The Social Studies (2011) 102, 25–32 Copyright C Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0037-7996 print / 2152-405X online DOI: 10.1080/00377996.2011.533043 The Chicano Movement: Paths to Power JOSE´ ANGEL´ GUTIERREZ´ Political Science, University of Texas-Arlington, Arlington, Texas, USA This article is a quick overview of the Chicano Movement (CM) with specific analyses of the five major strategies employed by its adherents to effect social change. The CM was a social movement that occurred in the United States with increased activity in the southwest and midwest during a time frame: 1950s to 1980s. Persons of Mexican ancestry residing in the U.S. were its participants and self-identified as Chicanos. The term Chicano stems from the ancient Nahuatl language of the Meshica (Meh Shee Ka) peoples, also known as the Aztecs. Shicano is a shortened version of Meshicano; later pronunciation changed to Chicano and, for some in spelling, Xicano. As a social movement, the CM had as its ultimate goals the acquisition of political power with which to change the power relations between them and the Euro-Americans, also known as the Anglos. Keywords: alliances, coalitions, litigation, nonviolence, political power, power relations, protest and demonstrations, social movement Brief History of Incorporation after independence and a brief stint as a nation became a U.S. state by 1845. In five years, the first U.S. Census took On three occasions, two of which were violent encounters, place in Texas and reported that 28 percent of the inhabi- the United States border moved toward Mexico and incor- tants were African slaves. Across the southwest, the census porated not only land mass but also Mexican people. The figures counted the Euro-Americans (Anglos) with little first movement of the border occurred with the Texas revolt concern for an accurate count of Native Americans, Mex- of 1836. The second movement occurred with the U.S. in- icans, or freed slaves. Estimates by demographers and his- vasion of Mexico in 1846. The final border movement came torians of the Mexican population remaining in the United about through a real estate deal, the Gadsden Purchase in States in 1850 range from 88,000 to 100,000. The others 1853. By the time of the U.S. Civil War, the continental map had repatriated to Mexico or were removed or killed dur- face of the country looked much like it does today, stretched ing the battles for the land. Consequently, the remaining from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Gulf Coast to Great Lakes, Mexicans, Native Americans, and Africans have since time and with two national borders: Canada to the north and immemorial sought to gain leverage at the expense of the Mexico to the south. When borders move, the people in- other groups to obtain ascendency within the social pyra- corporated become the powerless minority—foreigners in mid and become the second group with power behind the their own lands. Often, they lose title to their lands and Anglos. A power relation between all groups has been a key ownership of businesses. They become the unwanted, sub- concern for these inhabitants to the present time. ject to gross discrimination and harassment accompanied In 1910 revolution broke out in Mexico, and nearly a by violence at the hands of state actors. The victors become million people returned to their ancient homelands in the the authority figures—the powerful majority that creates United States for safety. This Back-to-Mexico Manana˜ a new political culture often imposing a new legal system, generation believed the revolution would end shortly and language policy, religion, education and economic systems, they would return. It did not. The few Mexicans who real- and a racial hierarchy. The victors place themselves at the ized the United States was their home country once again top of the social pyramid as the dominant class. Those re- formed the first civil rights organization, the League of maining as the border moved and who were incorporated United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) in 1929. They are settled into varying layers of other classes. The bottom began to charter an incorporation strategy leading to as- class is composed of the least desirable of people.1 Texas similation into Anglo culture. Normalcy in the Mexico’s political culture, however, did not come about until the 1930s.2 During the Great Depres- Address correspondence to Jose´ Angel´ Gutierrez,´ Political Sci- sion of the 1930s, millions of Mexicans were deported from ence, University of Texas-Arlington, 400 S. Zang Blvd., Ste. 144, the United States to Mexico. Within these two decades, Dallas, TX 75208, USA. E-mail: [email protected] however, another million-plus Mexican children were born 26 Gutierrez´ in the United States: the first Mexican Americans. These factories across the country: El Monte, California (berry baby boomers became the World War II generation of re- pickers), San Joaquin Valley (cotton pickers), Fort Lup- turning veterans demanding civil rights.3 Returning Mex- ton, Greeley, and Fort Collins, Denver, Colorado (sugar ican American veterans formed the American GI Forum beet laborers), San Antonio, Texas (Finck cigar makers (AGIF) in 1948 to defend against discrimination and se- and pecan shellers), Chicago, Illinois (steel workers), and cure for themselves the rights of first-class citizens. A year the zoot suit battles (pachucos) with Los Angeles police prior, in 1947, the United States and Mexico initiated an units and U.S. Navy sailors and Marines. The movie Salt emergency war measure called the Bracero Program that of the Earth (1954, Independent Productions Company) ended in the early 1960s. Millions of Mexican men were depicts the long fight between Mexican families and the contracted to work in U.S. enterprises—primarily agricul- Empire Zinc company in Silver City, New Mexico, from ture, railroads, fisheries, and forestry. Ironically, during the 1950 to 1952. first Eisenhower administration, Operation Wetback(1954) The labor tradition of strikes and product boycotts were was instituted that once again resulted in the massive de- continued during the Chicano generation by the first Chi- portation of Mexicans from U.S. soil. The U.S. addiction to cano leader, Cesar E. Chavez. He self-identified as Chicano official cheap Mexican labor began and introduced a new and led farm workers, primarily in California, to many labor arrangement between the countries: Mexico sends victories that had eluded other labor groups previously laborers, who in turn send money (remittances) home; the and helped organize the United Farm Workers of Amer- United States allows them in with the left hand and deports ica. Texas, Ohio, Florida, Arizona, Washington, Oregon, some of them with the right hand. and Wisconsin have also had local labor leaders engage in Over the next two decades (1950–1970), the Mexican similar successful labor fights with owners. Another Chi- American baby-boom generation became parents them- cano leader of the era named Reies Lopez Tijerina led an selves and gave birth to the Chicano generation.4 Ignacio armed band and occupied the court house in Tierra Amar- M. Garcia (1997) in his book Chicanismo: The Forging of illa, New Mexico. Tijerina and his followers continued to a Militant Ethos among Mexican Americans, explains that use the constitutional power of a citizen’s arrest to tar- this generation, unlike the prior two, rejected assimilation get “enemies of the people” such as the scientists at Los into Anglo culture and forged a new ethnic identity neither Alamos Nuclear Laboratory, Chief Justice Warren Burger, Mexican nor Mexican American but as Chicanos. They and other officials. His group, La Alianza de Pueblos Li- set out on a nationalist strategy to become a little nation bres, occupied several federal park lands and historic sites, within the larger nation. They engaged in nation-building. reclaiming them as stolen land grants. Usually these activi- It was Chicanos who fully explored the use of various paths ties resulted in armed confrontations and ultimately arrests to power in pursuit of justice and equality for their group. and convictions for Tijerina and others. The five major paths they took to acquire power were re- volt, litigation, protest, electoral work, and building coali- tions/alliances. This is not to say that prior generations did Paths to Power: Protests and Demonstrations not employ such paths, only that this Chicano generation used and institutionalized these paths to power to a greater Nonviolent protests and demonstrations do not mean non- extent even compared to this day. action. On the contrary, nonviolence is a philosophy while the practice of nonviolent protests is a powerful action tactic and strategy. The philosophy and the practice have Paths to Power: Revolt been the foci of research and studies since the birth of Chris- tianity by scholars and middle schoolers such as those at Revolt, insurrection, and self-defense by Mexicans have the Rio Gallinas Public Charter School in Las Vegas, New been commonplace since the loss of land in Texas and the Mexico.6 Chicanos, mainly youth, in the 1960s and into southwest. Any internet search engine will produce ample the 1970s were the primary practitioners of this path to results for such violent events as the New Mexico activities power. The main Chicano targets for reform in the 1960s of the Gorras Blancas and the Mano Negra, the Ludlow were the public schools. The teachers, curriculum, cafete- Massacre of 1913 in Colorado, the Plan de San Diego in ria food, textbooks, testing, student culture and life, school 1915 (Texas), Pancho Villa’s raid of Columbus, New Mex- administration, and governance structure were all Anglo- ico, in 1916, and the labor wars in Arizona during 1914– centric. English was the only language allowed spoken in 1917, also known as the Clifton-Morenci strikes.