strong parallel between agricultural and military operations: the army of farmers engaged in a Battle of Wheat (1925) in Italy’s countryside “created the premises for the “legitimate” heroic role Italy played in the theatre of world politics.”6 Italy’s colonial enterprise was portrayed as a “civilising mission” carried out by unemployed urban Italians7 who were relocated as farmers in East Africa. Architecture was used to draw them into the government’s demographic colonisation policy; in Gondar they were promised housing and work, but also a range of amenities which were familiar to them (cafes, shops, cinemas, etc.).8 The settlers served both their own nation, which needed more 'living space', and the colonised countries, which they developed through agriculture. This interpretation of reality “found its apotheosis in the rhetorical construction of the Ethiopian war.”9 Benedetta Zocchi analyses the drastic turn in the collective perception of Italian colonialism in East Africa from liberal 5 Barrera, Giulia. “Mussolini's colonial race laws and state-settler relations in Africa Orientale Italiana (1935-41),” Journal of Modern Italian Studies (2003): p. 2. 6 Falasca-Zamponi, op. cit., p. 160-161. 7 Rifkind, David, “Gondar. Architecture and Urbanism for Italy’s Fascist Empire,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians v.70, n.4 (December 2011), 494. 8 Ibid. p.497 9 Falasca-Zamponi, op. cit., p.161. 7 colonialism into a “purely imperialist mission”.10 The early phase relied on caricaturing descriptions of African natives and their way of life to make a parallel between race and levels of morality.