january 1935

Aprismo

Carleton Beals

Volume 13 • Number 2

The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1935 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. APRISMO

The Rise of Haya de la Torre

By Carleton Beals

THE most striking, picturesque and exuberant personality in all is Victor Raul Haya de la Torre, of Peru, leader of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance, as an commonly known APRA. It is international movement, with branches inmost Latin American countries, but its principal stronghold is Peru. There, after the overthrow of the dictator Augusto Legu?a inAugust 1930, Aprismo just missed being swept into power. It is undoubtedly the strongest popular force in that not country today. Haya de la Torre has fired the imagination own of an continent and a half. He only of his people but entire a one name or represents political tendency which under another which is gathering headway in all the southern countries, has found considerable expression in Mexico, and which is repre sented to some extent by the A.B.C. secret organization in , a group under the leadership of Martinez Saenz that effectively of Machado. To understand the participated in the overthrow movement its is to understand the Apra and leadership probable evolution of Latin America in the years ahead. The impending po our own litical crises there will profoundly affect political and economic relations, our five billion dollars of investments, our our in case of a new world war. trade, and security out as a the Haya de la Torre stands brilliant leader with to masses men. He has knack of appealing large of swayed thought nearly everywhere in the New World by his copious won a writings. He has picturesque halo of martyrdom because of a long exile and imprisonment, and he has built up powerful an well-knit organization with eclectic program of broad social international significance, of great political opportunism and with a it has been labelled implications. It is unique movement, though as communistic, socialistic, liberal, variously? petty bourgeois, fascist Latin Americans are not devoid of the average man's events habit in other countries of judging political by emotions conventional rather than clear con and prejudices, by tags, by our we to cepts. None of familiar clich?s by which attempt inWestern are en pigeon-hole contemporary tendencies Europe

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tirely satisfactory for semi-colonial Latin America; economic and course recent new political facts there, the of developments, the movements that have developed, the type of national planning in a a vogue, require fresh terminology. For long time I have been to some puzzled find adequate designation which would roughly a characterize continental tendency miraculously compounded of Wilsonian democracy, Marxian communism and Fascism. Per term haps the Aprismo is itself sufficient. Haya de la Torre is the outstanding exponent of the new doctrines. ii

I knew Haya de la Torre intimately during his exile inMexico or in 1923-4; I dealt with him again there three four years later; and on various occasions during my recent visit to Peru, I visited at with him in Lima. He is present about forty years of age, in the full flush of his intellectual development, energy and enthusi asm. As the head of the first truly popular movement in Peru's now entire history, he is the bete noire of old-style politicians, the militarists and the feudal elements. His earlier period in Mexico was was formative; he then forging the ideas, the plans of political a organization, and the contacts which have since made him con tinental figure. Those years of 1923-4 were a dramatic time in Mexican and world affairs. The Mexican revolution, antedating that of Russia, a had stumbled through civil war into hit-or-miss program of land-distribution, anti-clericalism, bitter opposition to oil im was perialism, and actively promoting popular education and labor reforms. The World War had demonstrated the economic and moral bankruptcy of Western Europe and the instability of the Versailles peace. Mussolini had seized power in Italy; Primo an de Rivera had provided opera bouffe imitation in Spain; Horthy had taken charge of Hungary; the Social Democrats in were battling with the Communists. The Russian was revolution wavering between Lenin's NEP policy and Trot an zky's formula of world revolution. China was in uproar. was Gandhi getting gaunter and more menacing in India. Mo rocco was still in revolt. In Mexico in 1923-4 was another notable leader, the exiled Cuban student Julio Antonio Mella, whom I knew well and later saw die in the Red Cross emergency hospital, after being shot in were the back by the minions of Machado. Both Mella and Haya 238 FOREIGNAFFAIRS both keen striking personalities, both remarkable orators, minds, both already outstanding figures in Latin America. Soon they came threw in lot the Com into sharp conflict. Mella his with was a more realistic im munist Party. Haya seeking formula for The was of the mediate political action. result the founding Apra on en movement, which brought down Haya's head the undying and a attack from mity of the Third International furibund a Mella (he circulated vitriolic pamphlet against the Peruvian). at at and After studying Oxford, observing Geneva, traveling through Germany, the and other parts of Europe, and Haya toured Mexico and Central America, lecturing every where organizing Apra cells. Despite frequent persecutions, was an exilings, and financial difficulties, he rapidly building up a international following. One could scarcely pick up newspaper or magazine in any country in South America without finding his keen comments on world affairs. When in August 1930 the little sergeant of Arequipa, S?nchez Cerro, overthrew the eleven year dictatorship of Legu?a, Haya a hurried back to Peru. He was greeted by monster paid-admis ? a sion mass-meeting in the Lima Hippodrome total, including those swarming around the gates, of at least twenty thousand movement over the like a tidal people. The Apra swept country a wave. S?nchez Cerro temporarily deposited power in Commis a sion of Notables, headed by Catholic dignitary, Monse?or Hol the candidate. guin, and Haya became opposition presidential enthusiasm Numer He toured the country kindling everywhere. was ous followers did likewise. The message of Apra carried corners from Lima and the coast into the highest of the Andes, to where centuries Pizarro Cajamarca, ago Conquistador captured to seat of one of the Inca Emperor Atahualpa, historic Cuzco, to of de Dios largest empires in history, the far jungles Madre and the Amazon region of Iquitos and Loreto.The word "APRA" was on was daubed on walls everywhere; it carved in stone the was out the high cliffs of the Andes, it spelled in sand plants along saw a desert roads. On Argentine Beach I lean dog branded ? can no further. with the letters propaganda enthusiasm go were then and are to the Special appeals made, still, indigenous the in population. The Indian elements, numerically largest Peru, over four centuries. The had been political non-participants for cause. cells were Apra made Indian liberation part of its Apra named after Inca emperors. Quechua battle-cries were included in APRISMO 239

and cheers. "Indian and freedom are Apra songs regeneration one synonymous with Aprismo" is of the stock phrases. Even before he had left Peru eight years previously, Haya had come into the limelight as one of the courageous leaders in the movement student of the University of Trujillo, his birthplace. on Official wrath had fallen his head, during the rule of the much an enormous hated Leguia, when in May 1923 he led student labor demonstration against the President's attempt to dedicate to the country officially the Sacred Heart of Jesus. The University of San Marcos was converted into a temporarily revolutionary barricade. Street-fighting resulted in several deaths, the wound ing of many more, wholesale arrests and the driving of Haya and a other leaders into exile. Many students, after prolonged hunger were to strike, shipped off hard toil in the jungles where many a perished. Since then, Haya's propaganda, in hundred different ways, had been filtering steadily into Peru. a sown As result of the seeds during those years, Apra merely a needed the opportunity to become strong organized movement. was It captured the entire countryside. Undoubtedly Haya elected president, for despite official harassment and the whole even sale robbing of votes, he polled in the official count almost as as many S?nchez Cerro. was S?nchez Cerro thoroughly frightened. Official persecutions came some of Apra fast and furious. Twenty Apra deputies were thrown out of the national congress and have never been were reinstated. Apristas jailed, exiled, assassinated. Shortly, was was a Haya himself thrown into prison and held for nearly a was year and half, mostly incommunicado. At various times he to reported have been murdered in his cell, and probably would not have been had it been for protests from prominent scholars and public figures all over the world. was While he in prison, these persecutions produced the spon taneous ac Trujillo revolt. The Apristas stormed into desperate to tion, and the flame spread the serfs of the adjacent sugar estates and to the Indians of lofty Cajamarca and Ancash. But was the pivot of resistance Trujillo. For three days the bloody was conflict raged, and put down only after the mobilization of was Peru's entire army, navy and aerial forces. It followed by the massacre a cold-blooded of several thousand Apristas, slaughter to some comparable that perpetrated time later by bloody Presi dent Martinez in Salvador. 240 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

to overcome S?nchez Cerro, his great personal unpopularity and strengthen his tottering position, precipitated the Leticia controversy with Colombia. It distracted public attention from man uvre domestic difficulties, but the proved dangerous. In soon preparing for war, S?nchez Cerro discovered the danger of were arming volunteers and conscripts. Practically all Apristas. A dilemma. The new recruits were drilled without guns. So great was even at the government's fears, that the front the guns of new were from them at soldiers taken away night. One encamp ment was a won slaughtered by the Colombians and victory be cause the Peruvians had no arms with which to defend them a selves. A recruiting officer in Lima addressed new regiment of on volunteers the evils of Aprismo. The government, he stated, to discharge any members of that party rather than ave on Preferredthe forces contaminated. He called all Apristas to step forward. The whole regiment moved forward as one man. The was official in question suddenly decided that Aprismo not such a bad thing after all. a Following S?nchez Cerro's assassination in April 1933 by ? an fanatical student, Haya de la Torre released through the new General amnesty granted ? by provisional president, Oscar Benavides at once dedicated himself to the active re a organization of the party. The whole country breathed deep sigh of relief when the erratic and sanguinary S?nchez Cerro had been laid to rest. The immediate reaction to his fantastic follies was an enthusiastic reassertion of Apra strength. Ere long the Benavides government and all old-line political elements became alarmed. tactics seriously Repressive anti-Apra were was a resumed. The old Leticia trouble revived and patriotic drive started to make savor of treason. Last Apra propaganda the in Lima were the April Apra papers suppressed, police smashed up Apra headquarters, schools, restaurants, and jailed on. one whomever they could lay their hands Manuel Seone, of secret the outstanding leaders, when cornered by forty police, out fought his way pistol in hand from the national stadium, leaving two dead behind him. Haya went into hiding. The Apra a movement again entered definite period of official persecution. The government censors even forbid the mention of Haya de la name Torre's in foreign dispatches. All pretense of constitutional were ity has been thrown aside. Congressional elections post a poned until September because of the Leticia trouble. As result APRISMO 241 a on of bloody general strike in that month in Trujillo and the big foreign-owned estates, the idea of holding elections has been now re abandoned entirely. The Apristas believe that their only course to is prepare for armed revolution.

in near a crum Chan Chan, Trujillo, is vast conglomeration of 1200 bling adobe walls, which in its heyday, perhaps A.D., prob ably harbored several hundred thousand people. It and Pacha near modern were the two coast camac, Lima, great pre-Inca of the Chimu civilization. Chan Chan ruled su metropolises ? until a few centuries before the of the ?preme coming Spaniards Inca Yupanqui's 50,000 warriors subjugated the coast and as the bulk of the city's unappeasable inhabitants were sent to colonists other parts of the empire. The Spaniards found the two to one to place nearly abandoned. I made trips Chan Chan, learn about its ancient splendors; the other, with Apra revolu tionists, to learn about its modern tragedy. The showed me numerous crosses over dozens of Apristas crosses crumbling buildings. These are white with buzzard ? over a droppings for under them lie the half buried bodies of re thousand people lined up and shot after the failure of the 1932 volt which shook this whole region from Trujillo clear up into the Cajamarca Sierra. Beyond the stadium?"APRA" painted in big on crosses. letters its roof?was another trench with many "At are on least thirty buried here!" We penetrated into the tangle of Chan Chan. There people, taken out in trucks, had been lined up alongside of ancient ditches and reservoirs, and shot into their graves. For months Chan Chan was a carnal house. Its pestiferous stench rose to high heaven for miles about, even to Trujillo. are Trujillo still remains ardently Aprista. Frequent pilgrimages to one made martyr graves. The Apristas control of the leading dailies, El Norte, edited by Haya de la Torre's brother and by Antenor for some reason not Orrego, strange suppressed along a with almost all other Apra periodicals. P?rez Trevi?o edits weekly magazine. Propaganda is active. The recent bitter strike massacre same reveals that despite dreadful the feeling prevails among the people. The Apra movement's bath of blood, its roll of martyrs, its traditions of struggle, have closed up the files of the party in iron-clad discipline. 242 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

IV no to state at The Apristas lose opportunity their case, both home and abroad. Though my visit to Peru was unannounced, one me on Carlos Manuel Cox, of the principal leaders, greeted board the Santa Clara as soon as we reached Callao. The follow on me at ing day, Haya de la Torre and his secretary called my hotel, and the following evening I had supper with him and three a sea other Apristas in little German pension facing the in La was Punta. The reunion semi-secret, for although at that time was not theoretically the party suffering persecutions, several attempts had been made to assassinate Haya. He went well never same armed and slept twice in the place. He has lost none of the enthusiasms that characterized him ten ex years previously* He still retains his remarkable powers of now man pression. Though the key in Peruvian politics and most as Latin America's prominent figure, he is still informal as ever. and jovial Of medium height, stocky build, and massive a features, his face is constantly illuminated by vivacious re smile, and his persuasiveness and amenity coupled with his markable insight into the character and motives of others inva comes riably captivate everyone with whom he in personal contact. me two score What is the Apra program? I have before books and pamphlets detailing its struggles and program, in cluding the vivid verbatim account of Haya de la Torre's pre liminary hearings during his imprisonment under S?nchez Cerro, an a account which reads like seminar in political economy rather a or than police court record, and which places Haya de la Torre at an astronomical distance, intellectually and morally, above his interlocutors and persecutors. was an Haya seeking adequate political formula for Latin America. He had studied, through their literature, and at first the movements of Russia and hand, revolutionary Mexico, was Italy. He well versed in the bases of American and English or democracy. Above all he had studied political tactic and came to the commu ganization. He conclusion that neither the nor a out coun nist fascist movements offered way for the Latin were or tries, for both phenomena of industrial semi-industrial nations, whereas most of Latin America, and certainly Peru, had a only the beginnings of proletariat. The pivot of any social APRISMO 243 was ? regeneration for him the fight against foreign capitalism most imperialism. This had become the powerful factor in maintaining backward feudal and military dictatorships and preventing popular education, economic freedom, and national in independence. Leguia had been maintained power by Ameri can loans, corruptly contracted and corruptly expended. not Haya realized that successful resistance could be waged by a concurrent the handful of proletariat, but by appeal to in tellectuals, to the indigenous peasant masses and the new but new ambitious middle-class. Even native capitalist elements would be drawn into such a movement. Not all amicable bed fel was war lows, but all useful. The general thesis anti-imperialism; upon all feudalism, therefore upon landholders, the Church and militarism; the simultaneous building up of native private and state capitalism, with bonafide collectivism whenever and to a true wherever possible; rapid education provide national basis for political stability; the freeing of the Indians from of an pseudo-serfdom; the enforcement enlightened labor code. was The ultimate goal to be democratic collectivism. a new For the communists this is obviously brand of fascism; for the feudal elements it is obviously little removed from out not right communism. The tags do fit. The economic and political are facts of Peru and neighbor countries unique. Italian Fascism and the Nationalist Blue Shirt allies utilized to was a radical phraseology. Italy, according Corridini, "pro letariat nation that must fight the capitalist nations." Hitler has a cloak made alleged socialism for nationalistic pretensions. Something of this undoubtedly lurks in the Aprista attitude, but it is only part of the picture. Carl Dreher in a recent illuminating article1 defines Fascism as "a fraudulent simulation of collectivism applied to the minds and bodies of men, exempting only the large property owners from an severe its tyranny." It is attempt through governmental regulation to save part of the capitalist mechanism and its bene fits for the middle class by eliminating its chaotic and unwork able features. In Latin America capitalism cannot be saved be cause never it has existed. Democracy and certain liberties are to a cannot which inimical tottering capitalism be destroyed never in Latin America because they have existed. The middle class cannot be saved from being crushed in the war between 1 Harper*s Magaziney September 1934, p. 484. 244 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

American class is capital and labor because the Latin middle only beginning to emerge. Similar observations occur regarding communist tendencies. To a to to a certain postulate capital-labor class struggle is postulate, a to extent, Pyrrhic battle?the protagonists still have be breathed not into life. Collectivism must be created by collectivizing in an dustry but by creating industry along collective lines; the sec agrarian masses do not have to be collectivized because great a tions of them have never abandoned collective system. Only can the great estates be directly collectivized and the peons freed. Latin America has always had dictatorships, but these have never ? ? been despite the bandying of verbiage either collec some tive or fascist. Their basis has nearly always been feudal, times in alliance with the growing middle class, more recently, thanks to bankers' loans, in alliance with foreign capital. nearest to New has been The approach Fascism in the World made inMexico, ruled by the "full-car" National Revolutionary runs a the Party, which government closely approximating Dreher definition of a fraudulent simulation of collectivism owners from its But even exempting the large property tyranny. inMexico it has original characteristics: the Mexican revolution, to arm but its to fight imperialism, had the workers and peasants, new directing force was the middle class of mestizos, who have used the state to become industrialists. If previous patterns had been followed the successful revolutionists would have sunk bliss arms of fully back into the of feudalism, but the penetration for chan eign capital is rapidly making that impossible. Success has a save neled the movement increasingly into fascist tendency, at that hitherto non-existent democracy is given least lip-service, and collectivism, especially in connection with agriculture, is stressed because this hinders the invasion of foreign capital and aids the rise of a native bourgeoisie. A well-controlled labor and peasant movement further blocks foreign competition, but being to their indus officially wielded permits native interests expand estates. This the trial enterprises, Banks, tropical explains queer become Mexican phenomenon of revolutionary leaders fabulously a wealthy but still ardently supporting socialist program. are the Cuban The same ideology and possibilities latent in are also latent in the movement. A.B.C. movement; they Apra Whether the latter when it gains power will become increasingly fascist as inMexico, or whether collectivism will tip the balance APRISMO 245 more them the strongly, will depend upon various factors, among general current in the world at large. as Thus into the Apra movement, much in Mexico, is pro of jected the age-old Indian agrarian collectivism, the aspirations new new the proletariat, the aspirations of the middle class, and new certain of the aspirations cf the native bourgeoisie. The bat tle, in short, is against the Spanish-created feudalism and foreign and de la Torre has been shrewd to dis capitalism; Haya? enough no middle-class or dain weapons collective, proletarian, to a bourgeois. This merely implies confusionism communist. to But Undoubtedly it is the prelude subsequent struggles. not a though it does permit the immediate injection of Marxian class-struggle between classes that only exist in embryo, it is clear enough in its outlines, its ideology, and its purposes. To label the movement as either fascist or communist, whatever it may soon tend to become, is to deny its facts and purposes. a movement to Rather is Aprismo moulded immediate needs a which achieves synthesis of the doctrines and tactic of democ racy, Marxian communism and fascism. This, in fact, is the only to type of movement that meets the actual issues and is likely succeed. To combat militarism, the Church, feudalism, it advo masses never cates democracy for the which have known democ as an movement racy; anti-imperialist and anti-landlord it pro poses collectivism to the extent possible; it is fascist in that it is nationalistic, does not disdain force, and does not demand com plete abolition of private property. v a Aprismo is bigger than its immediate demands. It represents mass movement of Its members are imbued great potentiality. are are with almost mystic fervor; they the stuff of which martyrs to made. They have been exiled, have gone jail, have been are to a wourided in battle. They fighting for what them is sacred a cause. It is singing movement; they have hundreds of songs which are chanted at all gatherings throughout the country. a They have fervent faith in their leadership. Haya is perhaps a are too much of god to them. Apra headquarters plastered with pictures of Haya in entirely too-Mussolini-esque poses. war Their discipline is almost puritanical. They upon the vices own was and promote Aprista sports. Haya's brother expelled from the party for refusing to obey superior orders. 246 FOREIGN AFFAIRS to a It is necessary recall that Peru has never had party based upon principles. Previously it has merely had ambitious political and military cliques, greedy for power and privilege. Thus in 1904 Prada declared that the Peruvian's electoral choice between the Civilistas and the Democrats consisted in walking through a narrow alley, both walls smeared with mud and blood so that one was was soiled whichever side touched. Apra is the first party in a Peru's entire history with concerted body of principles other a than that of sustaining small clique in power. Peruvian governments have never been rooted in economic no facts. There has been census since 1876, if we except an esti mate an even more made in 1896 and superficial estimate in no ever 1923; hence Peruvian government has known (except in 1876) how many Peruvians there are, how much Peru produces, or no what Peru and its people need. Hence government has ever to root attempted itself in the entire Peruvian nationality. Hence un the ignorant feudal governments of Peru have always been stable. Politics have shuttled between anarchy and tyranny, one a na tyranny being but facet of anarchy. Apra seeks broad mass a tional basis, democratic functioning, and increased eco are not nomic justice. Apra principles empirical. They have error ? an evolved through the trial and method ideology grad ually crystallizing out of prior student and labor struggles. Though influenced by world trends, it is basically related to Peruvian conditions and needs, and to general Latin American needs. An new Aprista victory will immediately precipitate problems. to a The leaders will be obliged either make compromise peace with or to the feudal Civilistas, they will have deepen their economic program and create a stronger alliance with peasant and Indian forces. Whatever its defects, however uncertain its future pro a gram, Aprismo is great popular movement with remarkable a discipline and remarkable leadership. It is the first stirring of a long oppressed people. It is the beginning of new Peru. It is a movement in one or which, guise another, is rapidly reshaping the a destinies of all Latin America. Haya de la Torre is figure who to provides the key Latin American developments for the next Few decades.