The External Dimension of the Eu's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice in Relation to Russia
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Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present . -
The Hundred Russian Whistleblowers the Subject Referring to Protection Of
Report of the International Human Rights Group Agora The hundred Russian whistleblowers The subject referring to protection of individuals who reveal information about violations to the public gets more and more topical not only in Russia, where the whistleblowers are regularly subjected to retaliation, including murders, violence, prosecution and imposing of disciplinary measures, but also in the rest of the world. The questions relevant to protection of whistleblowers have become subject to discussions in the UN, OSCE, Council of Europe, OECD, the bodies of the European Union and the G20. Up to date the national legislations of more than 60 countries envisage various measures aimed at guaranteeing of security and protection from retaliation of individuals who objectively act in favor of society by revealing of inaccessible information. The review of the subject relevant to protection of whistleblowers shall include the existing materials in the field. Mainly the Project on basic principles of laws on reporting of facts about corruption and illegal activities1 realized by Transparency International and the report of experts of this organization published in 2012 on ‘Corruption Reporting and Whistleblower Protection’2 describing in details the existing international and foreign approaches that may be used at elaboration of mechanisms for protection of individuals who report violations of greater size. The assurance of access to information is one of the problems closely related to the protection of whistleblowers. According to a report of Team 29 ‘The right to know’ the practice in Russia when it comes to assurance of access to information is not always in conformity to the international requirements and often contradicts to these requirements3. -
Final 14/09/2009
CONSEIL COUNCIL DE L’EUROPE OF EUROPE COUR EUROPÉENNE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST SECTION CASE OF KUDESHKINA v. RUSSIA (Application no. 29492/05) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 26 February 2009 FINAL 14/09/2009 This judgment may be subject to editorial revision. KUDESHKINA v. RUSSIA JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Kudeshkina v. Russia, The European Court of Human Rights (First Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of: Christos Rozakis, President, Nina Vajić, Anatoly Kovler, Elisabeth Steiner, Dean Spielmann, Giorgio Malinverni, George Nicolaou, judges, and Søren Nielsen, Section Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 5 February 2009, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on that date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in an application (no. 29492/05) against the Russian Federation lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by a Russian national, Ms Olga Borisovna Kudeshkina (“the applicant”), on 12 July 2005. 2. The applicant was represented by Ms K. Moskalenko, Ms A. Panicheva and Ms M. Voskobitova, lawyers practising in Strasbourg and Moscow. The Russian Government (“the Government”) were represented by Mr P. Laptev and Ms V. Milinchuk, former Representatives of the Russian Federation at the European Court of Human Rights. 3. The applicant alleged that her dismissal from the judiciary, following critical statements by her in the media, violated her right to the freedom of expression guaranteed by Article 10 of the Convention. 4. By a decision of 28 February 2008, the Court declared the application admissible. 5. -
Chechnya Weekly: Volume 9, Issue 19 (May 16, 2008)
Chechnya Weekly Volume 9, Issue 19 (May 16, 2008) Kadyrov Keeps the Heat on the Yamadaevs By Andrei Smirnov In what appears to be an ongoing campaign by Chechnya's pro-Moscow administration against the Vostok Battalion of the GRU (Russian military intelligence), investigators with the republic's law-enforcement bodies are looking into the battalion's possible involvement in the murder of the Arsamakov brothers (Chechnya Weekly, April 17 and 24; May 1). Kavkazky Uzel on May 8 quoted a Chechen law-enforcement source as saying that investigators who are looking into the Vostok Battalion's activities have information about the possible involvement of battalion members in the kidnapping and subsequent brutal murder of Yusup and Yunus Arsamakov and their driver, who disappeared in early February of 2007. "Investigators have testimony from several former servicemen of the GRU's spetsnaz battalion Vostok that sheds light on the fate of Yusup and Yunus Arsamakov, brothers of the Moscow Industrial Bank president Abubakar Arsamakov, and their driver Khamzat Magomadov, who disappeared last year on the territory of the republic's Shatoi district," a Chechen law-enforcement source told Kavkazky Uzel. "They [the ex-Vostok servicemen-CW] claim that the Arsamakovs and Magomadov were murdered by spetsnaz and that their bodies were taken out of Vedeno district and burned. That information is being checked." As Kavkazky Uzel reported, in addition to the disappearance and murder of the Arsamakov brothers and their driver, investigators this past week charged -
The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark a Smith
Research & Assessment Branch The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark A Smith 09/13 RUSSIAN DOMESTIC CHRONOLOGY JULY 2009 – SEPTEMBER 2009 1 July 2009 The head of the commission for the Caucasus and first deputy speaker of the Federation Council, Aleksandr Torshin, criticises the assessment of the situation in the North Caucasus made by the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1 July 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev speaks at a state reception for graduates of military educational institutions in the Kremlin. He discusses military reform. 1 July 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Ivanov discusses with Vladimir Putin the development of seaport construction. Ivanov states: In 1998-99, of the total volume of import and export operations, 75 per cent of our cargoes were shipped through foreign ports, mostly Ukrainian and Baltic ones, and only 25 per cent through Russian ports. Now the proportion is as follows: 87 per cent of all cargoes are already shipped and processed through Russian ports, and only 13 per cent through foreign ports. I think that's fairly good dynamics, and in the foreseeable future we will completely get rid of dependence on foreign ports. This is very important from the economic point of view, and of course additional jobs. 1 July 2009 The head of the Rosnano state corporation Anatoly Chubays addresses the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs innovation policy committee. He discusses the need to develop an innovative economy in the Russian Federation. 1 July 2009 Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliyev says that alcohol abuse or poisoning causes each fifth death in Russia. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Presidential Power in Putin's Third Term: Was Crimea A
www.ssoar.info Presidential Power in Putin’s Third Term: Was Crimea a Critical Juncture in Domestic Politics? Burkhardt, Fabian Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Sammelwerksbeitrag / collection article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Burkhardt, F. (2017). Presidential Power in Putin’s Third Term: Was Crimea a Critical Juncture in Domestic Politics? In F. Burkhardt, A. Barbashin, O. Irisova, & E. Wyciszkiewicz (Eds.), A Successful Failure: Russia after Crime(a) (pp. 119-141). Warschau: Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-54439-5 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society. -
The Political Elite Under Putin by Dmitry Gorenburg
The Political Elite Under Putin By Dmitry Gorenburg Executive Summary Russia’s political elite has undergone relatively little change under Vladimir Putin’s rule. Only sixty people have been ranked twentieth or higher at least once between 2000 and 2019 in the annual Nezavisimaya Gazeta list of the most politically influential Russians. Eighteen people have appeared on every list during this period. The greatest shift in elite composition occurred between 2007 and 2008, with smaller shifts around the presidential elections of 2004 and 2012. Most of the political elite originate in the government bureaucracy in Moscow or St. Petersburg or came to their positions of influence through personal ties to Vladimir Putin, either in St. Petersburg or in the security services. Only ten percent came to power through electoral politics; another ten percent are businessmen who made their money independently of any connections to Vladimir Putin. The elite is fairly evenly divided between individuals who have political influence solely because of their positions in government and individuals who have influence outside of their official role. People in the first group generally drop off the list quickly after leaving government or being demoted, and people in the second group tend to retain influence regardless of their position at any given time and remain influential for extended periods, even after departing government service. Introduction For most of the post-Soviet period, the newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta has conducted a monthly survey of Russian political experts. This survey asks its respondents to rank the 100 most politically influential Russians in the previous month. Throughout this period, the newspaper has also published an annual ranking,1 based on the average rank of those mentioned during the previous calendar year. -
Georgian Lessons Georgian Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests
Georgian Lessons Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Janusz Bugajski E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Bugajski November 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-606-3 CSIS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066063zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies author Janusz Bugajski November 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
Russia's European Commitments to Human Rights
LOSING GROUND? Russia’s European Commitments to Human Rights Jennifer Moll and Richard Gowan March 2005 First published in 2005 by The Foreign Policy Centre 49 Chalton Street London NW1 1HY UNITED KINGDOM Email: [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2005 All rights reserved ISBN: 1 903558 59 X ii About the Authors Jennifer Moll is the Russia Project Officer at the Foreign Policy Centre. In 2003-2004 she received a Fulbright scholarship to Tartu, Estonia which she used to research EU-Russian relations, trans- Atlantic relations and European security. Jennifer earned her BA in Russian Language and Literature and International Studies from Dickinson College (USA) and Moscow State University and has an M Phil from Cambridge in International Relations. Richard Gowan is the Programme Director of the Foreign Policy Centre’s Europe programme. He has contributed to a number of publications, including the FPC’s Global Europe strategy, The Referendum Battle and an essay on ‘Why the EU should create a NATO for Africa’. He has also written commissioned reports for the European Commission and the Department for International Development. Before joining the FPC, Mr. Gowan was attached to the OSCE mission in Croatia, where he worked on minority rights and inter-ethnic policies. Before that he studied History and International Relations at Cambridge. iii Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Grace Annan for research and editorial support. Disclaimer The views in this paper are not necessarily those of the Foreign Policy Centre. iv About the Foreign Policy Centre The Foreign Policy Centre is a leading European think tank launched under the patronage of the British Prime Minister Tony Blair to develop a vision of a fair and rule-based world order. -
The Trade-Offs Between Security and Civil Liberties in Russia's War on Terror
The Trade-offs between Security and Civil Liberties in Russia’s War on Terror: The Regional Dimension NABI ABDULLAEV AND SIMON SARADZHYAN Abstract: This article focuses on Russia’s antiterrorist campaign in 2000–04 to discern and analyze dynamics in the trade-offs between security1 and liberties. An analysis of these trade-offs in four separate regions of the Russian Federation demonstrates that enhancing the powers of the security apparatus at the expense of liberties may help reduce the threat of terrorism in the short-term, as local agents of terror divert part of their operations to freer regions. However, such a strategy eventually backfires at the local level, as suppression of liberties gener- ates political resentment, one of the root causes of terrorism.2 The repressive laws and practices presented by the authorities as the price the public has to pay in the war on terror can bring only limited short-term gains in this war, while produc- ing a lasting detrimental effect on freedoms and civil liberties in Russia. More- over, given the fact that Russia is in a state of transition, the intended and unin- tended effects of the authorities’ antiterror policies in the researched period, and beyond, could determine the course of Russia’s political development. Key words: civil liberties, political violence, Putin, regions, Russia, terrorism his article begins by outlining our methodology, including an explanation of the T criteria used to select the research period and the regions3 to be studied, as well as a list of the watch points used to evaluate the scale of terrorist threats, the effec- tiveness of authorities’ responses to these threats, and the impact on civil liberties.