Language Documentation: Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Palm Weaving Products in Some of Timor Regioni

June Jacob Artha Wacana Christian University

[email protected]

ABSTRACT

This paper explores Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) used by the Rikou, and Uab Meto indigenous language communities, especially in palm weaving products. The aims of this paper are to document: 1)the TEK of palm weaving products in the Rikou, Amarasi and Uab Meto languages, 2)ways that TEK of palm weaving products are transmitted intergenerationally, and 3)whether some parts of the TEK of palm weaving products are shared by several indigenous communities. As an exercise in language documentation, this study hopes to preserve and promote TEK in many ways, especially through the “local content” part of the educational curriculum. Nusa Tenggara Timur Province (NTT) is well known for its palm weaving products. At every important occasion, indigenous communities in NTT use palm weaving products, often for everyday activities as well as to show their identities. In a Timorese marriage ceremony, for example, it is a must to use oko mama (betelnut container) as part of proposing to a woman. Oko mama is presented by the speaker of the man’s family to the speaker of the woman’s family.When it is accepted, then the marriage can proceed. Many palm weaving products are also used in the houses, gardens, plantations, rice fields and elsewhere. However, many modern products such as plastics, are recentlyreplacing these traditional products. According to Ross (2002), education, too, can also be a threat. Thus, younger generations who have been increasingly exposed to modern commerce and schooling may be more likely to engage in independent discovery than their older counterparts who live a more traditional lifestyle and may be more likely to engage in collective (interdependent) learning activities. Regarding the specific domain of ecological knowledge acquisition, several studies have reported indigenous perceptions of TEK loss, providing evidence of it, but they have not examined changes in the actual process of TEK transmission that might have led to such loss.

Keywords: language documentation, palm weaving products, traditional ecological knowledge, Timor, Rote, Amarasi, Uab Meto, Rikou, lontar, Borassus

1. BACKGROUND

The urgent need to document a language and the traditional ecological knowledge of its speakers has come about due to the increasing awareness regarding the speed of language loss within the last century. This movement provides great insight about the linguistic issues in documenting a language, as well as documenting the complex non-linguistic factors that allowed the emergence of ecological knowledge in indigenous communities’ respective experiences to allow a simple modeling of efforts.

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Any model for documenting a language has to encompass the interdependency between linguistic and ecological factors. Indigenous communities around the world have always understood their knowledge of the environment to be important and valuable. They have developed, enhanced, and protected their knowledge forms, and, hopefully, have transmitted them to younger generations. Language documenters and ecologists need to recognise that there is one issue that is of mutual concern to both, that is the relationship between ethnic groups and the natural environment in which these groups live. Linguists are well aware that the preservation of an endangered language depends on the preservation of the community that speaks the language. A community’s culture develops in relation to its biological environment. Language and culture are closely linked in that language encodes and expresses culture, while culture provides the social context in which language is used. Therefore, when a minority community’s cultural traditions are endangered by disruption of their relations with their traditional environment, these threats to their culture can be expected to affect their use of language. Linguists, therefore, have reason to take an interest in the relationship between ethnic groups and their biological environment, and to work with ecologists in designing environment conservation programs that respect and address the needs of indigenous groups whose livelihood depends upon the areas that needed to be conserved(Coelho, 2005).

This paper explores traditional ecological knowledge used by the Rikou, Amarasi and Uab Meto indigenous language communities especially in palm weavingproducts, as well as aiming to preserve and promote them in many ways, especially in the “local content” part of the educational curriculum.

The research problems explored here are: 1. What is the current TEK of palm weaving products in Rotenese, Amarasi and Uab Meto languages? 2. How are TEK of palm weaving products transmitted intergenerationally? 3. Are some parts of the TEK of palm weaving products shared by several indigenous communities? If so, what is the relationship between these groups?

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2. TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE

It is important to understand what Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) is. In general, TEK is part of the oral tradition; passed from generation to generation and nurtured with experience. Johnson (1991) presents a functional explanation that encompasses some of its nuances: “Traditional environmental knowledge, or TEK, can generally be defined as a body of knowledge built up by a group of people through generations of living in close contact with nature. It includes a system of classification, a set of empirical observations about the local environment, and a system of self-management that governs resource use. The quantity and quality of traditional environmental knowledge varies among community members, depending upon gender, age, social status, intellectual capability, and profession (hunter, spiritual leader, healer, etc.). With its roots firmly in the past, traditional environmental knowledge is both cumulative and dynamic, building upon the experience of earlier generations and adapting to the new technological and socioeconomic changes in the present.”

According to Inglis (1993) in A Teacher’s Guide for the Video Sila Alangotok—Inuit Observations on Climate Change, TEK has been defined as:

“…the knowledge base acquired by indigenous and local people over many hundreds of years through direct contact with the environment. It includes an intimate and detailed knowledge of plants, animals, and natural phenomena, the development and use of appropriate technologies for hunting, fishing, trapping, agriculture, and forestry and a holistic knowledge, or ‘worldview’ which parallels the scientific disciplines of ecology.”

Berkes (2008) stated that TEK is “...a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationships of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environments.”

TEK or indigenous knowledge uses the information, advice and wisdom that has evolved over centuries of living as part of the environment or ecology. TEK is a valuable source of environmental or ecological information that allows communities to realize their own expertise, and apply their own knowledge and practices to help protect their way of life.

3. THE RESEARCH AND THE DATA COLLECTED The writercollected data relating to TEK in three different villages, from three different communities speaking Austronesian languages. They are: the village of Kota

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Dale for the Rikou language in East Rote, Nekmese for the Amarasi language in the mountains west of Kupang, and Supul near Niki-Niki in South Central Timor. All data have been obtained through observation and interview of the palm weavers themselves and some elders.

3.1. Sociolinguistic Profile

Map of Rikou, Amarasi and Uab Meto

Uab Meto

Rikou Amarasi

1. Rikou According to 2014(www.ethnologue.com) Rikou (rgu) has 12,000 speakers, with a vigorous use of languagespoken in all domains by all ages. Rikou has several alternate names such as Eastern Rote, Ringgou, Roti. The speakers are spread in the Rikou, Landu and Oe Pao traditional kingships of Rote Island. It is classified as Austronesian, Malayo-Polynesian,CEMP, Timor-Babar, Nuclear Timor, Rote, with three different dialects: Landu, Oe Pao, and Rikou. Rikou is part of the Rote cluster of closely related languages and dialects.

2. Amarasi The Ethnologue2014 (www.ethnologue.com) notes that Amarasi [aaz] has 70,000 speakers. There are 80 villages in Amarasi with several dialects: Kotos is central and east, Ro’is is west, Ro’is Tais Nonof is south, Ro’is Hero is surrounded by Helong [heg] speakers. Amarasi is also part of larger Uab Meto cluster of closely related languages and dialects. Amarasi shows differences in phonology, vocabulary and 4 discourse, with semantic shift, structural differences, intelligibility problems from other varieties of Uab Meto.

3. Uab Meto

The Ethnologue 2014 (www.ethnologue.com) mentioned that according to 2009 cencus, the number of Uab Meto speakers is around 700,000. The language classification: Austronesian, Malayo-Polynesian, CEMP, Timor-Babar, Nuclear Timor, Uab Meto. There are many varieties vary from intelligible dialects, to non-intelligible but closely related languages: Amanuban-Amanatun (Amanatun, Amanuban, Amanubang), Amfoan-Fatule’u-Amabi (Amabi, Amfoan, Amfuang, Fatule’u), Biboki- Insana (Biboki, Insanao), Kusa Manlea (Kusa, Manea, Manlea), Mollo-Miamafo (Miomafo, Mollo). Much dialect variation. Ethological and linguistic differences in nearly every valley. Amarasi [aaz] and Baikeno [bkx] are also part of the greater Uab Meto cluster.

3.2. The importance of the lontar tree in NTT

The palm tree, which is known locally as thelontaror tuaktree, is a kind of Borassus sundaicus Beccari that growsin many places throughout NTT. Noone has ever cultivated the lontar tree as people consider it to grow wild. There are male and female lontar trees. The male, when old enough, can be seen with flowers and long-kind of phallus with no fruit. The female tree grows more abundantly than the male tree. In a cluster of trees, female trees can be in a ratio of ten to one of male trees. Female lontar have flowers with shortkind of phallus and round fruit (saboak or siboak).

Figure 1. Group of lontar trees

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During field research, the writer also went to the houses of several informants. Most of their houses are build from lontar; from the foundation of the house up to the roof, as well as fences to protect their yards from loose cattle.

Figure 2. Traditional house and fence made from the lontar tree

Questions were asked of how important the lontar tree was for the people of these language groups. Their answers showed similarities between Rikou, Amarasi and Uab Meto. They were born, raised and died with lontar tree. A story was told by native speakers of Rikou, Ribka Kedoh-Jacob and Paul Nako (personal communication), that a fruit of lontar tree was once floating to-and-fro on the sea. A Rikou man from Papela swam in and took the fruit home. He planted sain boa– the fruit belong to the deep sea, in Pisioe Saebolo, a village on west side of Pepela in eastern Rote Island. After several years, the tree produced flowers, and it was the female tree that he named it tua feto(‘female tuak tree’) for after several seasons, the tree produced fruit. There also grew the male tree or tua mane' (‘male tuak tree’).This tree bloomed, however,it did not produce fruit. Since that time, the Rikou people climbed up the tua feto to tap the juice because the juice was very sweet, indeed. Tua mane’ could also be tapped but it had plain taste. The Rikou hat called silaka, weaved from the palm leaf, has 4 kinds. They are: 1. silaka mane’ (‘king's hat’, or silaka palu kadua), 2. silaka tamuku-tamuku (‘district leader's hat’, or silaka palu kapise), 3. silaka raun (‘commoner's hat’ which is the present day ti’i langga hat iconic to Rote), 4. silaka manafoo (‘shepherd's hat’,orsilaka pet). Each social class should wearits own type of hat. If a shepherd were caught wearing the hat from a different social class, say, the silaka mane’ for example, he would be given a fine to pay his transgressionwith a buffalo to thekings,or what was

6 appropriate. Each man wore the hat according to task assigned by the kings or authorities.

Figure 3. Kinds of Silaka in Rikou Kinds Function (in Rikou) worn by 1. silaka mane’ silaka palu kadua Kings 2. silaka tamuku silaka palu kapise head of subdistrict 3. silaka manafoo silaka pet Shepherd 4. silaka raun - ordinary people (present day)

According toAmarasiwordsmith Roni Bani (personal communication), the lontar tree is as important as the life of Amarasi people. Once a female or a male is considered mature enough to get married, a man must be able climb the lontar tree and know how to tap the palm juice, because that is the way he can feed his family. A woman must know how to make palm sugar, know how to weave the palm leaves into tupa’, tobe, spai, pese’, oko mama, etc. because it is the woman’s responsibility to prepare food for the family. Parents will announce in public that their son is ready to be a man and support a family, “Hit aan mone anheir tua' ate, na'oe, annaa' beens ate, naheer.” –“Our son taps the palm juice, the palm juice flows, he holds the machete firmly/skilfully.” They will also announce to the public, that their daughter is ready to weave palm leaves and traditional cloth, and cook for her family, “Hit aan feto nsiif poon goa te, nmanoe, nakeon ike te, ankeo.” –“Our daughter weaves palm leaves, she can weave, indeed, she can spin thread for weaving traditional cloth”. In personal communication with Rev. Hengky Abineno, a fluent speaker of Uab Meto, the cultural practice of palm weaving activities is also part of the life cycle of the Atoin Pah Meto, the Uab Meto people. Since a small child, females and males have been assigned a division of labor according to their gendered roles. A girl is undertood to be closer to the kitchen and a boy to be closer to tapping palm juice and clearing the garden to plant vegetables, fruits, rice, corn, etc. So it is natural when a girl is advised, “Ho mukaun pese' enati es nahiin ko aan bifee.”–“Weaving the mat fromlontar leaves is how people knowthat you are a female.”A boy is advised, “Heir tua' ma 'oet lene.”– A man must “tap the lontar juice and clear/cut the garden.” When a girl has developed into a woman and is about ready to get married, a mother would announce to the extended family that, “Au aanh aa na'naa jen, nteni' kreo matsao.” – “My daughter has developed (into a woman), and soon she can get married.”When mature, a

7 son's parents announce that, “Au aanh ii nahiin lais leko ma lais le'uf” – “My son knows (the difference between) good and bad.” Speakers of all three of these Austronesian languages mentioned how important the lontar palm is in their everyday life. They all related it to their cultural heritage, values and their daily activities.

3.3. The TEK of palm weaving products

Weaving palm leaves is considered a female activity. In the area where the research took place, alot of middle-aged women spend their time in the evening weaving the young palm leaves. Below are some of the things they made. As they told it, they did it because they had nothing better to do while the night was still long.

3.3.1. TEK of palm weaving products in Rikou

In Kota Dale of Rikou, one 45 year-old male, named Yos Kedoh organised 5 older women to weave in his house. They started in the morning at around 8 and left what they have already started three hours later. Most of them went home to cook for their family. And the palm leaves were becoming difficult to bend as the leaves became crunchy as they dried out. They would often start the work during the night when the cool air kept the leaves pliable. Here are some of their products below:

Figure 4. Names of palm weaving products of Rikou

Pictures Names Functions loka' ‘drainer’ to drain boiled meat or vegetables

sosoro' ‘fish basket’ a basket to put fish

niru ‘winnowing basket’ to winnow rice

haik ‘palm juice container’ container to put palm juice

lapaneu ‘rice basket’ big basket to store rice (still in the husk)

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nuu' ‘chicken basket’ basket for chicken to lay eggs

dope mana' ‘knife’s sheath’ sheath to carry or protect a knife

tabueis ‘palm sandals’ sandals made of palm leaves

silaka ‘palm hat’ traditional palm hat

mea'‘mat’ palm mat for sitting or sleeping

tua buna'‘palm flower’ flower of palm tree

bo'a ‘garden bag’ small garden bag

fifiluk ‘rice container’ diamond-shaped rice container for ketupak

kikifu ai ‘fire fan’ six cornered fan

3.3.2. TEK of palm weaving products in Amarasi

In Nekmese for Amarasi, a female named Naomi Bani-Tlonaen aged 54, organised a group of 3 middle aged women and two elder males in weaving the palm leaves. They started at 7 o’clock and broke off to do their daily activities after weaving for 4 hours. They resumed again at 6 pm and continued weaving until 9 pm. Naomi told the writer that they had to buy the young leaves (polok) in Oesao at the market place, where palm leaves are sold by most of the Amarasi merchants who brought the leaves

9 from the Buraen area on the south coast. This place has many palm trees. Nekmese, however is a new village resettlement from 5 small villages that were spread out. Since they were resettled, they are away from their wildly grown lontar trees.Since the villages joined in Nekmese, noone has cultivated the trees. Most of them plant vegetables and fruit to sell in Oesao, as well as for their own needs. Most women do little other than weave cloths. They rarely weave palm leaves anymore, since the materials are far away in their old abandoned villages, and expensive to buy at the market. The writer could see 5 palm trees in the modern village of Nekmese. Below are some of the palm weaving products made by mama Naomi Bani-Tlonaen and some of her friends:

Figure 5. Names of Palm weaving products of Amarasi

Pictures Name Function oko mama ‘four cornered a box to put betelnut (areca), betel betelnut container’ pepper, lime (mineral) and tobacco.This belongs to females.

sasu'‘chicken tray’ a craft to keep chicken during travelling

tupa ‘winnowing basket’ a basket to winnow rice

tobe ‘five cornered tray’ a container functioning as tray

spai ‘harvest basket’ a loosely woven basket in which to place garden produce

kiu' manu ‘chicken cage’ a container to keep chickenswhile traveling or waiting for cock fights

a'kapi ‘round betelnut a container to keep ingredients for container’ chewing betelnut (like oko mama)

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pese'’fan’ traditional palm fan

kora'‘garden container’ a container to put garden produce in

sa'u ‘spice container’ a small container to keep spices

3.2.3. TEK of palm weaving products in Uab Meto

Supul is a village where Uab Meto weaving crafts was taken place. It is closer to Niki-Niki, the sub-district of South Central Timor Regency. Supul is closer to the old kingdom of Niki-Niki where the family of King Nope live. The king and his three wives received the villagers’ harvest as part of honoring the king in the best containers that they could present. It is the reason that the writer found out that the people speaking Uab Meto in Supul had very complex palm weaving and decorated their products with colorful dye from leaves, roots, and inner bark. But more recently it has changed to use modern commercial dyes and threads. Mama Ansamina Banunaek, aged 60, organised a group of mostly middle aged women to weave palm leaf crafts. These women are very skillful as they weaved small patterns of palm leaves into colorful products. They started at 8am,and contiued the whole day until 4 pm. They brought the leaves from their houses where the palm trees grow nearby. Since the leaves were new, they could weave through the day and had no difficulty with bending the leaves. Most of their products were completedby afternoon. Below are some of the products woven by the Uab Meto speakers in Supul:

Figure 6. Names of palm weaving products of Uab Meto

Pictures Names Function taka ‘rice container’ a container to put rice, peeled-dried corn

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tobe ‘five cornered tray’ a container function as tray

ook beti ‘food container’ a container to keep cooked food, or trailfood

tupa' ‘tray’ a four-cornered tray for presenting cloth at formal occasions

oko skiki ‘mouth brush a small container to keep mouth brush container’

pau' tapan ‘container for a container to keep the betenut pounder betel pounder’ for older people who have lost their teeth

ook tuke ‘betelnut a container belonging to males to keep container’ betelnut ingredients (compare with oko mama)

beis tapa'‘sheath for a a sheath for protecting or carrying a knife’ small knife

pese' ‘fan’ five-cornered fan

oko mama ‘four cornered a box to put betelnut (areca), betel betelnut container’ pepper, lime (mineral) and tobacco.This belongs to females.

sau' beti ‘rounded tray a sort of tray to put oko mama or cloth for presenting to dignitaries or guests

Of all the productsmade by the weavers, the writer found that the Uab Meto speakers had the most complex and colorful. They are never plain. They also use symbolic patterns in the products they weaved. The Rikou weaving is relatively plain, and if they use coloring, it is always brown. Amarasi is the plainest of all. This is due to the lack of the trees around their new settlement. Not because they cannot dye, but they are reluctant to do so, as mentioned by Naomi Bani-Tlonaen.

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3.3. How TEK of palm weaving is transmitted intergenerationally

When questioned about how the palm weaving knowledgeis transmitted intergenerationnally, the responses by the weavers themselves are basically the same from Rikou, Amarasi to Uab Meto. Below are several ways the TEK of palm weaving are passed on to others: 3.3.1. Genderedactivities

Men are supposed to climb palm trees andtap the palm juice, while women are supposed to weave palm leaves and make palm sugar. Both men and women can sell products at the market to earn money to pay for what they need daily, pay children’s school fees, stationery, books, etc. Men can jump from one tree to the other by bridging the palm branches together in order to be more efficient in tapping the juice of dozens of palm trees close by. But while jumping across trees saves time, it is also a high risk activity, and everyone knows someone who fell to their death. Since it takes time to tap the trees, it can take up a man’s entire morning and late afternoon during the tapping season. Womencapably and artistically weave palm leaves beautifully into dozens of palm leaf products.

3.3.2. House chores

Men often bring home some fresh young leaves after tapping palm juice. Some men might build fences around their houses, yards, or gardens with palm leafstems so cows, water buffalo, pigs, horses, and goats will not destroy their yards or gardens. Women, on the other hand, gather at home at night and during the rainy season, and they weave the palm leaves for kitchen utensils and other needs.

3.3.3. Knowledge transfer for becoming future cloth weavers

Women in these three places explained the importance of learning how to weave palm leaf as part of learning to weave traditional cloth. Once a girl has mastered how to weave palm leaves, the mothers will willingly teach them how to weave cloth. Patterns used in weaving palm leaves are similar to patterns of cloth weaving.

3.3.4. Strengthening social relationships

Women often weave palm leaves in groups because they enjoy the opportunity for human interaction. It is these Austonesian societies’ custom to take/bring something

13 to show people their generosity and willingness to help one another. Men exchange betelnut with each other.Women bring cloth in tobe, food in ook beti, etc. during cultural activities, family gatherings, marriage ceremonies, funerals, or even in their everyday life activities when they meet their families, relatives or strangers.

3.3.5. Marriage duties

When a male or a female is considered mature enough, each should fulfill the duties that are appropriate at the time for them to get married and continue the family line. A man must know how to climb palm trees so he can provide food for his family. A woman must know how to weave cloth for providing clothes to wear and to weave palm leaves as kitchen utensils for use in preparing and cooking food for her family. According to Amarasi proverbs:Hit aan mone anheir tua' ate na'oe, annaa' beens ate, naheer.andHit aan feto nsiif poon goa te, nmanoe, nakeon ike te, ankeo.–“Our son taps the lontar palm, and the palm juice flows. He knows how towield the machetefirmly.” and“Our daughter weaves palm leaves skilfully. She knows how to spin thread for weaving traditional cloth well.”According to a UabMeto proverb:Heer tua' ma 'oet rene, na' muhiin suut jen aah.–“Tapping the lontar palm and cutting a (new) garden, only then do you know how to provide food for (your) family”

3.3.6. Respect for leaders or traditional elders

Most Austronesian societies show honor and respect for their leaders and traditional elders. They will bring ‘upeti’ or tribute paid to a higher social position, as part of showing their gratitude and loyalty to their leaders and elders. In this case, they must take their best palm weaving products filled with their harvest and other gifts. They consider their tribute as, “If it is good from outside, then the inside is much better.” That is why women must make use of their creativity to make the best palm weaving products for presenting to leaders and elders.

3.4.Aspects of TEK of palm weaving shared by several indigenous communities

It is true that, nowadays, palm weaving products are made both for personal use and also for earning additional income for the weavers. However, going to market costs a lot of money for riding on the bemos – local transportation, ojek – hired motorcyle, or trucks and pick-ups, due to the long distances they have from their homes to the market. 14

They may even bring home nothing, since what they sold earns very little compared to the cost of transport. Below are some aspects of palm weaving shared by Rikou, Amarasi and Uab Meto speaking societies:

3.4.1. Palm weaving as killing time

According to some women being interviewed, palm weaving is a hobby, a spending time for nothing, for most of their time women and men spend time outside working in the gardens. Most of the women said that the palm weaving is done when they don’t know what else to do after coming home from their rice fields or gardens.So they are just killing time by weaving palm leaves.

3.4.2. Palm weaving activities done during the evening

When women have nothing to do in the evening, they will weave palm leaves. They say it is best to weave at night because the weather is cool. This coolness gives extra moistures to the leaves so the leaves retain their elasticity and are not easily breakable.

3.4.3. Palm weaving knowledge is quietly diminishing

One of the worrying situations these Austronesian societies are facing is that many of the younger generation under 40 years old have a kind of passive knowledge of weaving palm leaves and a passive knowledge of climbing and tapping the palm trees. Many in this generation no longer actively participate in these activities. One reason is that plastic and other materials have already replaced many palm leave products and utensils, and some men consider climbing palm trees as old-fashioned, not trendy, and some having a fear of heightsbecause of their inexperience.

3.4.4. Village Development and Globalization

In Kota Dale, Nekmese and Supul villages where the research took place, access to the villages is available through modern infrastructure. The villages are no longer isolated. New products are sold, and urban movement occurs all the time, leaving their villages to face new situations. Plants are cut down, including the palm trees that take years to reach the age where they can be tapped, to set pace for new development. Soon, their traditions and knowledge will be forgotten.

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4. CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS

4.1. Conclusions

In this conclusion, the writer tried to generalised the findings here according to the questions asked before. There were three questions and the conclusion is as followed: There are many traditional names for the products made by the traditional weavers. Local names of the utensils products have their own functions. Rikou for example, have sosoro'for a fish basket, lapaneu for a rice container, loka for draining boiled meat or boiled vegetables, dope mana'for a sheath for a knife, nuu' for a chicken to lay eggs , sileo as a hat worn by the shepherd when guarding the cattle and goats in the field, etc. Amarasi has sasu' for keeping the chickenswhile traveling, spai for carryingproduce from the gardens, tobe for placing things on top as a tray, pese' for traditional fan used to fan the fire, kiu' manu for the chicken, a'kapi for a man to use in sharing his betelnut with others, kora' for a kind of bag worn to harvest at the garden, etc. For Uab Meto, there are taka for rice container, ook beti for keeping the cooked food or trailfood, oko' skiki for placing the mouth cleaning utensil, pau' tapan for the case for a betelnut pounder, ook' tuke for a man to place his betelnut, sau' beti for placing taka or cloths on as a tray, beis tapa' for a sheath for a knife, etc. The transmission of the TEK of palm weaving happens through several means.They are: gendered activities, house chores, knowledge transfer for becoming future cloth weaver, strengthening social relationships, marriage duties, and respect for leaders or traditional elders. There are some aspects of TEK of palm weaving shared across Rikou, Amarasi and Uab Meto such as: palm weaving for killing time, palm weaving activities done during the evening, palm weaving knowledge is quietly diminishing, and village development and globalization.

4.2. Suggestions

It would be good for the TEK to be maintained. As the writer found when asking the local names of the palm weaving products, most of the younglocal students in the research villages found it difficult to remember the local names, and some could not respond themselves unless elder people mentioned the function of the utensils, then they would be able to answer that. The researcher here would like to suggest several

16 things in accordance to how the people can maintain their traditional weaving products. They are as follows:

1. Local Content Curriculum

Palm weaving products should be included in the elementary school curriculum. Once taught, the students learn from the generation above them who still practice doing the palm weaving. The teaching and learning should also be extendedinto the households of every student.

2. Palm tree cultivation

Students as well as the community must prioritize the cultivation of palm trees as it is a vital aspect of the local people’s life. It is hoped that this will continue into the future.

3.Provision of training for preserving Palm Weaving knowledge

Such training should be available to everybody participating in community development, including community members. This is how the traditional elders can transmit their knowledge to the younger generation at all times through goverment programs, NGO’s, or individuals.

4. Enabling legal and policy frameworks for the preservation of palm weaving knowledge National protected-area laws should establish the obligation to work with traditional communities living within those areas to explore integration of their palm trees cultivation into management plans. It should be explicitly forbidden to do such things as replacing native names of the palm weaving products with names from other cultures (e.g. Javanese or Bugis) or national names. Actions to strengthen palm weaving activities and local cultures should be part of a society's commitment for maintaining their traditional names of palm weaving products. Products from traditional communities that are made by weaving palm leaves should receive preferential treatment or be supported by incentives when they enter the market.

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Berkes, F. 2012.Sacred Ecology: Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management. Coelho, Gail. 2005. Language documentation and ecology: Areas of interaction. In Peter K. Austin (ed.) Language documentation and Description, Vol 3. London.

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Links of Websites: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php@URL_ID=5065&URL_DO=DO.. i I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Charles E. Grimes for his critical comments on earlier version of this paper. My special thanks to Ribka Kedoh-Jacob and Paul Nako, Roni Bani and Yedida Ora, and Rev. Hengky Abineno for their valuable information on the culture of the Rikou, Amarasi and UabMeto. 18