The Routledge Companion to Aesthetics Medieval Aesthetics
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Theories of Truth. Bibliography on Primary Medieval Authors
Theories of Truth. Bibliography on Primary Medieval Authors https://www.ontology.co/biblio/truth-medieval-authors.htm Theory and History of Ontology by Raul Corazzon | e-mail: [email protected] History of Truth. Selected Bibliography on Medieval Primary Authors The Authors to which I will devote an entire page are marked with an asterisk (*). Hilary of Poitiers Augustine of Hippo (*) Boethius (*) Isidore of Seville John Scottus Eriugena (*) Isaac Israeli Avicenna (*) Anselm of Canterbury (*) Peter Abelard (*) Philip the Chancellor Robert Grosseteste William of Auvergne Albert the Great Bonaventure Thomas Aquinas (*) Henry of Ghent Siger of Brabant John Duns Scotus (*) Hervaeus Natalis Giles of Rome Durandus of St. Pourçain Peter Auriol Walter Burley William of Ockham (*) Robert Holkot John Buridan (*) 1 di 14 22/09/2016 09:25 Theories of Truth. Bibliography on Primary Medieval Authors https://www.ontology.co/biblio/truth-medieval-authors.htm Gregory of Rimini William of Heytesbury Peter of Mantua Paul of Venice Hilary of Poitiers (ca. 300 - 368) Texts 1. Meijering, E.P. 1982. Hilary of Poitiers on the Trinity. De Trinitate 1, 1-19, 2, 3. Leiden: Brill. In close cooperation with J. C. M: van Winden. On truth see I, 1-14. Studies Augustine of Hippo ( 354 - 430) Texts Studies 1. Boyer, Charles. 1921. L'idée De Vérité Dans La Philosophie De Saint Augustin. Paris: Gabriel Beauchesne. 2. Kuntz, Paul G. 1982. "St. Augustine's Quest for Truth: The Adequacy of a Christian Philosophy." Augustinian Studies no. 13:1-21. 3. Vilalobos, José. 1982. Ser Y Verdad En Agustín De Hipona. Sevilla: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla. -
Alexander of Hales'stheology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary On
chapter 13 Alexander of Hales’s Theology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, Various Disputed Questions) Hubert Philipp Weber As the first teacher at the University of Paris to become a Franciscan friar, Alexander of Hales has an honoured place in the history of the order. The greater part of his theological work was already completed while he was a secular master. It is therefore more correct to call him an important theolo- gian who influenced Franciscan theology. However, it is not easy to distinguish what makes him a ‘Franciscan theologian’. I will begin by offering some his- torical remarks on his life and his authentic writings, most of which were discovered in the twentieth century. Then I will continue by giving an impres- sion of his thought with a few examples from his writings. The final sec- tion contains a very short outline of the Summa Universae Theologiae (also known as the Summa fratris Alexandri or Summa Halensis) connected with his name. 1 Historical Remarks: Alexander’s Life and Work We do not know very much about Alexander’s early life.1 His surname indicates his origin, Hales in Shropshire, England, where he was born around 1185. He stayed in contact with England all his life. In the first years of the thirteenth century he arrived at the University of Paris, where he studied and taught artes liberales. From about 1220 he lectured at the theological faculty. During the conflict between the university and the bishop of Paris in 1229/31 he went into exile. -
The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in Franciscantheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus
Andrew V. Rosato The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in FranciscanTheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus Abstract: This chapter examines how the Summa Halensis’ analysis of Christ’ssorrow was adopted and modified by later Franciscan theologians.Accordingtothe teach- ing of Jerome, which Peter Lombardmade available to medieval theologians,Christ’s sorrow arose from an involuntary reaction to his physical suffering. In order to ex- pand upon Jerome’saccount,the Summa Halensis develops an elaborate map of Christ’ssoul by drawing on psychological principles found in Augustine and John Damascene. 13th century theologians debated whether Christ could experience sor- row over his ownsuffering not justasanatural and instinctual reaction, but also as the result of freelywillingthat he not suffer.Anobstacle to asserting this would be anyimplication that Christ did not will by his human willwhat God willed him to will. Richard of Middleton, Matthew of Aquasparta, and Duns Scotus do af- firm that Christ in some wayfreelynilled his own suffering, and experiencedsorrow over it because of that.Indifferent ways they employ the account of Christ’ssoul out- lined in the Summa Halensis to avoid anyimplication that Christ fell into sin by freely nilling his ownsuffering. The GospelofMatthew reports that Jesus experienced sorrow in the Garden of Geth- semane (26:37–38): ‘he began to be sorrowful [coepit contristari]and troubled. Then he said to them, “My soul is sorrowful [tristis]tothe point of death.”’ Jerome offered an influential interpretation of this passagewhen he statedthatChrist experienced the propassion of sorrow rather than afull-fledgedform of thatpassion. One differ- ence between apropassion and afull-fledgedpassion is that apropassion does not overwhelm one’sability to use reason. -
PHIL 66 Sec 01 & 02, Leddy, Tomfall 2018
San José State University Humanities and Arts/Philosophy Phil. 66, Introduction to Aesthetics, Sections 1 and 2, Fall 2018 Course and Contact Information Instructor: Prof. Tom Leddy Faculty Office Building 206. (The Faculty Office Building is a two-story Office Location: building between the Spartan Complex and Dwight Bental Hall. English is on the first floor. Philosophy is on the second floor.) 408 924-4528. I may be reached here during my office hours. If I am not Telephone: there, please leave a message on voice-mail and I will call back. [email protected] [preferred method of communication] Feel free to Email: ask questions. Office Hours: MW 12:00-1:15, M 3:00-4:00, W 5:00-5:45 and by appointment. Section 1 MoWe 10:30AM - 11:45AM DMH 208 Class Days/Time: Section 2 MoWe 1:30PM-2:45PM DMH 208 Sec. 1 DMH 208 Classroom: Sec. 2 DMH 208 Prerequisites: None GE/SJSU Studies Category: Area C1 Arts Faculty Web Page and MYSJSU Messaging Course materials such as syllabus, handouts, notes, and assignment instructions can be found on Canvas. Also you should regularly check your email for messages “From the Desk of Professor Leddy.” Course Description Catalog Description: Issues such as the nature of beauty and ugliness, definition of art, creativity, and interpretation and evaluation of art. Philosophical discussion of works of art and our responses to them. Expanded Description: Aesthetics explores such issues as: What is beauty? What is ugliness? Is there such a thing as good taste? Can we prove that one work of art is better than another? -
Divine Providence from Alexander of Hales to Thomas Aquinas
chapter 2 Divine Providence from Alexander of Hales to Thomas Aquinas 1 Accidental Causality, Free Choice and Evil Divine causality was discussed by the medieval theologians under the rub- ric of several independent doctrines. All the authors studied in this work held that providence worked through an order of secondary natural causes. This sets the theology of providence apart from the theology of salvation, for example. The salvation or damnation of any given individual was based solely on divine causality.The realization of the providential order, on the other hand, was founded on the co-operation between divine and created causality. While this order was certainly based on divine disposition, its practical implementa- tion was carried out by the total order of causes (connexio causarum). In this sense, divine providence was conceptualized in a natural philosophical frame- work. One of the foundational themes of Aristotelian natural philosophy, the notion of causality was crucial to the medieval discussions concerning divine providence. According to Aristotle, causes come in four distinct types: mater- ial, formal, efficient and final.1 From the perspective of this study, efficient and final causality are of greater importance than material and formal caus- ality. As shown in the previous chapter, Boethius’s Consolatio philosophiae was of crucial importance for the medieval theories of divine providence. Boethius’s understanding of providence contained elements of both efficient and final causality.2 Meanwhile in Averroes’s influential interpretation of Aris- totle, divine providence was seen exclusively as a final cause, whereas the effi- cient causality of God was not considered to be of direct relevance for the topic. -
Page 210 H-France Review Vol. 8 (March 2008), No. 52 Roland J
H-France Review Volume 8 (2008) Page 210 H-France Review Vol. 8 (March 2008), No. 52 Roland J. Teske, Studies in the Philosophy of William of Auvergne, Bishop of Paris (1228-1249). Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 2006. 274 pp. Table, introduction, notes, bibliography, and indexes. $30.00 U.S. (pb). ISBN 0-87462-674-9. Review by Steven P. Marrone, Tufts University. William of Auvergne, master of theology at the University of Paris and bishop of that city from 1228 until his death in 1249, was one of the most prominent Latin theologians of his day, recognized for his intellectual import throughout much of the rest of the thirteenth century. Yet the modern historiography of scholastic thought has paid him relatively little attention. The only book devoted to the entirety of his thinking, a three-volume study by Amato Masnovo, appeared well over half a century ago.[1] With the new work under review here, gathering together thirteen essays on aspects of William’s philosophy originally published between 1990 and 2003, Roland Teske goes a long way towards redressing the balance. In the name of full disclosure, I should admit that as an author of two books in which William’s speculative achievements play a major role, I cannot be considered an impartial witness to Teske’s effort.[2] All the same, I believe that anyone who reads Teske’s book will come away convinced that William deserves just the sort of probing and sustained examination Teske has given him. For the sake of our accurate appreciation of the historical trajectory of thirteenth-century scholasticism, I hope the book has many readers. -
The Modern System of the Arts: a Study in the History of Aesthetics
The Modern System of the Arts: A Study in the History of Aesthetics Part I Author(s): Paul Oskar Kristeller Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Oct., 1951), pp. 496-527 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2707484 . Accessed: 08/10/2012 03:10 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas. http://www.jstor.org THE MODERN SYSTEM OF THE ARTS: A STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF AESTHETICS * (I) BY PAUL OSKAR KRISTELLER Dedicated to Professor Hans Tietze on his 70th birthday I The fundamentalimportance of the eighteenth century in the his- tory of aesthetics and of art criticismis generally recognized. To be sure, there has been a great variety of theories and currents within the last two hundredyears that cannot be easily brought under one common denominator. Yet all the changes and controversiesof the more recent past presupposecertain fundamental notions which go back to that classicalcentury of modernaesthetics. It is known that the very term "Aesthetics " was coined at that time, and, at least in the opinion of some historians, the subject matter itself, the "phi- losophy of art," was invented in that comparativelyrecent period and can be applied to earlier phases of Western thought only with reser- vation.' It is also generallyagreed that such dominatingconcepts of *I am indebted for several suggestionsand referencesto ProfessorsJulius S. -
The Friendships of St. Thomas
THE FRIENDSHIPS OF ST. THOMAS BRO. CYRIL DORE, 0 . P. T . Thomas Aquinas is a perfect type of that harmonious un ion of sanctity and learning which characterizes the great Doctors of the Church. A tender affection and a sympathetic understanding, which unites hearts entirely devoted to God, can be observed in all his friendships. While bearing himself affably towards all, the Angelic Doctor had but few intimate friends and these were persons of singular learning and holiness. From a consideration of these few, we can see the great influence for good which he exerted, the wide extent of his knowledge, and the deep penetration of his in tellectual prowess. They not only give us an insight into the reaction of personality on personality and the interplay of mind on mind, but in a very special manner, they exhibit the practical aspect of his writ ings. From the investigations of his biographers, the friendships of St. Thomas can be considered under four headings; namely, within his own Order, in the religious world, in the academic world, and in the political world. Amongst the members of the Dominican Order, the first friend mentioned is John of St. Julian. He is referred to as the old adviser and dear familiar friend of St. Thomas.1 This celebrated preacher directed the footsteps of the young Aquinas during the three years previous to his entrance into the Dominican Order. As a student at the University of Naples, the mind and imagination of Aquinas were captivated by the sanctity, the learning and the marvellous activ ity of the Dominicans. -
Why God Became Man; on Grace; on Faith
00-front 09/02/2011 4:23 PM Page i Introduction | i william of auvergne Selected Spiritual Writings: Why God Became Man; On Grace; On Faith This volume contains translations of three of William of Auvergne’s shorter more spiritual works: Cur Deus homo (Why God Became Man), De gratia (On Grace), and De fide (On Faith). Each work touches upon the understanding of the relation between nature and grace, the moral and theological virtues, and of the need for our redemption by Christ and its character. The introduction situates the treatises within William’s many works and within the thought of the early thirteenth century. In the first treatise William sets forth the reasons for the incarnation of the Word. In it he is deeply influenced by Anselm of Canterbury’s emphasis on the need for satisfaction to be made to God for human sin, a satisfaction that could only adequately be made by someone both divine and human. While Anselm claimed to provide necessary reason of the incarnation, William admits that God could have redeemed the world in another way. In the second William argues for the need of grace in order for human beings to return to God and aims to refute the position of the Pelagian heretics as he understood it. In the third treatise, William defines faith and establishes belief in God as the foundation of faith – something, he argues, that cannot be grasped by the human intellect alone. roland j. teske, sj, has an MA in classical languages and ecclesiastical degrees in philosophy and theology from Saint Louis University, as well as a PhD in philosophy from the University of Toronto. -
Salvation in Christ.Qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 365
Salvation in Christ.qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 365 Index Aaronic Priesthood. See priesthood Amos, 240, 316 Abelard, Peter, 109, 212 Anglicanism, 53–66 Abraham, 30, 137–38, 148, 316 Anglican Understanding of the Acts of the Apostles, 38–40 Church, The, 54 Adam, 13, 110, 130, 137–39, 151, Anselm of Canterbury, 75, 107–9, 162, 215 112–20, 212, 347 Adam and Eve, 256 Aquinas, Thomas, 109, 113–15, and rebirth, 8 118, 121, 320 call upon God, 148 Aristotle, 224 cast from Garden of Eden, Arminianism, 161, 183–202 143, 145 Arminius, Jacob, 183, 189–91, descendants of, 205 193, 310 Greek understanding of, Articles and Covenants, 276 248, 259 “Articles of Religion,” 57–58 Fall of (see Fall of Adam Ashton, Marvin J., 89 and Eve) Association of Evangelicals, 189 first sin, 338 Atonement. See Jesus Christ, Adorno, Theodor, 225 Atonement of Adversus Haereses, 111 Athanasian Creed, 339 agency, 12, 147, 162–63, 200, 249 Athanasius the Great, 173, 175, agnosticism, 301 255, 313 Aimilianos, Father, 250–251 Augustine, 113, 173, 175, 305, 308, Albert the Great, 310 314–15 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 224 Aulén, Gustaf, 111–12, 118, 212 Alexander of Hales, 309 Avis, Paul, 54 Alliance of Confessing Evangeli- cals, 186 Baker, Simon, 278 Althaus, Paul, 117 Bangs, Carl, 190 365 Salvation in Christ.qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 366 Salvation in Christ baptism, 13–14, 90, 131, 214 Callister, Tad R., 169 by immersion, 16 Calvin, John, 327–28 for dead (see redemption of on Arminianism, 191, 196 the dead) on Crucifixion, 74 Barclay, Robert, 318 on election, 341 Barth, Karl, -
The Aesthetic Horizon in Theology
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS CREATIVE IMAGINATION: THE AESTHETIC HORIZON IN THEOLOGY I When we walk into a basilica of the fifth or sixth centuries (or into a church patterned after the basilica), or when we walk into a Gothic cathedral (whether it be Bourges or St. Patrick's in New York), we have a specific, intense experience of a church building and of a church community. It is possible to look into the being of the church precisely through the architecture of a specific period. Aisle and apse define an era culturally and historically. Our aesthe- tic vision—at the service of theology—grasps poignantly the his- tory of the church in its forms, because ecclesial institutions as well as theological expression show forth parallels to the history of art. Robert Nisbet has argued that sociology is an art form; like the arts, sociology has styles, landscapes, portraits.1 Ecclesiology, too, can be treated aesthetically, for a style of enclosed space (and its accompanying architectural theory, always akin to some metaphysics) explains which forms the church assumed in a par- ticular era and why. A building's control of space orders and conducts human movement through the lines made by stone, wood, glass and light. This affects liturgy, and ministry, for ar- chitecture unfolds and limits the space where human beings live: in the case of ecclesiology, the space where Christians meet, pray and worship; the space out of which they minister. Architectural space can be ministerial or sacral as it circumscribes and describes church A basilica such as Santa Sabina arranges a place for community. -
Augustinianism.Pdf
Augustinianism. This term is used to characterize philosophical, theological and political political ideas which were more or less close to those of S. Augustine of Hippo. The term came into use relatively recently, and can cover a spectrum of views: Augustinianism has never been a homogeneous movement. In particular, it is necessary to distinguish between a broad and a strict sense of the word, In the broad sense, the whole of Latin theology of the medieval and early modern period was strongly influenced by Augustine, as emerges very clearly from the Summae of the twelfth century and above all from Hugh of St Victor and from the authoritative Book of Sentences of Peter Lombard. The early generations of theologians of the mendicant orders – Hugh of St Cher, Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura of Bagnoregio – developed a close bond with Augustine, but they interpreted him in the light of neoplatonic or Aristotelian theories (for example, divine illumination of the intellect, the ‘agent intellect’, matter, rationes seminales [seminal principles]. In the strict sense one must distinguish between the following. #1. Augustinianism from the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century emerged - especially in the Franciscan School (William de la Mare) and among Augustinian Hermits (“the old Augustinian School according to Giles of Rome) - as a reaction to the widespread reception of Aristotle in the work of Thomas Aquinas, after the condemnations of 1277 at Paris and 1284 at Oxford. Consciously drawing on Augustinian on Augustinian ideas (illumination, the form of created things in the mind of God), Henry of Ghent [a member of the secular clergy] created a coherent new system of speculative theology which would provide a a basis for acute critical analysis and the new order introduced by John Duns Scotus, who substituted for illumination the idea of an intuitive grasp of the essence of things.